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JOURNAL

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OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

VOL. LXIV.

PART I. (History, Antiquities, &c.)

Nos. I to IV. — 1895 : with 29 Plates.

EDITED BY THE

j'lONOF^ARY j^HILOLOGICAL jS ECRETARY,

lt It will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of science

in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing, and send them to

the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such communications shall be long

intermitted ; and it will die away, if they shall entirely cease.” Sir Wm, Jones.

CALCUTTA :

printed at the baptist mission press,

AND PUBLISHED BY THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY, 57, PARK STREET.

1896.

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CONTENTS

OP THE

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,

Vol. LXIV, Part I. for 1895.

No. 1.

On changes in the course of the Kusi River , and the probable dangers

arising from them. — By F. A. Shillingford. (With a Map)... 1

North Indian Folk-lore about Thieves and Robbers. — By Qarat Can-

dra Mitra, corresponding Member of the Anthropological Society

of Bombay ... ... ... ... ... 25

Origin of the Baloch. — By Colonel E. Mockler, Political Agent ,

Muscat ... ... ... ... .... <30

On same rare Muhammadan Goins. — By Surgeon-Captain W. Vost.

(With two Plates) ... ... ... ... 37

Coins of the Musalman Kings of Malbar. — By Chas. J. Rodgers,

Honorary Numismatist to the Government of India. (With two

Plates) ... ... ... ... ... 49

Buddhism in Bengal since the Muhammadan Gonguest. — By Pandit

Hara Prasad £astrI, M.A. ... ... ... 55

Cri-dharma-maygala : A distant echo of the Lalita-vistara. — By

Pandit Hara Prasad Pastri, M.A. ... ... ... 65

The Dogam Mint.— By Surgeon-Captain W. Vost. (With a

Plate) ... ... ... ... ... 6J

No. 2.

Tibbat three Hundred and sixty-five years ago. — By Major H. G.

Raverty, Bombay Army. (Retired)... ... ... 82

Two copper-plate inscriptions of Kulastambha-deva, an Eastern Galu-

kya King. — By Babu Man Mohan Chakra yarti, M.A., B.L.,

Eeputy Magistrate ... ... ... ..*123

Two copper-plate inscriptions of the king Nrsimha-deva IV. of Orissa.

— By Babu Man Mohan Chakeavarti, M.A., B.L., Deputy

Magistrate ... ... ... ... ... 128

9

Contents.

IV ♦

Ancient Buddhist Statuettes and a Candella copper -jpl ate from the

Banda District. — By Vincent A. Smith, I.C.S., and William

Hoey, D. Litt., I.C.S. (With five Plates) ... ... 155

A suggestion for the second edition of Mr. Blochmann's Ain. — By

Annette S. Beveridge . ... ... 163

Notes concerning Khiva j ah Muhammad Muqlm Harawi , the father of

Nizamu-d-din Ahmad Bakhshl. — By Annette S. Beveridge ... 166

Mogul Copper Coins. — By C. J. Rodgers, Honorary Numismatist

to the Government of India. (With 12 Plates) ... ... 171

No. 3.

The Khurshld Jahan Numd of Sayyad Ilahi BaJchsh al Husainl

Angrezabddl . — By H. Beveridge, I.C.S. (Retired) ... 194

Note on some Coins of the Koch Kings. — By E. A. Gait, I.C.S.

(With Plate) ... ... ... ... ... 237

Some notes on Jaintid History. — By E. A. Gait, I.C.S. (With a

Plate) ... ... ... ... ... 242

Ancient Cedi , Matsya , and Kariisa. — By F. E. Pargiter, B.A.,

I.C.S. (With a map) ... ... ... ... 249

Description of Lhasa Cathedral , translated from the Tibetan. — By L.

A. Waddell, LL.D. (With a Plate) ... ... 259

Note on Visnupur Circular Cards. — By Hara Prasad (Jastri ... 284

No. 4.

Notes on some Ahom Coins. — By E. A. Gait, I.C.S. (With a

Plate) ... ... ... ... ... 286

Bough notes on the Grammar of the Language spoken in the Western

Punjab. — By the Rev. Trevor Bomford, M.A., C.M.S ., Multan.

(With Plates) ... ... ... ... 290

On Pronominal Suffixes in the Kagmiri Language. — By G. A. Grier¬

son, Ph.D., C.I.E. ... ... ... ... 336

On the Radical and Participial tenses of the modern Indo- Aryan

Languages. — By G. A. Grierson, Ph.D., C.I.E. ... ... 352

Notes on the Ancient Topography of the Pir Pantsal Route .• — By M. A.

Stein, Ph.D. ... ... ... ... ... 376

LIST OF PLATES

IN

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Vol., LXIV, Part I.

for 1895.

Plate I. (p. 1). Map showing the various directions of the

River Kosi.

Plate II, III. (pp. 37, 41). Rare Muhammadan Coins.

Plate IV, V. (pp. 49, 50). Coins of KiDgs of Ma‘bar.

Plate VI. (p. 69). Coins minted at Dogam.

Plate VII. (p. 156). Copper- plate grant of Paramarddi-deva.

Plate VIII. (p. 159). Statuette (No. I) of the Buddha, found at

Dhanesar Khera.

Plate IX. (p. 160). Inscriptions from Dhanesar Khera.

Plate X. (p. 161). Statuette (No. IT) of the Buddha, found at

Dhanesar Khera.

Plate XI. (p. 162). Ditto No. III.

Plate XII. (p. 172). Mogul Copper Coins.

Plate XIII. (p. 173). Ditto.

Plate XIV. (p. 175). Ditto.

Plate XV. (p. 176). Ditto.

Plate XVI. (p. 177). Ditto.

Plate XVII. (p. 178). Ditto.

Plate XVIII. (p. 179). Ditto.

Plate XIX. (p. 181). Ditto.

Plate XX. (p. 182). Ditto.

Plate XXI. (p. 183). Ditto.

Plate XXII. (p. 184). Ditto.

Plate XXIII. (p. 185). Ditto.

Plate XXIV. (pp. 237 and 242). Koch and Jaintia Coins.

Plate XXV. (p. 249). Map of Ancient India.

Plate XXVI. (p. 259). The Cathedral of Lhasa.

Plate XXVII. (p. 286). Ahem Coins.

Plate XXVIII, XXIX. (p. 331). The Western Panjabi characters

used in the Serampore version,

compared with those in modern

use.

A

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ERRATA.

238, 11. 6 and 7 from bottom, for Cr Cr, read Cri Cri.

239, „ 9 and 10 ,, Cr Cr, ,, Cri Cri,

244 and 245, for every Cr read Cri.

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*

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

— OcJoe—

Part I. — HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. I. — 1893.

On changes in the course of the Kusl River , and the probable dangers arising

from them. 1 — By F. A. Shillingford.

With a Map.

[Read, February, 1895.]

For several years past the Kusi, or Kosi, river has been attracting

much attention owing to the sudden shift of

Introduction. its main channel on the borders of Nepal

whereby a considerable volume of its flood

waters has been thrown eastwards, over tracts of country in the District of

Purneah and Dinajpur, not previously subjected to its floods, in recent

years, and it seems not improbable that some unusual change in the course

of this erratic river is likely to occur in the immediate future. The

writer having lived nearly all his life in Purneah, visitmg the banks of

the Kusi, from the Nepal mountains to its junction with the Granges,

constantly, for work, or in search of sport, has had exceptional oppor¬

tunities of watching the lesser as well as the more general changes of

that river occurring within the last 25 years. During the rainy season

of 1893, when severe floods were occurring up in the north of the District,

1 [With reference to this paper, readers are referred to the discussion recorded

in the Proceedings of the Society for Februai-y 1895, in which the propriety of

certain of the author’s conclusions as regards the physical aspect of the case are

seriously impugned. Ed.]

J. I. 1

2

F. A. Shillingford — On the Kusi River.

[No. 1,

tlie author deemed it his duty to place the crude notes he had made,

during a series of years, regarding the movements of the Kusi, and upon

which this paper is chiefly founded, before Government, so as to help

as a guide in case of danger, and if his efforts are now successful in

drawing attention to this important and interesting subject, his labors

will be amply rewarded. The theories that this paper is intended to

elucidate are: —

(1) That the main channel of the Kusi river oscillates (in its

general sense) over a vast tract of country, from the Brahmaputra to the

Gandak rivers, having practically Catra Gaddi (Chatra Gaddi of the

maps), in Nepal, as its centre, or pivot of oscillation, and that these

oscillations are repeated at long intervals of time.

(2) That the westward movement of each oscillation is slow, and

in a series of steps, each of which is attended with damage to property,

but of a temporary nature.

(3) That the eastward movement of any given oscillation will

probably be accomplished in one great swing, and will be accompanied

with loss of life and property, with remoter dangers of a serious nature.

(4) That the detritus, resulting from the sub-aerial denudation of

the Himalayas, brought down by the rivers, and thrown upon the

Indo-Gangetic Plain can be held accountable for these movements of the

Kusi and other rivers similarly situated.

The Kusi, or Kosi, called in old Sanskrit works Kau^ika, is

probably the river Cos Soanas (Sankos, in

reference^ to th “kuS* NePal) mentioned Arrian in his De Indicts

{Chap. IV.) on the authority of Megasthenes,

as being one of the navigable tributaries of the Ganges.

The Kusi debouches, or rather leaps, into the Indo-Gangetic Plain

in about Lat. 87 ° E. Long. 27 ° N. at Baralr

Chatra, below which the magnificent falls

occur, where, as is usual with all large rivers

held sacred in India, there are numerous Hindu shrines, one of the most

celebrated being that devoted to Mahamaya, situated just above the

falls, which occur between Catra Gaddi, to which boats can go up, and

Barah Chatra, about 5 miles higher up, the latter named after the

Varaha, or Boar Avatar of Yisnu, to whose shrine here pilgrimages

are made. For some miles below Catra Gaddi, undulating country, in¬

terspersed with alluvial tracts, is to be met with, until the Belkar Range

of hills (marked incorrectly the Sooroongah Hills in Survey Maps of

1840-47) is passed, about 20 miles below the falls, and then the wide

alluvial plains may be said to begin.

Above Barali Chatra the main stream of the Kusi is called the*

Falls of the Kusi at

Catra.

3

1895.] F. A. Shillingford — On the Kusi River.

San Kusl, or Sankos, i.e ., united Kusi, which runs nearly East and

West, and into this the other six rivers consti-

. The Sapta Kaucika. tuting the Sapta Kaueikd of Sanskrit works,

flow in as tributaries from the North. These

are, beginning from the East (1) the Tambar, or Tamra ; (2) the

Aran, or Eran ; (3) the Dudh Kusl ; (4) the Likhu Kosi ; (5) the Tamba

Kusi; (6) the Bhotia Kosi. According to the most recent maps, the

Tambar, called in its higher reaches the Kambachen, drains the western

slopes of the snow-covered portion of the Kanchinjinga (28,176 ft.) spur,

containing the high peaks of Janu, 25,304 ft., and Kabru 24,015 ft., and

has its source in the snowy peaks of Chutangla, in the main ridge of the

Himalayas, whose southern drainage it also receives from the Kanglachin,

and the neighbourhood of the Tipta-la Passes. The Aran drains the

eastern and northern slopes of Everest, 29,002 ft., and its attendant

snowy peaks, and piercing the main chain of the mountains takes

its rise in the further snows of Tibet ; both these tributaries meet the

San Kusl just above Barah Chatra. The Dudh, Likhu, and Tamba

Kusis carry down the drainage of the southern face of the Everest and

Chumlang (24,020 ft.) blocks of snows, whilst the Bhotia Kusi penetrates

the main range, and rises in Tibet, draining the eastern slopes of the

Gosainthan, 26,305 ft., and Dyabang, 23,762 ft. The San Kusl itself

has its source on the southern face of Dyabang, beyond Katmandu.

Standing near any one of the rest-houses on the great Singallla range,

the most elevated spur thrown out southward from the main range,

in this portion of the Himalayas, the crest of which forms a portion of

the western boundary of British Sikhim, and looking westwards and

northwards, one cannot help being struck with the vast extent of the

work of denudation performed by the Sapta Kusl, in carving out the

huge valleys and rugged gorges which stretch in a series of stupendous

waves as far as the eye can reach, over a region of mountainous country,

extending from Kanchinjinga to beyond Katmandu, and from the allu¬

vial plains of Bengal to the further chain of the Himalayas, forming

the southern watershed of the Brahmaputra, — a tract of country 200

miles long by 150 miles wide, containing the two highest mountain

peaks in the world, with their attendant masses of perpetual snow.

Thus the Kusl drains a larger tract of the Himalayas and delivers a

greater volume of water as it debouches into the plains than any other

stream on the southern slopes of the Himalayas, between the Brahmaputra

and the Pan jab rivers.

The Singallla spur, as continued from the main range through

Watershed between Kanchinjinga, Kabru, Singallla, Phalut,

the G-anges and Brail- Tonglu, Goom, Senchal, Mahalderam, and

maputra, in Bengal. ending at Sivok, on the Tista. forms in Bengal,

4

F. A. Shill ingford — On the Knsi. River.

[No. 1,

at the present time the watershed between the Ganges and the Brahma¬

putra, and Mr. Mallet in his Memoir, “ On the Geology of the Darjee¬

ling District,” 1 2 * remarks, “ the Mahanuddy and the Teesta flow into the

plains in the debateable ground where, under sub-deltaic conditions, a

constant struggle is going on between the Ganges and the Brahmaputra

as they approach each other from the West and from the East, across

the great plain to the south of the mountains, early in the century the

Teesta was a tributary of the Ganges.” 8

Before proceeding further it is necessary to preface future remarks

by rather long extracts from the writings of previous observers, so far as

they can be ascertained, on the changes in the course of the Kusl.

Dr. Buchanan Hamilton, who visited Purneah (1807-J1) says,5 “I

Dr. B. Hamilton’s have already mentioned a tradition which states

views. that the Kusi, on reaching the plains instead

of running almost directly south to join the Ganges, as it does at

present, formerly proceeded from Catra to the eastward, and joined the

Ganges far below, and many old channels are still shewn by the popu¬

lace as having been formerly occupied by its immense stream, and are

still called Burht , the old, or Mara , the dead Kosl. The change

seems to have been very gradual and to be in a measure still going

on.” Further on he says, that “ the Pandits inhabiting its banks

allege that in times of remote antiquity the Kusi passed south¬

ward by where Tajpur is now situated, and from thence towards the

east until it joined the Brahmaputra, having no communication with the

Ganges;” and lower down he states, “ the opinion seems highly probable,

I think it not unlikely, that the great lakes North and East from Maldah

are remains of the Kusi united to the Mabananda, and that on the junc¬

tion of the former river with the Ganges the united mass of water opened

up the passage now called the Padma, and the old channel of the Bha-

girathi from Songti to Nadiya was then left comparatively dry.”

Mr. James Fergusson, F. R. S. 4 says, “ The first river to feel the

Mr. Fergusson’s effect of the tilting backward of the plane of

views. the Ganges by the elevation of the land at

Rajmehal was the Coosy, as the nearest to the delta, the consequence

is that when Rennell surveyed Purneah, he saw and recorded in his

1 Memoir Geo. Survey India, Yol. XI, Part 1. 1874.

2 This is a mistake, the Tista deserted the Ganges and joined the Brahmaputra,

as is well known, in August 1787.

8 Eastern India (from MSS. of Dr. Buchanan Hamilton) : by R. Montgomery

Martin, Yol. Ill, page 15.

4 On recent changes in the Delta of the Ganges. Quar. Jour. Geo. Soc., London,

Yol. XIX, 1863.

1895.]

F. A. Shillingford — On the Kusi River.

Memoir in the Philosophical Transactions (Yol. LXXI, p. 87) as well

as in his letters that, the Coosy had at no distant date flowed past

the station of Purneah and joined the Ganges 45 miles further down

than its present junction. ” Then he quotes the extract from Bucha¬

nan Hamilton given above, about its being highly probable that the

Kusi went away eastward to join the Brahmaputra, and adds, “ Indeed

an attentive study of the successive changes that have taken place

renders this almost certain, and it is probable that the Oorasagar is the

mouth by which the combined waters of the Coosy, the Mahanuddee

and the Atree were originally discharged into the Assam river, ” i.e.,

the present Brahmaputra.

JDr. W. W. Hunter in his statistical account of Bengal 1 writes :

Dr. W. Hunter’s ** The Kusi is remarkable for the rapidity of

views. its stream, the dangerous and uncertain nature

of its bed, and chiefly for its constant westerly movement ; ” and fur¬

ther on he explains this westerly movement by saying, “ Within

historical times, that is, from the beginning of the eighteenth century,

we have evidence that this river (the Kusi) passed below the town of

Purneah and then due south to the Ganges. It has since then worked

across 25 miles of country till at present it forms the western boundary

of the District * * * where the original bed of the Kosi was, it is

impossible to state. ” Then referring to Dr. Buchanan Hamilton’s

theory of the eastward channel of the Kusi quoted above, he says,

“Dr. Buchanan’s suggestion of the union with the Brahmaputra seems

less improbable than other parts of his theory. The course of the

Brahmaputra appears in early days to have run far to the East of

Karatoya a large ^he district Maimansingh. The Kusi also

river in early Hindu in its eastward course would first meet the

times. Karatoya, then a vast river having the

Atrai and Tista for its affluents. In my account of the district of

Bogra, I have mentioned the very great importance of this river

during early Hindu times, both on account of its great volume and

its sanctity, and I have stated that it marks an ethnical frontier

clearly defined to the present day. If we assume that the Kusi and

the Mahananda formerly joined the Karatoya, we have at once an ex¬

planation of the great size the latter river once undoubtedly had, and

we shall also be able to account for the process by which the great

sandy plain was built up between the Barendra of Rajshahi and the

Madhupur jungle of Maimansingh, through which the Brahmaputra

made its way at the beginning of this century. The ethnical frontier

1 Statistical account of Bengal, Purneah, 1877.

6

F. A. Shillingford — On the Kusi River.

[No. 1,

which begins to be uncertain in Dinajpur District will be completed

Marks an ethnical by adopting the above course for the Kusi.

frontier. On the left bank we shall have the Koch

#

peoples still found in such numbers in the Kissengunge Subdivision of

Purneah District and in the North of Dinajpur, on the same side

of the river would be the kingdoms of Kirat, Kichak, and Kamrup.

The presence of a great river in the South of Dinajpur would also

Probably formed a account for the success with which the Ruler

barrier to Muham- or Hakim, as he was called, of that country

madan conquest. resisted the arms of the Musalman sovereigns

of Gaur. The ancient name of the Kusi and the one by which it is

still known in Sanscrit books is Kau^ika. It is interesting to

Probable direction observe that a river nymph of this name is

of the Kusi, about known if not worshipped on the banks of

A. D. 1600. the Karatoya. The bed of the river about

three or four centuries ago seems to be marked by the line which

divides the parganas which down to the present day, preserve their

agricultural records under the Bengali or Fasli or Bihar! eras. It is well

known that these systems of computation of time are founded on the

Musalman Calendar, and like it date from the Hijra or flight of Muham¬

mad from Mecca. These systems came generally in use into the present

District of Purneah about A. D. 1600. If the supposition be correct

that the Kusi formed the boundary between the tracts in which they

were in use then, the course of that river passed East of the town of

Purneah and through the Police division of Maniharl, before it fell into

the Ganges.”

In addition to the above supposed (though highly probable) courses

of the Kusi indicated by Drs. Buchanan Hamil-

Va-rious beds of the ^on an(j ^ W. Hunter, we have the follow-

Kusi. . .

mg authentic channels of former Kusls

known in history or in modern times, viz ., beginning from the east¬

ernmost.

(1. ) The Kali or KarI Kus! known in its upper reaches as the Kamla

and in Nepal as the Kajli or Kajrl flowing

about a mile to the west of the Civil Station

of Purneah. The name Kali (black or dark) as applied to this river is

from the curious fact that this is the only one of the abandoned chan¬

nels of the Kusi which carried dark limpid waters until 1889, when an

inrush of muddy water came into it and gave rise to enquiries being

made as to its cause, which has led up to the recent orders of Govern¬

ment to have the country surveyed. The clearness of its waters is

conspicuous also in Nepal causing moss-like water weeds (Kajli) to grow

The Kali Kusi.

1895.]

F. A. Sliillingford — On the Kusl River.

7

in the rocks and boulders in its stream, hence its name Kajli or Kajri

in the North, the natives, as noticed by Dr. B. Hamilton, being unable

to distinguish between the sound of the letters l and r. This was the

main Kusi in 1731, forming at that time the western boundary of the

district and in that year, according to Hunter, Nawab Saif Khan, of

Purneah, crossed the Kusl and by gaining the battle of Blrnagar over

Blr Shah of that place, acquired the parganas of Dharampur, Gorari,

Nathpur and Dhapahar and added them to Purneah, and it is along the

eastern boundaries of these very parganas that this river at pre¬

sent flows. This Kusl probably joined the Ganges near Maniharl at

that time, to the East of Bhawanipur, the last village in the south-east

corner of Dharampur, though an older bed still existing joined the

Kalindri at Hayatpur in Maldah.

(2.) The Dhamdaha Kus! known higher up as the Pheriani and

The Dhamdaha a branch of it as the Binania, this is des-

Kusi, 1807-11. cribed and shown in his map as the main

Kusi by Dr. B. Hamilton in 1807-11. It flowed between Debiganj

station on the A. B. S. R. and Nathpur, and to the East of Dhamdaha

Thana and joined the Ganges near Karagola. Between the Kali and

Dhamdaha Kusls there is another well defined channel called in its

upper reaches the Livarl, and lower down the Barandi, which must have

been occupied by the main Kusi waters between the years 1731 and

1807, but no records can be found of the exact years.

(3) . The Hiran main Kusi of the Revenue Survey Maps of 1840-47

The Hiran Kusi, flowed to the West of Dhamdaha Thana,

1840-47. and about the year 1870 began to throw off

branches into the Daus swamps which became the main Kusi in 1873,

and flowed into the Ganges opposite Patharghatta.

(4) . The Daus the main Kusi from 1873 to 1893. In the Survey

The Daus Kusi Maps of 1840-47 the Daus swamps in places

1873-93. show an outline similar to the abandoned bed

of the Dhamdaha Kusi shown to the eastward, and marked the “old

bed of the Kusi. ” This Kusi flowed into the Ghagri river.

(5.) The Loran, into which the Kusi began to throw in offshoots

in 1893 , has become the main Kusi since 1893

sinc^l89>3fan '^‘US^ (inclusive), and still carries the bulk of its

waters.

It is important to bear in mind that the name “ Kusi ” is applied

generally to any river that may carry the bulk of its waters for the

time being ; but locally, the original river, which it has adopted as its

course, still retains its name, such as Hiran, Daus, Loran, &c.

Other Rivers in North Bhagalpur, which show signs of having been

8

F. A. Shillingford — On the Kusi River.

[No. 1,

large rivers formerly, and which have their sources (except Talaba)

Other Rivers in N. in the neighbourhood of the detrital talus,

Bhagalpur, probably ^ debouchure of the Kusi into the plains,

former beds of the 1 r _ *

Kusi. and whose courses, m their upper reaches

have a westerly direction away from the banks of the Kusi, are, begin¬

ning from the East : —

(1.) The Parman, or Parwan.

(2.) The Talaba.

(3.) The Dimra.

(4.) The Tiljuga.

All of these rivers have probably been, at one time or another, the bed

of the main Kusi, but whether they will be occupied again it is difficult

to form an opinion. The detritus brought down by other rivers tends

to raise the country by degrees, and each successive oscillation of the

Kusi, if not controlled by artificial means, would probably have a limit

farther to the Eastward.

Thus, we have the main waters of the Kusi, moving from the Kali

Kusi into the Dhamdaha Kusi, between the years 1731 to 1807, and

then into the Hiran — an adjoining stream — between 1811 and 1840, and

further, we have the Kusi waters occupying the Hiran for over 33 years,

and the Daus for exactly 20 years. As the Kusi, in its march west¬

ward, is traversing a higher lay of country in each successive shift, it

appears probable that the duration of the occupation of each new

channel to the west, will go on diminishing, and that, from analogy,

we may infer that when the Easternmost Channel is re-opened, or re¬

occupied, it will hold the Kusi waters for some considerable length of

time.

With regard to historical allusions to a probable Eastern Channel

_ , , , ^ . of the Kusi we have the Chinese pilgrim,

cal allusions to the Hiuen lsiang, on his way to Kamarupa (about

Kusi, an Eastward A. D., 638), crossing a great river, which

Channel. General Cunningham (Ancient Geography

of India, I. 1871, page 501) infers was the Tista, which is hardly a great

river, nor is it likely to have been such in past times, looking at its

restricted mountain drainage. Then the early Muhammadan Sultans

of Bengal encountered a large river in their expeditions against Kam-

rup and Bhutan, in the first half of the 13th Century, 1 and Husain

Shah (1499-1520) also had to cross a large river on his way from Gaur

to Kamrup. Dr. Hunter in his statistical account of Bogra, says, “ Tra¬

dition, and the present condition of this District, and of Pabna and

Rangpur, to the south and north, show that a great river did once flow

1 Stewart’s History of Bengal, 1813. Pages 46-66, Ut<j.

1895.]

9

F. A. Shillingford — On the Kusi River.

in or near the present bed of the Karatoya, a river of such size that it

gained a reputation for holiness, as we learn from the Puranas , scarcely

second to the Ganges. To this day, the natives who live on the banks

of the Karatoya, say that their river is the old Brahmaputra. In M.

Van den Brouck’s Map of Bengal, which dates from about 1660, the

Karatoya is distinctly marked as a very great river, and as connected

with the Brahmaputra.” The theory about the Karatoya being an old

bed of the Brahmaputra could only apply to its lower reaches, and the

evidence about its great sanctity, in ancient times, is not borne out by

the present reputation of the latter river. The Kusi, or Kau^ika, is,

on the other hand, invoked and worshipped by all Hindus, especially

those of Central Bengal, to this day.

In support of the theory advanced by Dr. Hunter, that the Kusi

Dr Hunter’s Kusi of remo^e fdnes broke away eastward, in part,

remote times marked along the present bed of the Parwan, or

by areas of iron slag. Panar (this river has a variety of names in

different parts of its course), through the marshes of South Dinaj-

pur to join the Brahmaputra, we have the occurrence of large quantities

of iron slag lying in patches, mostly along banks of rivers, all to the

northward of this very ideal line the river is surmised to have taken,

as far, at all events, as Tajpur Pargana. Hear Forbesgahj Station, of

the A.-B. S. R., several miles of the line is ballasted with iron slag

obtained from near the banks of the Parwan. Again ; from a point (43rd

mile-post) a little north of where this river crosses the Ganges and

Darjiling road, for about 50 miles north- ward, that road is metalled

with iron slag found locally; and again, where the Dinajpur section of

the A.-B. S. R. passes through Pargana Tajpur, we find the line

ballasted with the same iron slag from Raiganj to Radhikapur.

This iron slag abounds in many localities in the District, forming

mounds in places, and being covered up with earth in others, but occur-

ing only to the north of this ideal line. No indigenous iron ore being

found in the District, it seems tolerably certain that it was brought

down from the Nepal mountains along such rivers as were convenient

for the purpose, and appearances indicate that, probably, there was a

barrier beyond which the traffic did not extend, or else all traces of slag

from these regions have been swrept away or covered up. It seems not

unnatural to suppose that such a barrier was a large river into which

flowed the streams which brought down the iron-stone, in addition to

that carried down its own channel, and that the hill men, who were

probably the smelters, confined their operations to the safer side of the

river. Then, when the Kusi flowed here, it -would be in the palmy days

of Gaur, whose demands for arms and ironware might have originated

J. i. 2

10

F. A. Shillingford — On the Kusi River.

[No. 1,

and maintained these iron-works, which, there is evidence to show, were

carried on, on an extensive scale.

As far as I can follow Dr. Hunter, tlie original course of the River

as suggested by him, agrees in the main with that indicated by Dr,

Hamilton as far as Tajpur Pargana, but from this point the former

takes it along a more northerly course into the Kiaratoya, whilst the

latter takes it farther south into the marshes north and east of Maldak

Station (the District did not exist in those days), and thence away to

the Brahmaputra. Dr. Hunter’s theory seems the more likely of the two,

as being based on some evidence and it will be shown lower that these

“ great lakes, north and east of Maldah,” were probably formed by a

subsequent movement of the Kush

Mr. Fergusson, as we have seen, considers the ancient Eastern Kus!

„ , to have discharged its waters through the

Mr. Ferguson’s . & °

Eastern Kusi. rivers Atrai and Urasagar, into the Brahma¬

putra.

The next bed of the Kusi, and probably there were other channels

. __ . occupied between this and the hypothetical

Dr. Hunter’s Kusi . , , ., , ^

of about A- D. 1600. course just described, suggested by Dr. Hunter,

is supported by the evidence of the distinctive

Bengali and Bihar! eras, whose line of division at the time of introduction

would most probably be carried along a natural boundary such as a

large river. There are numerous large and deep Jhils , or extensive

pools along this tract of country which seem the work of a large river.

This hypothetical course of the Kus! would also throw light on a point

on which there has been much speculation and controversy, viz., the

causes of the abandonment of Gaur to which here I can only casually

refer. This Kusi would pass through the Kalindri, a deep and wide

channel still known as the Mara Kusi, and would strike direct against

the northern suburbs of Gaur, and we see numerous embankments to

the north and east of this ancient city meant to keep oif the floods.

Abu-1- Fazl, in his Ain-i-Akbari, alluding to the vast swamp to the East

of the city says, “Were the dam that confines it to break, the city

would be under water.” The flourishing capital of a large kingdom could

not originally have been built in a swamp. As a matter of fact it is

built on a ridge of yellow clays, with Karjkar here and there, which

probably forms the outcrop of some of the infra-trappean beds of the

Rajmahal hills, and can be traced from Maniharl, through Gaur, and

thence through the Borine of Raj shah! towards Maimansingh. With

^ ~ XT, • the Kus! flowing to the north and east,

probable cause of in- and the Ganges washing its western walls,

salubrity of Guay. it is easy to understand how the city became

1395.] E. A. Shillingford — On the Kusl Ewer. 11

pestilential and uninhabitable. Gaur was finally abandoned in favor of

Rajmahal as the seat of Government in 1592, or about the time the Kusi

is supposed to have flowed along this channel and the numerous

marshes near Maldah would form a necessary concomitant to the Kusl

in this position.

Returning now to where the Kusi leaves the Mountains, we see that,

Raised ground asa resu^ ^s extensive mountain drainage,

round debouchure of a vast quantity of detritus is thrown out into

Kusi into plains. the piains below Catra and keeps constantly

increasing and raising the detrital talus, or minature plateau, formed

round its debouchure from the mountains, and along this plateau the

Kusi waters run with great velocity and at a high level, as compared

with the surrounding plains. The Railway Surveys of the Assam-Behar

section of the E. B, S. R., and the Bengal North-Western Railway, which

are connected by a ferry across the Kusi, about 5 miles below the Nepal

frontier, show that from Acra ( vulgo Achra) Ghat, on the east bank of the

Kusi to Forbesganj Station, a distance of 14 miles by the line in a South-

Easterly direction, there is a fall in the surface of the ground of 29 feet

and from Khanwa Ghat, on the right bank of the Kusi, to Nirmali — across

the Bir Bandh — a distance by rail of 32 miles in a slight South-Westerly

direction there is a fall in the surface of the ground of 46 feet. A careful

survey, with levels recorded, made by the P. W. D. in 1890-91, shows (1)

that the fall along the left bank of the Kusi from Acra Ghat to the

village of Pitlioria, a distance in a straight line of about 10 miles, is

29-33 feet ; (2) that the high banks of the Kajri, or Kali Kusi, or main

Kusi of 1731, which flows about 10 miles to the east of Acra Ghat is

some 10 feet below the level of the bottom or bed of the present Kusi ;

and (3) that Debiganj Station, on the left bank of the Kusi of 1807-10

is about 5 feet below the level of the bed of the present Kusi, lower

ground intervening between these two rivers.

Captain Jeffreys, in his report on the Gandak Canal, remarks “ In

Bihar it is characteristic of all rivers north of the Ganges that they run

on ridges of high ground.” The Kusi is so conspicuous in this respect, at

Banks of Kusi form- the present time, that it admits of no affluents

ing a water-shed in ^he plains, in fact, its banks form, as it

were a water-shed between the rivers of the Districts of Purneah

and North Bliagalpur near whose line of division the Kusi at present

flows during a good portion of its course in the plains. All the rivers

in the South-Western half of 'Purneah, taking their rise from the

eastern slopes, and those in North Bhagalpur, mostly from the western

slopes of the main Kusi banks ; and it is worthy of notice that all

the mountain water the Ganges receives through the various tributaries

12

P. A. Shillingford — On the Kusi Biver.

[No. 1,

Channel of the Kusi

at the foot of the hills.

flowing into it within the limits of Purneah District has previously

passed through the Kusi. It seems extremely probable that all the

rivers in both the above districts having their sources in the Kusi slopes

have at one time or another formed the main stream of that river.

We have seen that it has occupied all the Purneah rivers as above

restricted, save the easternmost, i.e., the Panar or Parwan, as it is

called in the north and it is significant that this river also in its short

course in Nepalese territory is called the Burlii Kusi i. e., the old or

mother Kusi, and it is through this channel that Dr. Buchanan Hamilton

conjectures that the Kusi broke away eastwards towards the Brahma-

pntra ; but he also mentions, as being told by a gentleman, who had

A possible Eastern repeatedly visited the spot, that a dry stony -

bedded stream flowed away eastward from

below the third Cataract at Catra, and

4t alleged by the people of the vicinity to be the original channel of the

river.” This stream might be the one referred to by Dr. W, Hunter as

entering the District where the Bakia now does break away eastwards.

If such a former channel still exists it may possibly be found, if search

were made, in the sandy plains containing antelope (antelope cervicapra)

occurring to the North-east of Simraha, in Nepal, or the channel might

be only a partial deflection of the stream as, indeed, Dr. Hamilton’s

description would lead one to infer that the “ original channel ” al¬

luded to, had, in his opinion, its exit from Nepalese territory through

the Burlii or Panar river. The bed of the Kusi, from its high bank to

high bank near the Belkar Hills, is some 8 miles wide, containing nu¬

merous islands which have been formed by running and abandoned

streams intersecting one another, and the maximum rise of the river

Width and maxi- in these Parts ia onI7 about 8 feet dnriu£

mum rise of Kusi rains ; whilst the Ganges rises 30 feet where

near Nepal fiontier. the Kusi joins it. The distance from the

Belkar Hills to the Ganges in a straight line is about 100 miles, and the

fall in level along the river (Kusi) about 200 feet in this distance.

Here then, I think, we have a probable solu-

'W^'Stwuvci advDnice Ii°n to the problem of this westward advance

of the Kusi. Rivers do not originate along

“ ridges of high ground ” but by annual deposits on their shores during

flood-time, and blown sand, raise their banks, and their beds keep rising-

in unison, the accumulations of sand in their beds first beginning in

their lower reaches where, owing to distribution, their currents get

slack. The Kusi in its most eastward course would be controlled by

the detrital slope along the foot of the Himalayas which would give

the initial direction to the course of the river in its endeavour to reach

1895.]

F. A. Shillingford — On the Kusi River.

13

the ocean by the shortest route, and then each affluent from the northern

mountains would tend to deflect her course farther and farther to

the south. In this position the usual detrital accumulations would go

on lifting the river above the surrounding country, until the ever in¬

creasing force of the current of overflow of its spill- waters, due to its

constant elevation, would ultimately break — during heavy rain or un¬

usually high freshets — a new channel for the river into the lower coun¬

try which would naturally be in a direction away from the mountains

whose own detrital slopes are ever on the increase. This new channel

would undergo the same filling up process, and when the next shift took

place the raised banks of the channel just previously deserted, would

form a sort of barrier against the immediate return of the river in that

direction, and a farther deflection away from the mountains would take

place, and this “ constant westerly movement ” would go on until the

limit was reached and further westward movement checked by the

general slope seaward of the great Gfangetic Plain. The Kusi has

never been known to return eastwards to any of its deserted channels,

but has been steadily advancing westward, the successive leaps forming

as it were a series of terraces with the slope facing East. Denudations

and the products of denudation have tended towards levelling off the

former “ ridges ” along which the main waters of the river were

carried along. That the Kusi must again come eastwards will be

apparent to any one who gives the matter a moment’s consideration.

We know the Kusi has moved westward through a space of about 60

miles, measured along the Ganges, since 1731, and that it cannot go up

country much further. The summer level of the Ganges at Monghyr,

to the North of which the Kusi flows at present,

is 101 '83 feet above mean sea level, whilst

at Sahibganj opposite to which the Kusi of

1731 discharged its waters the summer level of the surface of the

Ganges is only 68 feet above mean sea level. It is apparent that this

“ constant westerly movement ” is not taking place for the special

benefit of our Government, but must have been repeated over and over

again in past geological ages since the upheaval of the Himalayas and

the gradual formation of the Indo-gangetic Plain, and when the eastward

movement is again accomplished, it may be in the power of distant

generations to repeat that the Kusi is remarkable for its “ constant

westerly movement.” As to the time and manner of its going eastward

again, it is difficult and hazardous to form an opinion. Fergusson,

referring to the period when he considers the combined Kusi, Mahanan-

da, and Atrai flowed through the Urasagar, says, 1 “ Were it possible, it

1 Quar. Jour. Geo. Soc., page 245.

Gradient of

Ganges surface

the

14

F. A. Shillingford — On the Kusl River.

[No. 1,

would be extremely interesting to know when this was the case *** that

this should have occurred within the very limited range of the traditions

of Lower Bengal induces me to suppose that the beginning of the Chris¬

tian era is the highest antiquity that can be ascribed to such a state

of things. It may be much later.” If the Bir Bandh, to be next

described, is the limit of a former westward advance of the Kusl, then

another limit has again been nearly reached, as we have only the rivers

Parman and Talaba in Bhagalpur as possible future streams, the sources

of the Dimraand Tiljuga being cut off from the Kusl by the Bir Bandh.

It is, however, possible for this embankment to be cut away by erosion

of the right bank of the Kusi, north of where the B. N. W. R. line

passes through it, but the current would have to cut through several

miles of forest country before accomplishing this. The Kusl floods

already find their way into the lower reaches of the Parman.

In North Bhagalpur there is an extensive embankment of earth in

places some 20 to 30 feet high, called the

Bir Bandh. Bir extending from the foot of the

Belkar or outer range of hills in Nepal southwards into Bhagalpur

District, about 50 miles in length, it runs nearly parallel with the

present course of the Kusi which approaches it towards its southern

end. Dr. Buchanan Hamilton and others considered it to be a fortifica¬

tion, a theory shown by Dr. Hunter to be highly improbable, but it

may possibly be a dyke to prevent Kusi overflows from flooding the

lower country to the west and carving out fresh channels. It shows

signs of having been cut up and partly washed away in its lower course

by river action, which may have been done by the Kusi during a former

westward advance. Dr. Buchanan Hamilton conjectures that this

earth-work was constructed by Laksmana II, about the close of the 12th

century, the only reasons assigned for the supposition being that

tradition stated it to have been built by a Laksmana and “ as the works

were never completed and have the appearance of having been suddenly

deserted, it is probable that they were erected by Laksmana the second,

who in the year 1207, was subdued and expelled from Nadiya by the

Moslems.” Probably he refers to the detached portions at its southern

end, cut away by river action, when alluding to its incomplete and

abandoned appearance. This extensive embankment cuts off the sources

of the Dimra and Tiljuga rivers from the Kusi, and intercepts all

flood- waters of the latter river from entering the channels.

As to the manner in which the change will take place we have the

Probable return of analogy of the behaviour of the Tista river,

the Kusi ^ to its east- under apparently similar conditions, to be next

described. From the general aspects of the

ernmost alignment.

1895.]

F. A. Shillingford — On the Kusi River.

15

gradients in the Kusi sub-delta, and the inference to be drawn from the

straightening of the Tista, it would appear probable that the Kusi, after

reaching its westernmost limit, will go back to near the easternmost of

its abandoned channels, and then begin the work of moving westwards

all over again. In fact since these notes were taken, the Kusi, during

the rains of 1893, made a great demonstration of going eastwards and

threw such a considerable volume of water from below the village of

Babbia into the Burhi river, that a considerable tract of country on both

its sides was flooded and covered up in places with 6 to 8 feet of sand,

and the large villages of Harinagra, and Diwanganj, in Nepal, on the

right bank of the Burhi stream, were silted up and had to be deserted.

The Tista river is known to have flowed through the Karatoya, and

to the East of this latter river there are other

beds known as the mara or dead Tista. In

Major Rennel’s Bengal Atlas, published in

1781, the Tista is shown running far to the west of the Karatoya, i. e., in

the Atrai river, and flowing into the Padma or Granges. This seems to

have been the westernmost limit of the Tista, though in remoter times it

Return of the Tista

to its easternmost

abandoned channel.

may have flowed through the Dhipa and Purnabaha in Dinajpur, for

in 1787, quoting from the Rangpur Collectorate records, Dr. Hunter in his

account of that District says, “ The Tista, at all times an erratic river,

had for long rolled its main stream through the western part of Rangpur

and through Dinajpur till it mingled its w'aters with the Atrai and

other streams, and finally made its way into the Padma or Ganges.

At the same time it threw off a small branch in the northern part of

Rangpur which found its way by a circuitous course past Ulipur to the

main stream of the Brahmaputra, a little farther north than the place

where the waters of the Ghaghat found an exit into the same river.

Suddenly the main branch of the Tista swelled by incessant rains, swept

down from the hills such vast masses of sand as to form a bar in its

course, and bursting its banks the Tista forced its way into the Ghaghat.

The channel of this latter stream was utterly inadequate to carry off

this vast accession to its waters ; the waters of the Tista accordingly

spread itself over the whole District causing immense destruction to life

and property, until it succeeded in cutting for itself a new and capacious

channel through which the river now flows. This great inundation

occurred on the 27th August 1787, and on the 2nd September, the

Collector reported to the Board of Revenue that, “ Multitudes of men,

women, children and cattle have perished in the floods, and in many

places whole villages have been so completely swept away as not to

leave the smallest trace whereby to determine that the ground had been

occupied.” These calamities culminated in a famine. Collections of

16

F. A. Shillingford — On the Kusl River.

[No. 1,

revenue were suspended for a period of two months, and provision was

made for feeding the starving poor who were daily flocking into the

town. “ Upwards of 6,000 poor were, at this time, in receipt of daily

rations of rice at the Civil Station *** It was estimated that in the

course of this disastrous year, Rangpur District lost one-sixth of its

inhabitants. In pargana Panga, half the population were gone.”

Fergusson, alluding to this new course adopted by the Tista, says,

“ The curious part of the matter is that looking into RenneTs original

M. S. Surveys, a chain of ponds is marked in this direction as the old

bed of the Tista,” too insignificant to be marked in his Atlas, but at

their junction with the Brahmaputra he does mark ‘ Teesta Creek.’ To

those who know how permanent the names of rivers are, this is proof

positive that the river once before flowed in this direction, but unfor¬

tunately we have no knowledge when it deserted this bed and became a

confluent of the Atrai.”

Thus a comparatively small river, whose mountain drainage is con¬

fined to a portion of Sikhim, has proved capable

Changes in the of dealing destruction over a large tract of

Course of the Huang- country in its eastward return ; and the Tista

is not singular in this respect, there being

rivers in other countries which are reported to carry destruction with

their movements. Thus Mr. Woodville Rockliiil, the American Central

Asian traveller, writing in the Century Magazine says, “ On the banks

of the Huang-ho, a little to the west of where I crossed it, comes yearly

an official to sacrifice in the name of the Emperor to the river god, that

he may spare the country through which it flows and not visit it

with death-dealing floods * * * Evidently little faith is placed

in this mode of restraining the fury and vagaries of the great river

which within the historical period has four times changed its lower

course and yearly breaks through the immense levees along its banks.

The most recent change was in 1887, when it swept over more than a

hundred thousand square miles of country in the Provinces of Honan

and An-hui, obliterating innumerable towns and villages, and dealing

death to hundreds of thousands (report says millions) of people.”

Now if we return to the Kusi and examine all its abandoned channels

Channels inade¬

quate for carrying

main Kusi waters.

lying to the east of its present course, we

can see that not one of them, except perhaps

the one last deserted, is capable of containing

a fraction of the waters brought down by the main river, and extensive

and severe floods are sure to occur along whichever ‘channel it adopts in

its retreat back towards the sea. With an eastward direction of flow,

as indicated by Drs. Hamilton and Hunter, it would intercept and absorb

1895.]

F. A. Shillingford — On the Kusl River .

17

the waters of all hill streams that at present drain into the Mahananda

which river itself when it came to deal with the raised banks of the new

Kusl would probably break away and join the latter river farther to

the south-eastward, through one of those rivers starting from the neigh¬

bourhood of its left bank which have in former times, probably, formed

the bed of its main stream. In this connection Mr. Fergusson, alluding

to the westward advance of the Kusl, remarks : 1 “It shows a great ten¬

dency to go farther in this direction, in fact, to imitate the example of its

old confluent the Mahanuddee, which forms a circle extending 35 miles

to the westward of the straight line in which we may reasonably sup¬

pose it reached the Ganges at no very distant date. ” The Mahanadi

appears to have now reached its farthest westward limit and with minor

local deflections has been practically stationary in its present course

within the memory of the present generation, and the eastward

movement will probably be into its easternmost supposed channel, the

Tanghan river, or possibly further east. Thus the Kusl in its new

course would go on increasing in dimensions and in force and would

form in the neighbourhood of the Brahmaputra an immense river.

On approaching the banks of a newly-adopted channel of the Kusl,

when it has been established for a few years,

m?TOmtentseweSstwarbI its vicinitJ ean at once be suspected by seeing

forests of large trees, which had formerly

been growing on the highest class of lands, their stems silted up to their

forking branches, gradually dying oif, and the whole country covered

with sand or clay deposits as the current has been swift or slack,

and most of the higher arable lands converted into jungles of tall

saccharum grasses and tamarisk ( Tamarisk indica). On the other

hand, a broad belt on either side of a recently deserted channel is

rendered conspicuous by the absence of all large trees except occurring

as an oasis, spared here and there, dotting the prairie of waving grasses.

When Dr. Buchanan Hamilton visited Purneah in 1807, Dhamdaha

Thana was one of the most populous and prosperous divisions of the

District to the west of, and almost untouched by, the Kusi, whilst

Gondwara Thana to the east, recently overrun by its ravages, had wild

elephants roaming in its jungles. At the present time the former is

just recovering from the state of being more or less a treeless tiger

jungle, and the latter is the most cultivated and wooded of the three

parganas of the Maharaja of Darbhanga’s zamindari of Dharampur,

the exploiting ground of the Kusl in Purneah for the past century.

Captain Jeffreys in his report on the Gandak canals, referring to rivers

in Bihar north of the Ganges as quoted in Dr. Hunter’s “ Bhagulpur,”

says, “ Between two adjacent rivers .there will be found a shallow

J. i. 3

18

F. A. Shillingford — On the Kusi River.

[No. 1,

Rate of silt accu

mulation.

depression consisting of a series of caurs, or low lands, leading into one

another.” This is the case with all the abandoned courses of the Kusi

and it is these very shallow depressions, or caurs , which the Kusi works

into and carves out new channels on a return to the locality. In the case

of the Hiran, or main Kusi, of the surveys of

1840-47 its channel is now nearly obliterated ;

its former course in places being marked by a

high ridge, and when the Kusi next re-visits this locality it will flow

along the chaurs flanking the original course of the river of 1840, and

the present low lands will become in part the high banks of the future

river, and vice versa. To give an instance, Nipania, situated between beds

of the Hiran and Dhamdaha Kusi about 30 miles above where these

rivers fall into the Granges, was a working indigo factory belonging to a

brother of mine, and obtained its water supply from an artificial tank

upon the raised banks of which stood the dwelling-house and masonry

outworks. I saw it in working condition in 1869, and on my re-visiting

the spot in 1877 no trace of the tank or indigo vats could be seen, but

the upper portion of the boiler building with chimney stood out from

the sands, marking the spot round which the factory compound and

works formerly stood, the place having been covered up with about 10

feet of sand by a turn in the flow of the Hiran, just previous to the

Kusi abandoning this river and going into the Daus swamps.

The great changes that have occurred in the courses of the Indus

and other Panjab rivers in the western half

Panjlb^ivers11 ^ie In(P>-Gangetic Plain are well known,

though I believe they have never been syste¬

matically worked out. 1

It is well known that the Granges or Bhaglrathi in former times

Bhagirathi the real flowed Past Suti or Sonti in the Murshidabad

Hindu name of the District into the sea through Diamond Har-

G-anges. bour, or along the direction in which the Hugli

now flows, and this is the river up to the present day regarded by the

Hindus as their sacred Ganges, or Bhagirathi ; and the portion of the

Ganges called the Padda or Padma, between Sonti and its junction

with the Brahmaputra, at Jafirganj, is not held sacred. It is important

to bear in mind that the real name of the Ganges from Gapgotri

near its source in the western Himalayas to Sugar on the sea is the

Bhaglrathi, and the word Gaijga simply signifies river , and as applied

to the Bhaglrathi means the river par excellence of the Hindus.

1 [See, however, Major Raverty’s Article on the Mihran of Sindh, appearing

ae an Extra number of the Journal of the Society for 1893. Ed.]

1895.]

F. A. Shillingford — On the KasT River.

19

The Padma

Fergusson 1 alluding to this says “ Poddah or Padma (Lotus)

is the stream running nearly east and west by which the Bhagirathi,

or true Ganges, above Bauleah at some recent

time connected itself with the Brahmaputra

somewhere above Jafirganj. The tradition of this junction taking place

is quite distinct in the minds of the natives inhabiting its banks, who

do not consequently look on the Poddah as a sacred stream.”

Now if we examine the Sea-board of the Gangetic Delta at the

head of the Bay of Bengal, we find three indentations or arms of the

Three large Estuar- sea larSer> and running deeper into the sea-

ies in the Seaboard of ward face of the Sunderbans than the rest of the

the Gangetic Delta. creeks. These are, beginning from the west :

(1) The mouth of the Hugli, or Ganges proper; (2) The Horinaghatta

Estuary ; and (3) The Megna Channel, at present the outlet of the

Ganges, Kusl, and Brahmaputra combined.

At about the time the main Ganges flowed into the sea by the

Kusi probably flow- first f^ese channels, and the Brahmaputra,

ing through the Hari- flowing past Maimansingh, joined the Megna,

naghatta Estuaiy. (as wep known that the Brahmaputra came

into the portion of its present channel lying between Diwanganj and

Jafirganj, about the beginning of the present century), and found an exit

into the sea through the third channel, we have the Kusi probably

flowing eastwards towards Pabna, and it seems not unlikely that

the Harinaghatta is the channel by which the Kusi waters, swelled

by many of the tributaries at present flowing into the Brahmaputra,

found their way into the ocean. This would account for the great

depth and size of the Madhumati river, and the extent of the Harina¬

ghatta Estuary.

Describing the seaboard, Fergusson says, 3 “ From the Hugly to the

Harinaghata, the seaward face of the Sunder-

Delta ^ea^0arc^0^^e buns is tolerably level and fixed, at all events

it has undergone no sensible change within

any period to which our knowledge extends, and so far as can be

ascertained, it shows no tendency to go forward. In that portion of

the Delta, however, allotted to the Brahmaputra a great deal of work

has yet to be done, everything there is so new and in such a constant

state of change.” At the present time all the three great rivers have

combined their labours, and are using their united efforts in building

up the backward — hence comparatively lower — portions of the Delta in

the eastern part of the Bay, by depositing the greater portion of their

1 Quar. Jour. Geo Poc., London, Yol. XIX., 1863.

2 Quar. Jour. Geo. Soc., page 334.

20

F. A. Shillingford — On the Kusi River.

[No. 1,

silt along tlie Megna outlets ; but a time must surely come when it will

be the turn of the Hugli and Harinaghatta to work on their own

portions of the Delta already advanced so far into the sea, and now

enjoying a period of rest, and what combination of physical events may

bring this about, it is our province to enquire into.

Now, referring to my allusion in the introduction, to remoter dangers

of a serious nature, we have Dr. Buchanan

^Ea_stward Hamilton’s opinion that when, in its westward

open out the Bhagi- advance, the Kusi came across and joined the

rathi below Sonti. Bhagirathi, “ the united mass of water opened

up the passage now called the Padma and the old channel of the Bha-

girathi from Sonti to Nadiya was then left comparatively dry.” This

seems likely enough, but the converse appears still more probable, that

is, upon the Kusi breaking away eastward again and deserting the

Bhagirathi, the latter river will return to and resume its old course and

flow into the sea through Diamond Harbour. To quote Fergusson

again, he says,1 “The first result of the invasion of the Gangetie

territory by the Brahmaputra was that it should seek to re-enact the

part which had just been performed on the other side of the Madhoopur

jungles, and should threaten to shut up the Ganges and send it back

through its own distributaries. It was so nearly successful that in 1838

the great Ganges was fordable at several places above the junction. ”

Now, if the detritus brought down by the new channel of the Brahma¬

putra nearly closed up the bed of the Ganges in .1838, it appears more

than probable that that event may actually occur upon the Kusi joining

it through, probably, the Urasagar River after over half a century of

silting up and raising of the country round the junction of the three

rivers.

With the main stream of the Ganges turned into the narrow

Danger to Calcutta ehannel of the HugK it appears tolerably

from Hugli becoming certain that Calcutta, and many of the towns

Main Ganges. along the banks of the Bhagirathi would be

rendered untenable. 2 Further, the vast increase in its waters would

cause its banks to overflow and sand and clay deposits would take

place over a wide area, and the silting up and devastation caused by a

shift westward of the Kusi, above described, would be re-enacted on a

1 Quar. Jour. Geo. Soc., Pago 336.

2 [The reader is again referred to the Proceedings for February, 1895, in which

this opinion is discussed. It is hardly necessary to point out that the author is

dealing with results which may occur if engineering science does not interfere.

The discussion above referred to shows that engineering science has interfered.

Ed.]

1895.]

F. A. Shillingford — On the Kusi River.

21

Calcutta Bore-hole.

larger scale on the lands flanking the Hugll, which river itself wonld

then — as the Ganges — probably shift about into adjacent channels.

Another interesting question now crops up from this state of affairs.

We have all read of the celebrated Calcutta Bore-hole, a boring in

search of pure water carried to a depth of

481 feet, or about 460 feet below mean sea

level, at Fort William, in 1835. At a depth of 25 feet a carbonaceous

sandy clay was met with, which gradually passed into a bed of peat at

30 feet, or about 10 feet below mean tide level. 1 This peat bed has

since been found in all excavations in and around Calcutta at depths

varying from 20 to 30 feet, and it is admitted by Geologists that there

is little doubt that this was an ancient land surface, as wood and roots

of the sundri tree ( heritiera littoralis ) and other vegetable remains

occur in the peat. Now it seems not unlikely that the present surface

of the ground, in suitable localities, after such a catastrophe as above

surmised, would present to future generations such a stratum as the

first peat bed encountered in the Calcutta Bore-hole. It might be brought

forward as an argument against this theory that the peat occurs at,

or a few feet below, mean tide level, but we must remember that the

rank vegetation from which the peat had its origin must have grown in

soft low-lying grounds, such as the Sundri trees grow in now, and in a

flooded state of the country the extra pressure resulting from the higher

level of water and silt deposits, with loose semi-fluid quicksands, some

30 feet in thickness, as encountered in the Bore-hole underlying the peat

at no great depth, would be sufficient to settle the peat-bed a few feet

below water level, especially as the whole country would be saturated

with flood waters. In fact it seems probable that a general settling down

of all the alluvial strata along the seaboard would be the natural result

of such a condition of things. It would be extremely important and

Old Course of the interesting to know when the main Ganges, in

Bhagirathi. past times, last flowed through the Diamond

Harbour Estuary. The native tradition is that the original Bhagirathi

formerly flowed into the Estuary through the opening now occupied by

the Rupnarain, and Fergusson2 thinks the tradition is right, and as

above quoted, he also considers that the main Ganges deflected into the

Padma channel “ at some recent time.” In the map of Bengal, pub¬

lished in the “ Da Asia ” of the Portuguese

historian, De Barros, during the latter half of

De Barros’ Map.

1 Jour. As. Soc. Beng., IX., 686 (1840), also Geology of India, R O. Oldham,

1893, page 432.

2 Qnar. Jour. Geo. Soc., London ; Yol. XIX., page 340.

22

F. A. Shillingford — On the Kusi River.

[Ko. 1,

the sixteenth century, as given by Wilson, the Padma is already shown

as a wide and established stream, but the present Bhaglrathi is shown

as throwing a narrower branch off westward and flowing into the Estuary

in the neighbourhood of the outlet of the Rupnarain, and to this western

channel probably the Damuda, alluded to by Wilson, 2 was an affluent.

In the map the name Hugli is not mentioned, but that river is called

the Granges, no town or village is marked where we should expect to

find Calcutta, but Satgao, spelt Satigam, near the modern Hugli, is

shown higher up the river and formed the trading mart of the Portu¬

guese in those times, and there was sufficient water for the larger

vessels to come up the river as far, at all events, as the present site

of Calcutta and for the smaller vessels to go right up to Satgao.

Now if tradition is to be trusted in this instance, and De Barros’

map has been correctly interpreted by me, then it would appear that the

original Bhaglrathi which flowed into the sea near the Rupnarain open¬

ing, had been then already deserted, and the deeper channel was the

present Hugli. That a wide deserted channel can be silted up and

obliterated in the short space of twenty years, we have seen in the case of

the Hiran, and to those who have watched the process it is easy to

understand, and that the old channel of the Bhaglrathi should have

disappeared after a lapse of three centuries is in no way surprising.

In the same way that the Granges probably broke away into the Padma,

owing to the accession of the waters of the Kusi, the sluggish Bhagi-

rathi after the withdrawal of the bulk of its waters was unable to

keep clear the major stream, and to prevent it from silting up, and

contented itself with the minor bed of the Hugli. The curious

coincidence of the “ Da Asia ” being published just about the time Gaur

became unhealthy and pestilential, which I have surmised to have been

due to the Kusi coming into the Kalindri, i. e., leaving its eastern courses

and coming into the Ganges, which then flowed under the western walls

of the old city, may be noted. According to Wilson, the “ Da .Asia”

was published in parts, from 1552 to 1613, and the seat of Government

was removed, owing to insalubrity, from Gaur

to Tanda, by Sulaiman Shah in 1564-65, and

ten years later the great pestilence broke out

which depopulated Gaur, which was finally abandoned in favour of

Rajmahal in 1592. It was about this time, according to Hunter’s

Mdldah, that the Ganges ceased to flow under the walls of Gaur, and this

would be the natural result of the Kusi deflecting it westward. From

1 Topography of the Hugli in the 16th Century, by C. R. Wilson, Jour. As. Soc.

Beng., Yol. LXI., 1892.

3 Jour. As. Soc. Beng., Yol. LXI., 1892, note, page 112.

Final abandonment

of Gaur.

F. A. Shillingford — On the Kusi River.

23

1895.]

all these aspects of the case it would appear probable that the Ganges

turned away eastwards during the first half of the 16th century, and the

probability would amount almost to certainty if we were to admit that

the western channel shown in De Barros’ Map is the original Bhagirathl,

as it must have been recently vacated to appear so conspicuous.

In conclusion, I would beg to remark that the whole subject is a

vast and interesting one, and only the more prominent features have

been here touched upon with a view, principally, of pointing out the

probability of the Kusi and Ganges changing their courses, and the

attendant dangers, and from the evidence adduced I think we are fairly

entitled to conclude that both these catastrophes are certain to occur

in the not distant future.

Two points of special interest to Geologists crop up from these

Formations similar investigations. The first is that we here see

to Sussex Weald, in vast fresh-water beds of sand alternating with

progress in the Delta. clay, with here and there thick deposits of

fresh-water Shells in the Caurs ( vulgo , Ghowrs ) or lagoons forming far

inland by the action of rivers ; whilst in the newly forming portions

of the Delta itself we may expect to find areas of strata containing

marine organisms alternating with fresh-water, or estuarine beds, with¬

out the aid of general up-heaval or depression of the country. This

throws somelight on the probable mode of formation of the fresh water

and fluviomarine beds of the Weald of Sussex, a subject of such

controversy amongst English geologists.

The second point of interest is that beginning at the Maniharl Hill,

High ridge of Coun- in the Purneah District on the left bank of

the GanSfs> and goinS eastward and south-

Hills. ward, a high ridge of country can be traced,

with gaps here and there, right away through Gaur, the Borine of

Rajshahi and Bogra through the Madhupur Jungles, away to the Assam

Hills, between which and the Rajmahal Hills it forms a sort of barrier

between the Gangetic Plain and the Delta proper. The principal per¬

forations or gaps in this ridge are, (1) the channel of the old Brahma¬

putra above Diwanganj ; ( 2 ) The channel of

the present Brahmaputra at Jafirganj, which

probably carried the Kusi at one time, and

(3) the channels of the Mahananda and Ganges which are practically

the same between Rajmahal and the Borine, with the narrow Gaur ridge

forming an island in this opening. This ridge is composed of limestone,

kar/kar , and brightly-colored variegated clays in the case of Maniharl

Hill, and farther east of yellow and reddish clays with katjkar beds un¬

covered by the newer alluvium. Similar beds occur on the banks of the

Three gaps in the

Ridge.

24

F. A. Shillingford — On the Kusi River.

[No. 1,

Karatoya and near Dinajpur, where Dr. Buchanan Hamilton1 mentions

the occurrence of Jchari , or the white clay of the ftajmahal inter- trap-

pean beds in digging a well. In most places these beds are what

are termed in geological works in India, the “older alluvium”

but it is not clear by what process they came to cover the highest tracts

of the country ; but the influence of this barrier in checking the drain¬

age of the country in the earlier days of the building up of the Grangetic

plain and even probably now must be apparent to all knowing the dis¬

tribution of the Ganges alluvium.

These three openings in this high tract of the country corres-

Three larger Estua- pond to the three larger estuaries in the

ries correspond with seaboard at the head of the Bay, above

3 gaps in the ridge. described, and knowing as we do that the

flanking estuaries have been occupied separately by the two great

rivers of Bengal, it seems but reasonable to suppose that there

Kusi probably hold- must have been a time when the Kusi,

ing an independent holding an independent course and absorbing

course to the Sea. the southern drainage of the Himalayas up

to the eastern confines of Sikhim, passed through the central opening

and flowed into the sea through the Harinaghatta Estuary, as a third

great river of Bengal.

A map 50 9 miles to the inch, taken from Messrs. Keith Johnston’s

Atlas, published in 1891, with dotted lines indicating the various align¬

ments of the Kusi — hypothetical as well as actual — is annexed.

1 Description of the Dinapur District, Calcutta, 1833.

1895.]

p. C. Mitra — Indian Bobber Folk-Lore .

25

North Indian Folk-Lore about Thieves and Bobbers. — By Qarat Cafdra

Mitra, Corresponding Member of the Anthropological Society of

Bombay.

[Read July 1894.]

Every profession, not excepting even that of the light-fingered

gentry, has its gods and goddesses, to whom the persons following that

profession pay their homage for success. The vegetable-sellers of Bihar

have their gods. The Kahars ( ) or palankeen-bearers, and

the Mallahs ( ), or boatmen of Bihar, also worship particular

deities who, they believe, watch over their welfare and safety. Indian

thieves and robbers, and the rest of the marauding fraternity, have also

particular goddesses whom they worship in the belief that success or

otherwise in their pilfering expeditions depends on the favors or frowns

of those female deities. To this end, they take care to propitiate the

said goddesses by offering up pujd in the shape of sweets, cereals, and,

sometimes even animal sacrifices, before starting on their expeditions.

Curiously enough, a female deity is invariably found to be the tutelary

patroness of tire Indian robbers and thieves. She is known in different

parts of Northern India, as the goddess Devi or Kail in her vari¬

ous forms and under various names. In Bengal, thieves and

robbers are supposed to enjoy the special protection of Kali. In the

North-Western Provinces and the Panjab, she is also worshipped by the

light-fingered gentry under the name of Devi, or Mata. The Thags,

who raised the profession of robbery by throttling and strangulation

into a semi-religious cult, also worshipped this Devi or Mata, to

whom they invariably paid their devotions before starting on their

marauding expeditions, and from whom they drew omens portending

the success or otherwise of their undertaking. Colonel Sleeman, well-

known as the Superintendent of the operations for the Suppression

of Thagi and Dakaiti in India, has given detailed information of the

various rites practised by the Thags, and of their superstitions, in

his work entitled “ Bamaseeana , or the Secret Language of the ThugsF

The curious enquirer may also find additional information on the

J. I. 4

26

[No. 1?

C. Mitra — Indian Bobber Folk-Lore.

subject, and gain peeps into the inner mysteries of a Thag’s daily

life in a work of fiction entitled “ The Confessions of a Thug,” by that

well-known Anglo-Indian novelist, Colonel Meadows Taylor.

In Bengal, thieves and robbers are believed to enjoy the special pro¬

tection of the goddess Kali. Up to the time that the British rule was

established on a firm footing in Bengal, dakaiti and robbery were rife

in that part of the country. Before the dakaits started on their expedi¬

tions they used to offer up pujd to the goddess to ensure their success,

and, after returning from a foray, used to make her an offering of part

of the booty by way of thanksgiving. It is said that, in those days, the

temple of the goddess Kali at Kallghat, south of Calcutta, and the tem¬

ple1 of the goddess Citrecvari — a form of Kali — at Chitpore in the

Northern Suburbs of Calcutta, were much resorted to by dakaits and

robbers who used to worship their patron-deity there.

The shrine of the deity Taraknath — an incarnation of £hva — at

Tarakegvar (Tarkessur) in the Hugli District, has from time immemorial

been regarded as a very important place of pilgrimage by the Hindus of

Bengal. At the present time, a branch line of the East Indian Railway

has been opened from the Sheoraphuli station of that railway to

Tarake9var, which conveys the pilgrims safely to that shrine. But,

in the pre-railway days, when the Pax Britannica had not been firmly

established, almost all the pilgrims had to travel thither on foot

or by bullock-carts. These pilgrims, in many cases, used to take

with them rich and costly articles for offerings to the lord Taraknath.

These excited the cupidity of the marauding fraternity ; and a colony

of dakaits had accordingly established itself near a village named Singur

— now a station on the Tarake9var Branch Railway — which was

situated close to the highway which led to the shrine of Tarake9var.

These freebooters ostensibly led the lives of peaceful agriculturists

by day time, but during the night, they uould sally forth from

their homes, armed with lathis, and prowling about the highway,

would rob belated travellers of their belongings, and often murder them

in order to get at their valuables. A place named Kaikaldr mat (the

maidan of Kaikala — a village in that neighbourhood) was the scene of

many of these atrocities; and, in those days, the very mention of the

name of that place was enough to send a thrill of horror through the

hearts of the pilgrims and wayfarers. These dakaits are said to have

enjoyed the protection of a goddess Kali whose temple is situated in the

aforesaid village of Singur, and exists there to this day. They

used to worship here before starting on their plundering expeditions

1 In this shrine, human sacrifices, it is said, used to be offered to this goddess

in days gone by.

1895.]

2?

p. C. Mitra — Indian Robber Folk-lore.

and, on their return, used to make valuable offerings out of the rich

booty secured. This goddess was and is still known as ddkate Kali

or the goddess Kali of the dakaits, and enjoys the reputation of having

been the favorite deity of those marauders of Singur.

It is said that ‘ there is honour even among thieves,’ and the Dakaits

of Bengal were not wanting in this respect. Before they committed

dakaitl in a person’s house, they used to send an anonymous letter to

the good man thereof informing him of their intention to do so. One

night, they would gather together in armed bands, and, with light¬

ed torches, invade the house. After reaching the place, they used to

indulge in sword-play which they called dhali pah kheld yelling loudly all

the time. Thereafter they attacked the house. If they saw any danger

of being captured, or if any of them got killed, they used to bawl out

machi pareche 1 a fly has got caught,’ and then cleared out of the place

as fast as their heels could carry them.

In the Panjab also, the thieves and robbers used to sacrifice goats

or sheep before, or made offerings of sweetmeats to, their Devi or god¬

dess, in order to propitiate her and obtain the boon from her that they

might be successful throughout the year in their plundering expeditions.

On the occasions of such worship fairs were held. One such fair is held

even at the present day at the village of Mansa Devi, four miles from

Candlgarh, on the way to Kalka, in the Ambala District. The following

account of this fair appeared in the Civil and Military Gazette of Lahore,

and was quoted in the Calcutta Statesman of Wednesday, the 18th

April 1894.

‘ An Ancient Thieves' Fair. — Another Fair has been held in the

Ambala district at Mansa Devi, four miles from Candlgarh on the way

to Kalka. Owing to the zemindars being engaged in cutting their

harvests, and the Hard war and Amritsar Baisakhi Fairs being on at the

same time, the gathering was unusually small. For all that, however,

there were some 20,000 people present. This was in days gone by essen¬

tially a Thieves' Fair , in which the robbers made their offerings of goats ,

sheep , or sweetmeats at the shrine of their devl or goddess , and prayed that

they might be successful throughout the year in their various plundering

expeditions. At the present time the ceremony is a novel and pleasing

sight. The men and women are all dressed in their gorgeous holiday

attire, and, having made their offerings, they gather together in lots and

sing, dance, and make merry, generally for a couple of days when they

leave for their homes after a dip in the well-known Gaggar, a stream

which appears to be sacred to the hill people.’

In Bengal, it is popularly believed that in many cases thieves elude

detection and capture because the goddess Kali has granted them the

28

[No. 1,

f, C. Mitra — Indian Bobber Foil-Lore.

boon of protection from all danger cor'der tipar Kalir bar ache. Thieves

almost always commit thefts daring the dark half of the moon

— the worship of the goddess Kali taking place on the 15th day

of the waning period of the moon. There is a popular superstition

amongst the Bengalis that if a male child be born on the amdvasyd , or

the 15th day of the dark half of the moon, the child will become a thief*

as that day is consecrated to Kali — the goddess of thieves and robbers.

Bengali and Bihari burglars ( sindhel cor ) are said to get their

iron hooks ( sindh-Jcatl ) — instruments with which they make holes in the

walls of buildings for the purpose of effecting their entrance therein,

and which are the prototypes of the ‘ jemmy ’ of European burglars —

manufactured in the following way. A burglar secretly goes to an iron-

smith’s ( lohar of Bihar and kamdr of Bengal) shop during the nightr>

and there deposits a piece of iron, and some pice by way of wages. In

the morning, the iron-smith, finding the iron and the pice, under¬

stands that they had been left there by some thief with a view to have

the same turned into a ‘jemmy.’ The ironsmifch manufactures it accor¬

dingly and, during the night, deposits it at the exact spot where the iron

had been left by the thief. The thief comes thither secretly during the

night and takes it away. Hence is the origin of the Bengali saying

core kdmare dydkhd nai or core kamdr e sdksdt ndi (there is no interview be¬

tween a thief and a blacksmith). This saying is often cited when

speaking of a person who gains his object or performs a certain act

without having a personal interview with the person who has the power

to grant that object, or to whom he is in duty bound to perform that act.

Hence it is popularly believed that thieves and burglars never commit

thefts in ironsmiths’ houses, out of gratitude to the latter. It is another

instance of ‘ honour among thieves.’

Thieves play an important part in the proverbial philosophy of

the Bengali people. When one person of bad character is likened to

another of the same description, we say core core mas'tata bhdi or thieves

are cousins (mother’s sister’s sons) to one another. When one person

defrauds another of his ill-gotten gains, the former is said to

practise corer upar bafpdrl or fraud on a thief. Gar paldle buddhi bdrhe

or ‘ shutting the stable door after the steed is stolen,’ is applied to

persons who become wise after the event. Thieves, when caught red-

handed, are often thrashed within an inch of their very lives. Hence

corer mar or ‘ a beating administered to thieves,’ is proverbially

synonymous with a severe thrashing. If a person is severely thrashed,

it is said of him td ke corer mar mereche or that he has been thrashed like

a thief. A child possessed of mischievous habits is often dubbed with

the pet sobriquet of ddkdt or dacoit. If a person seeks for an opportunity

1895.]

C. Mitra — Indian Bobber Folk-Lore. 29

of doing a certain act and gets it at last, it is said of him cor cay bhdrjga

herd ‘ a thief seeks for a broken fencing.’ A thief may elude detec¬

tion for some time, but he is sure to be caught one day. This has given

rise to the popular saying cover pac din, sadher ek din, or a thief may

escape scot-free for five days, but the good man of the house will catch

him one day. Thieves are always artful dodgers, and, in allusion to

their artfulness, the Bengalis say corbidya bar a bidyd, jadi ndpare dhard or

that the profession of stealing is a paying one, so long as the thief is not

caught. A person who steals trifles is spoken of as being a chine' ke cor.

If sound advice is given to a person, but he does not act up to it, the pro¬

verb cord nd gune dharmmer kdhinl (preach the gospel to the devil, and he

will not hear you) is applied to him. A thief cannot be detected except

with the assistance of a thief. Hence the proverb corer sandhan. jdsu, or

‘ set a thief to catch a thief.’ A servant or any other menial, who is

notorious for his thievish propensities, is often spoken of as being a corer

sarddr, or ‘ chief among thieves ’ or ‘arch-thief.’ If a person, without

making any attempt at concealment, deprives another of a thing or

otherwise defrauds him, the former is said to commit dine ddkatl,

or ‘robbery by broad daylight.’ A Bengali bridegroom is often likened

to a thief bar nd cor because the former has to put up patiently

with all sorts of liberties which the female members of the bride’s

family take with him on the day of his marriage, just as a thief, when

caught, patiently suffers the maltreatment which he receives at the hands

of his captors. Or this saying may refer to the form of marriage by

capture prevailing in primitive communities, whereby a person has to 5

steal or carry away by force a woman before he can marry her. The say¬

ing cor ke bale curl kar'te , grhastha ke bale sdbadhdn hate is often applied

to a person who blows hot and cold in the same breath, that is to say,

who tells a person to do a certain act with respect to another person,

and, at the same time, tells the latter to beware of the former.

30

E. Mockler — Origin of the, Baloch.

[No. 1,

Origin of the Baloch. — By Colonel E. Mockler, Political Agent , Muscat.1

[Read November 1893.]

Professor Rawlinson derives the name of the “ Baloch ” from

Belus, king of Babylon, who is identified with Nimrod, the son of Cush,

and says that “ the names of Belus and Cush, thus brought into juxta-

“ position have remained attached to some portion or other of the region

“ in question from ancient times to the present day. The country East

“ of Kirman was called Kusem throughout the Sassanian period. The

“ same region is now Beloochistan, the country of the Beloochees or

“ Belus, whilst adjoining it to the East, is Cutch or Kooch. ” With the

name of Cush may be yoked “ Kech” (the capital of Makran), “ Kachl ”

(a province of Baloochistan) and “ Cashmere ” ; and, as the Sindhls call

the Baloch, “ Baroc”, “ Kach and Baroch ” (Cutch and Broach of our

maps) may be linked together.

The country now called Balochistan was called by the Greeks

“ Gredrosia ” and was inhabited on the seacoast by the “ Ichthyophagi ”

(fish-eaters) and on the North-West by the Paricanii, Utii, Maki and

other tribes. One of the tribes or clans now inhabiting it, viz., the

Rind tribe (whose name signifies a “ turbulent, reckless, daring man”) —

which, it may be noted, has never acknowledged the authority of any

ruler in the country, and each individual member of which professes

to owe obedience to no one, so that the tribe has no recognised head —

assert that they originally came from “ Alaf, ” which is supposed by

themselves and most other people, 1 fancy, who have heard their tra¬

dition, to be Haleb or Aleppo in Syria. They say that they are Arabs

of the tribe of Quraish and were forced to the number of 40,000

to emigrate from “ Alaf” by Yazid I, for having rendered assistance

to Husain “the martyr,” nephew of the prophet Muhammad, in A. H.

61. There is a popular ballad well-known throughout the whole coun¬

try to that effect which, however, states that from “Alaf” to Makran

i

1 [This article has not had the benefit of revision by the author. Names of well-

known places and tribes are given in the conventional spelling of the maps. Thus

Baloch and not Baldc. Ed.]

1895.]

E. Mockler — Origin of the Baloch.

31

they travelled between “earth and heaven.” The name of not one

single place between Aleppo and Makran, as having been halted at by

the 40,000 Rinds who are said to have left “ Alaf” in a body is pre¬

served, so far as I am aware, in any tradition in the whole country,

although, from the Western border of Makran itself, from the seacoast

to some 150 miles inland, their movements eastwards are minutely

recorded in various ballads and oral traditions. These Rinds claim to

be the true Baloch, and to one of their ancestors named Jalal Khan,

or rather to one of his sons, whose names are made to suit the exigen¬

cies of each clan, the pedigree-makers of almost every clan in Makran,

claiming to be respectable, are pretty certain to trace their clans’s

descent. Pottinger records the fact that, in his day the Brahuis (who

are Dravidian Cushites) claimed descent from the earliest Muhamma¬

dan invaders of Persia, by whom the Rinds are doubtless intended.

The Kalmatis of Kalmat (the Kalama of Arian and others)

make a man named Kalmat their ancestor, a Rind, and one of the

four sons of Jalal Khan. Some of the genealogists of the great Hot

or Ot tribe also, whom I identify with the Utii of the army of

Xerxes ('though many in the tribe, and most out of it, deny any con¬

nection with the Rinds, except in a few families by marriage,) say that

a man named Hot (sometimes called Not, sometimes Notbandag) was

their ancestor, was one of the four sons of Jalal Khan, and was a Rind.

That some families in most of the Baloch clans, in nearly all, perhaps,

are related by marriage to the Rinds is quite possible as will hereafter

become apparent ; but I doubt if very free intermarriage between many

clans and them, has at any time been prevalent.

Among the earliest mention of Makran and the Baloch with which

I am acquainted are various passages in the Shah-nama of FirdusI

(compiled about A. 1). 1000 by command of King Mahmud of Ghazni,

who is said to have ordered all available resources to be placed at the

disposal of the author) in which it is stated that Kai Khusru (about

B. C. 550) King of Persia passed through Makran and killed the king

of the country, also that Naushlrwan (about A. D. 550) inflicted punish¬

ment on the Baloch. Bilathurl who is said to have died in A. H. 279,

mentions that a tribe called the “ Qufs ” aided the people of Kirman

against the Arab marauders.

Tabara who wrote in A. H. 308, also relates that the people of

Kirman asked aid of a people called by the Arabs Quf? and by

the Persians Kiij or Koj

“Kufij”)

Ibn Haukal who appears to have written in A. H. 360, and of whose

work there are, it is said, only two copies in Europe, writes “ to the

(of which there is also a reading ^

32

E. Mockler — Origin of the Baloch.

[No. 1,

“ East of Kirman lies Makran and the deserts of that country and

“Bahrain, on the borders of the Baluj. The mountains of Qufs

u lie on the southern border (of Kirman) near the sea On the East

“ is Khawds and the desert extending towards Qufs,

4‘ and on the South is Baluj. The r-jB Baluj (this appears to be a

^ • i,

“ quotation) are in the desert of mount \joSa Qufs in the Persian

“ language Kuj or Koj, and they call the two peoples ^ Kuj

“ or Koj and ^jB Baluj or Baloj.

In the Tarikh i Guzlda,” A. H. 730, it is recorded that in the year

A. H. 22, ‘Abdu-l-lah bin ‘Amar bin RabI invaded Kirman and took

possession of its capital, Kuwashlr, so that the inhabitants solicited

assistance of the men of “ Kuj and Baluj ” in vain He then after con¬

quering Sistan overran Makran and defeated the king of Sindah, who

came to assist in opposing him.

In the Rauzatu-s-safa the mountains of the “ Koc wa Baloc ’’

are also mentioned ; also very particularly by Abu-l-fida who gives the

exact pronunciation of each name. These historians, or rather some

of them, it is proper to mention, say that the <^ejB j Qufs and

Balus or Kuj and Baluj claim to be of Arab descent, but

it must be remembered that they all wrote several centuries after the

commencement of the Muhammadan era, and that the claim so recorded

by them, may be fairly considered as a traditional one put forward in

their day as now, by, we will say, a majority of the inhabitants.

It, however, appears from the few authorities quoted that the Baloch

were established in Makran more than a century before the commence¬

ment of the Muhammadan era ; certainly so if, as FirdusI relates, Nau*

shir wan punished them in Makran, and still more certainly that they

were located there within 22 years after its commencement ; and that

therefore if the Rinds left Aleppo in the time of Yazid I, say (A. H. 61),

according to their tradition the Baloch were in Makran before that date.

It appears to me doubtful that the Rinds ever came from Aleppo,

or that they are Baloch at all. Had they come from Aleppo, some history

of their journey thence, through Persia — some one incident, out of many

which must have occurred to them on such a journey — the name of some

one place, at least, at which they halted on that journey — would surely

have been handed down to posterity. Who then are these Rinds from

“ Alaf ” P Whence this tradition of theirs? And why has a con¬

nection with them been at any time considered honorific by the inhabi¬

tants of Makran ?

I reply — that, as early as A. H. 15 at any rate, expeditions were

inaugurated, and indeed despatched by the Arabs of ‘Uman (‘Oman)

against the frontiers of India, and it is recorded by Tabari, that A1

E. Mockler — Origin of the Baloch.

33

1895.]

Hajjaj, the then governor of Irak, about A. H. 65, appointed Sa’id bin

Aslam bin Zura al Kalabi to Makran and its frontiers, and that he was

killed by Mua‘wlyah and Muhammad, the sons of Al Haris al ‘Alafi,

viz., Al Haris of the ‘Alafi tribe. The pedigree of the founder of the

tribe is then given as follows : —

that is to say they were the descendants of a man called ‘Alaf who was

a descendant in a direct line from a well-known personage named

Quza‘a of Kahtanic stock. Sa’id bin Aslam was opposed by these two

brothers ( sons of Al Haris of the ‘Alafi tribe ) because he had killed

a relation and fellow-countryman of theirs. They had come from ‘Uman

(• ‘Oman ) and after killing Sa’id they took possession of Makran.

Subsequently Al Hajjaj appears to have sent a strong force against

them, before which, although they are said to have been the victors,

they retired, about A. H. 86, into Sindh, where their name is conspicu¬

ous in the annals of that country for the next two hundred years

or so.

These and many other recorded facts regarding these ‘Alafi and

their doings, tally so well with the traditions regarding the earliest

movements, in Makran, of the Rinds and some few clans, which really

were, or had become, more or less closely connected with them (some

of whom I believe to have been also Arabs and some others probably

foreign to Makran), give me grounds for expressing a belief that the

Rinds are, as they assert, of Arab descent, not indeed a people who

emigrated from the town of Alaf = Haleb = Aleppo in Syria, but a people

decended from a man named ‘Alaf i.e., a tribe called the ‘Alafi, of ‘Uman

(‘Oman.) Not Quraish, who are Ishmaelites, but ‘Alafi, who are

Kahtanites. The Baloch, and the Arabs for that matter, are fond of

philological discussions as to the origin and meanings of names, and,

given a name, they will certainly find a history and meaning for it ; and

being some of them Alafi, viz., ‘Alafi, or descended from them, their

derivation of the name is probably founded on no better authority than

their own fancy or that of their ballad makers. The ballad was com¬

posed, I believe, within the last 200 years, or less, and the migration

from Haleb = Alaf was not improbably suggested by some of the many

Makranis who have taken service in Mesopotamia and to whom the

name of Haleb = Alaf = Aleppo was familiar, and it was a very likely

one for them to hit upon.

As regards the status of the Rinds, it will be readily understood,

that as the whole of the tribes of Balochistan have adopted the Muham¬

madan religion, they are not unwilling to be believed to be related to

a people of undoubted Arab descent ; who were certainly amongst the

J. i. 5

.34

E. Mockler — Origin of the Baloch.

[No. 1,

first propagandists of their present faith in the country, viz., the Kahta-

nite ‘Alafi of ‘Uman, who now very naturally claim to have belonged to

the Quraish, the most honourable tribe amongst Muhammadans. In

Elliot’s History of India will be found the genealogy of the Jats and

Baloch (linked together) from Muhammad, son of Haruon Mukrani

(Mukrisnu), a grandson of Muhammad, son of Aban, son of ‘Abdu-r-

rahman, son of Hamza, son of ‘Abdu-l-matfcab. But as Hamza had no

sons by any daughter of man, ‘Abdu-r-rahman’s mother is conveniently

stated to have been a fairy (this is their Quraish descent ). Muhammad

son of Haruon is said to have had 50 sons, by 7 wives, the name of three

of which sons is Jalal (and Makran is said to have been divided be¬

tween the sons of one of these three Jalals after the death of A1

Hajjaj), the sons of his 6th and 7th wives are said to have borne the

following names — YI, Eatimali, bore 1 Sher, 2 Koh, 3 Buland, 4 Grurg,

5 Nuru-d-din, 6 Hasan, 7 Husain, 8 Sulaiman, 9 Ibrahim ; VII, Eve,

bore 1 ‘Alam, 2 ‘All, 3 Sarkash, 4 Bahadur, 5 Teghzan, 6 Mubarak,

7 Turk, 8 Zalha, 9 ‘Arab!, 10 Shiraz, 11 Taju-d-din, 12 Gulistan Barg.

Comment on these names appears unnecessary, but I have no doubt

that a certain Jalal Khan is a historical personage.

Cakar Khan, a descendant of Jalal Khan and one of the most

renowned chiefs of the Kinds, is positively stated, in the traditions

and ballads of the country, to have taken Delhi after leaving Makran

(a statement I will now pass by.) The following is a traditional list

of the Rind tribe, which Cakar Khan is said to have left behind him

in Makran, starting on the expedition which then led to that event.

The Reki (went to Deligwaran), the Jat , Lattl (said to be the

same as the Kalmatl ) Nohdni , Kurd , Gabod (or Grabol), Mahirl, As-

kani, Gadon , Marastani (stayed in Kolwah), the Puzh (in Kolanc)

the Lashari (in Lashar) the Barr, Canda , Marrl, Lahgd , Zahri ,

Sasudi, Kalkali, Damuni, Bird!, (same as G-ojah) Gorgej, Lohani , Siahpad,

Kos-ag, Lagor, Bali, Ldtih , Bamani, Regani, Dodai, Sabiki, Pandaran.

These formed part of his following, and having elected to remain be¬

hind, afterwards dispersed into different parts of the country. The

names in italics, it is sufficiently evident, are not those of Arabs.

The Gorgej were probably Georgians. The Kos-ag and Marri,

judging by their names, were probably Arabs (in the time of the Khalifa

Hasham, A. H. 105-125, Junaid son of ‘Abdu-r-rahman al Marri was

appointed to the Indian frontier). The Gabol I believe to be an abori¬

ginal and Cushite tribe, “straight-haired Ethiopians.” The Hot or

Ot have been previously mentioned and identified with the Utii of

Herodotus and other authors, who were also, I think, not impossibly the

same with the Jats and Zothali and Yucchi (both Jats and Meds are

still plentiful in the country).

1895.]

E. Mockler — Origin of the Baloch.

85

The Kalmatl are the principal inhabitants of Kalmat and PasnI.

The Lattl are said to be Kalmatl under another name.

The BulaidI may possibly be descendants of an Arab named

Budail, two letters of his name having been transposed in a very

common manner; e. g ., “ aps ” for “ asp ” (horse) “ ushtur ” for “ shu«

tur ” (camel) “ nlrmoc ” for nlmroc ” (half mid-day,) &c., &c. Per¬

haps such transposition of letters in the present case may be the

result of “ a proverbial ” alliteration of the name of their chief town

now called Bulaida, but which may have been first called Budaila i.e .,

town of Budail, thus “ Budaila bulaida, ” viz., Budaila is “ a little

town” ( bulaida being the diminutive of balda “a town”) ; compare later

on “ Baloc badroc ” or “ Baloc Gadroc.,’ Budail of the Bajali tribe, sent

from ‘Alman by A1 Hajjaj, A. H. 86-96 against Small and killed there

by the enemy, may have been the founder of “ Budaila bulaida,” but

Budail is a common Arab name.

As before stated Arab historians mention a people called

Qufs or Kufij inhabiting mountains to the south of Kirman, called

the mountains of Quf 's, somewhat to the south-east of which the

low-lying country was inhabited by a people called the Balus or Baluj =

the Baloch. Some of the later historians have given Kuj or

Koj as the Persian rendering of Qufs. As, however, I met, at

Sadech, a tribe who believed themselves to be aborigines, of whom there

are many in Bashkard to the south of Kirman, whose principal habitat

is the mountain range of Groko in Bashkard, about 30 miles from the

seacoast (the highest range in Balochistan, viz., 7,000 feet) and who

call themselves Kufish or Kujic , Kufij , or Qufs

I think that the Quf? of Bilathurl, Tabari (who also gives ^

Kufij), and Ibn Haukal are the correct readings. It is easily seen that

or if badly written in Arabic characters, would very likely be

copied as and both of which are given as alternative readings,

and by ‘Abu-l-fida- the last explained as the Persian equivalent of the first.

I leave it to more competent authority to decide whether Kofish, Kofic,

Kufij, Kus, Kuj or Koj, Kui, Kec, Koc, Klj, Kej, Kiz, Kish, Cash

and Cush, the son of Ham, are simply variations of the same name or

not. I would now suggest an identification of the u Paricanii ” of

Herodotus, with a tribe called the “Purki,” the plural of which would be

Purkianii, Paricanii, i.e., perhaps, “Vehrkan” of the Zend and “Varkan”

of ancient Persian. They dwell to the north of Kech in the locality

assigned to the Paricanii in our maps, and I submit that the identifica¬

tion of them with the Parikanii (Paricanii) is on etymological grounds

preferable to that of the Brahui with the Parikanii, though “ Varkan”

and “ Ba-rohi ” may both mean “ hillmen,” and I take it that (as al-

36 E. Mockler — Origin of the Baloch. [No. 1,-

ready suggested by Professor Rawlinson), while the latter are dis¬

tinctly Cushite, the former are possibly Turanian or probably Iranian,

living side by side. The Purki are few in number, believe themselves

aboriginal, and claim no connection with the Rinds.

With regard to the name “ Baloch ” I would also hazard a sug¬

gestion which, if it contains an element of truth, some better philolo¬

gist than myself may perhaps uphold. It is this — whenever I have

enquired of the “ Baloch ” the meaning of their name, they have inva¬

riably (as if the expression were proverbial) “ Baloc Badroc ,r

(Badrosh in some parts of the country). Bad means “evil,” “bad”

“ ill,” and roc or rosh means “ day ” ( ruz is the modern Persian

pronunciation). Gad in Pehlevl or Zend (ancient Persian) is equal

to and synonymous with had in Balochi or more modern Persian,

therefore Badroc or Badrosh or Badros in Balochi is equivalent to Gadroc

or Gadrosh or Gadros of the more ancient Pehlevi or Zend, and to

Gadros-ii or Gedros-ii of the Greeks. Badroc, from the interchang-

ability of the liquids “ r ” and “1”, is equivalent to Badloc , out of which

the “d” must naturally drop, leaving Baloc equivalent to u the Gedros-

ii.” If the derivation of Baloc from Gadroc in the manner suggested be

considered philologically inadmissible, then we may suppose that the

proverbial expression Baloc badrosh was current in the time of the

Greeks, only that it was pronounced in those days Baloc gadrosh, and

that the Greeks wrote down the epithet for the name, which in such

case would undoubtedly have been derived from Belus (or Balochis.)

Note that Sistan was called Nimroc “ half day.”

The suggestions made in the foregoing paper are, I wish it to be

understood, tentative suggestions only, put forward, together with the

arguments in support of them, in the hope of stimulating enquiry into

the earlier history of Balochistan and of the various clans now and in

times past inhabiting it (such page in the world’s history being at pre¬

sent almost blank) and not as authoritative conclusions. It is proba¬

ble that my suggestions that the Rinds, Marris, and other clans who

now claim to be the “ pur sang ” of the Baloch, are not Baloch at all,

may find many warm dissentients, but it will be necessary at any rate

for such dissentients to define whom they call Baloch and give a deri¬

vation of the name ; to offer a more plausible one than I have ven¬

tured on, viz., Baloc = Gadros ; to trace back to Aleppo the Rinds and

other clans claiming to have migrated thence ; and to explain away the

statements of Pirdusi and other authors that certain Baloch clans,

named by them, and who still exist in the country under the same

names, had their habitat in Makran long before the Muhammadan era.

1895.]

y\ . Yost — On some rare Muhammadan Goins.

37

On some rare Muhammadan Coins. — By Surgeon-Captain W. Yost.

(With two Plates. )

[Kead April 1895.]

Weight in

grains and

measurement

in English inches.

JR

172

1-07

JR

165

085

JR

172

075

I. Sher Shah SurI.

Plate II. Fig. 1.

Obverse.

[W. Crooke, C.S.]

In double square —

. A

iM | «iJLL

Lower margin —

IbSjsJZ* followed by words which do not appear to be

either a date, or Mint : Shergarh. Other

margins , doubtful.

Reverse.

In double square, Kalimah and probably names of

companions of Muhammad.

Plate II. Fig. 2. [W. Crooke, C.S.]

Obverse and Reverse.

As on Fig. 1.

Plate II. Fig. 3. [W. Crooke, C.S.]

Obverse and Reverse.

As on Fig. 1, but no margins.

On all three coins 6-rayed star above j of and

5-rayed star in upper left band corner of double square

of reverse.

38

W. Yost — On some rare Muhammadan Coins.

[No. 1,

Weight in

grains and

measurement

in English inches.

M

307

09

316

0’9

As the letters, position and style of ornaments on

coins Figs. 2 and 3 agree so minutely with those on

Fig. 1, I think they must all have been minted at

Shergarh. Mr. Rodgers believes a coin like Fig. 3,

in the March Number of the Indian Antiquary for

1888, to be a forgery.

Plate II. Fig. 4.

In square areas with a loop at the corners : —

Obverse.

Mint : Chunar.

dt£Lc aJJ| olA.

Upper margin , . &+) f^jf ; right lower ,

illegible ; lefty absent.

Reverse.

— xJf 951 H.

Upper margin ... ; right ; lower and

left illegible.

Rupees only were known of the Chunar mint.

Unique.

II. Islam Shah, SurT.

Plate II. Fig. 5. [Dr. W. Hoey, C.S.]

Obverse.

er*-^ y I

- m

Initial** |

aJJi

j Axl/0 <.^l-"w

Reverse .

j|j> ( ?)

•

~ . y9

(?) *oJb

(Date here not seen).

1895.]

W. Vost — On some rare Muhammadan Coins.

39

Plate II. Fig. 6. [W. Crooke, C.S.]

JE Obverse and Reverse.

316 As on Fig. 5, with date x.

0*9

The mint appears to be either Ludhiana as

suggested in the Journal , Asiatic Society , by Mr.

Rodgers, or possibly Budhana in the Muzaffar-

nagar district of the North-Western Provinces.

These appear to be the same as those beginning

with No. 84, Islam Shah, in the “ Coins of the Mogul

Emperors of India,” and are of importance in

shewing clearly several words of the legends not

previously correctly read.

III. Muhammad Shah, Suri.

Plate II. Fig. 7. [W. Crooke, C.S.]

Obverse.

In the Indian Museum Catalogue, Part I, J894,

there is a rupee of Muhammad Shah Sur, from the

Chhunsi mint.

Unique.

40 W.

Weight in

grains and

measurement

in English, inches.

M

302 —0-87

309 —0-82

312 —0-85

162|—0-73

M

316

0-85

Yost — On some rare Muhammadan Coins. [No. 1,

IV. Akbar.

Plate II. Figs. 9, 10, 11, 12.

Obverse.

* Ji

— 7

- a

Reverse.

3

It Q _ £b

Mint :

Bahraich.

I** *

b . v 978 H.

Tlie 14 coins of the Bahraich mint, I have seen, are

dated in 976 or 978 H. They are at once recognized

by the 6-rayed star in the loop of of falus. Many

of the reverses of these coins have not the word aw.

I have shewn the numerals in the position I have

seen them on some specimens. Bahraich has not

before been recorded as one of Akbar’s mints. From

a comparision of the four coins now figured the

legend can be made out.

Plate II. Fig. 13.

Obverse .

Mint :

#<Sjf Audli.

Reverse.

t Illegible.

The Aln-i-Akbarl tells us “ Ayodhya, commonly

called Awadh ” was one of the mints of Akbar from

wdiich copper was issued. The word aiaA occurs on

coins of Babar and Humayun of the Jaunpur mint,

and on some of Akbar struck at Kalpl.

Unique.

1895.]

W. Yost — On some rare Muhammadan Goins.

41

309

0-85

966 H.

Kalimah in two lines.

At page 222 of the Indian Antiquary for July 1890,

Mr. Rodgers has given (Fig. 19, Plate ii.) a coin very

similar in appearance to this weighing 315 grains and

dated 966 H. He reads the obverse inscription: —

<m

Plate III., Fig. 15.

Obverse.

Mi

Mint :

Jalalpur.

Reverse.

[j] 974 H.

Jalalpur, on the right bank of the Jhelam river in

the Panjab, was a flourishing place in Akbar’s time.

General Cunningham identified it with the ancient

Bucephala. Now it is of no importance.

As this coin was found in Audh, ifc may have been

struck at one of the two towns, named Jalalpur in

that province.

Unique.

Plate III., Fig. 16. [Y. A. Smith, C.S.]

Obverse .

In oblong area —

M !**• 1000 H.

Square. •*]

174

O' 7 x '75 Margins illegible.

Reverse (not shewn).

Kalimah.

Coin peculiar in having figures instead of vJJf for 1000 1J.

J. i. 6

42 W. Yost — On some rare Muhammadan Corns. [No. 1,

Ornament of 4 loops before first of mint name.

Unique.

M

38

0-45

Plate III., Fig. 19. [V. A. Smith, G.S.]

Obverse.

In a circle with dotted circle outside : —

Mint :

Gorakhpur,

Reverse.

Part of a circle visible : —

Jf 6 • 50th year.

At A Month : Khurdad.

Part of ornament as on Fig. 18. Thomas, in Chroni¬

cles, page 428, gives as the spelling of this

mint.

Unique.

1895.]

W. Yost — On some rare Muhammadan Coins.

43

Plate III., Fig. 20.

Obverse.

of coin. 987 H.

Unique.

44

W. Yost — On some rare Muhammadan Goins.

[No. 1,

V. Jahangir.

Weight in

grains and

measurement

in English inches.

JE

136

095

Plate III., Fig. 24.

Obverse.

In 8-foil, in a circle, with dotted circle outside : —

Reverse.

In 8 foil, Ac.

|-rr 1022 H.

Mint : Qandahar.

A coin of this type given by me to Mr. C. J.

Rodgers is now in the Lahore Museum. It is dated

1019 H., 5th year, and weighs 129 grains.

Besides the one in the plate another in my collec¬

tion, 1027 H., weighs as much as 154 grains. Neither

appears to have had any regnal year following & on

the obverse. They are not much worn. No others

are known. Obtained at Quetta.

M

38*5

0-53

M

307-5

0-85

VI. Shah Jahan.

Plate III., Fig. 25. [W. Crooke, C.S.]

Obverse.

. L^s>. JjlA

Reverse .

Mint :

V Narnol.

jjC

VII. Aurangzib.

Plate III., Fig. 26. [W. Crooke, C.S.]

Obverse.

A-Lm*

^

*

1895.]

W. Yost — On some rare Muhammadan Goins.

45

%

Reverse.

Aw Mint :

Shahjahanabad.

Good specimens give the regnal and Jalus years

respectively above Aw of the obverse and reverse.

On obverse I 1 1 fi below ; reverse pv below a>.

“ Dar-nl- Jihad ” we know from rupees of Aurangzib

was applied to Haidarabad (Sind). This is the first

time it has been observed on a mohur, and it is inter¬

esting to discover that Tattah, still lower down the

Indus, also used the epithet.

VIII. Muhammad Shah.

Plate III., Fig. 28.

M

190

08

(?)

Hafizabad, 32 miles west of Gujranwala, Panjab,

Obverse.

*1 _ &

sU a [ b ]

(jT)U«"0 & C,_V/

Reverse.

A .I. V...W

■t4]

6 jalus.

Mint :

Hafizabad

46

W. Vosfc — On some rare Muhammadan Goins.

[No. 1,

Weight in

grains and

measurement

in English inches.

JR

169

0-9

M

192

0-85

formerly of great importance, is recorded in the Ain-i-

Akbari as the head-qnarters of a Mahal. This is a

new mint. The coin is of the 6th year, probably of

Muhammad Shah Mughul.

Unique.

IX. Shah ‘Alam.

Plate III., Fig. 29.

Obverse.

Ip ISIA

<!

j \.C

v _ S'

Ilusainabad is probably that portion of Lakhnau

(Lucknow) known by this name.

Unique .

TABLE OF CONTENTS PLATE II.

1895.]

W. Vost — On some rare Muhammadan Goins

47

1 0

w rt

© g

•+3

£

"S

w

ici

'3

<M

X

CO

1>

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TABLE OF CONTENTS PLATE III.

48

W. Yost — On some rare Muhammadan Coins.

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O. J. Rodgers — Coins of the Kings of ftfa'bar.

49

Coins of the Musalmdn Kings of Malbar. — By Chas, J. Rodgers, Esq.,

Honorary Numismatist to tlie Government of India.

[With two Plates.]

[Read April 1895.]

In the two plates which accompany this paper I have drawn some

coins which were sent to me by the Rev. J. E. Tracy of Kodaikanal in

the District of Madura, Madras Presidency. The last two coins, how¬

ever, are from my old collection, now in the Lahore Museum. Each

coin’s weight is below it ; the metal is above it. (M = mixed metal).

T = Rev. J. E. Tracy. L. M. = Lahore Museum.

I will at once give the transcriptions of the legends and reserve my

remarks on the kings to the end of this paper.

Plate IV (1)

„ (2)

(3)

.. G)

„ (5)

.. (6)

JiWt (.1*311

do.

j Uiiyfl Jili. vrv

In circular area

In margin : — j ^*1* j

(unit word not plain).

has been read

(9) v^*

(10) diRcfkc yi ^(LlvJ( In circular area : —

In margin : — j

>)

(7) }jtA»

(8) do. In circular area : — j^jjl

In margin : — *jU**«» j

J. r. 7

50

C. J. Rodgers — Coins of the Kings of Malbar. [No. 3,

Plate IV (11) (**» » 3 ^

1 The word ur +** is legible on a coin since sent by Mr. Tracy.

2 This coin was sent me after my paper had been sent to the Society.

1895.]

51

C. J. Rodgers — Goins of the Kings of Ma'bar,

These coins supply us with matter for a small history of Ma‘bar

(j**° ). They give us names and they give us dates. Coins (1) to (3)

are two varieties of a type of Muhammad bin Tughlaq, not mentioned by

Thomas and not found in any bazar of Northern India. They are of

Ma‘bar fabric, and show that that Sultan held sway in the South of India.

Coin No. (32) is one mentioned by Thomas, but he reads the obverse

&L/f jA « and his coin is dated 730 H. This type is not in the

British Museum, neither is it in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. There

is one in the Lahore Museum, Rodgers’ collection (Muhammad bin

Tughlaq’s No. 30). But this has no date, and the obverse legend is in a

double circle and the reverse in a single one. We may regard this coin

(32), therefore, as a Ma‘bar coin of Muhammad bin Tughlaq, struck in

733 H.

Coin (4) is one of Jalalu-d*dunya-wa-ud-din Ahsan Shah struck

in 737 H. So is coin (5). Coin (6) is a third variety of the same Sultan.

Here he calls himself the ‘ Sultan of Sultans.’ The date is given in

Arabic words in the margin, but the unit word is not plain. The

‘ thirty,’ is plain. Coin (40) is a fourth type of this king’s coins.

In Elliot’s History of India, Vol. III., p. 618, we find the following,

taken from the French translation of Ibn i Batiitah. ‘ The Sultan had

appointed the Sharif Jalalu-d-din Ahsan Shah to be governor of the

country of Ma‘bar which is at the distance of six months’ journey from

Dehli.1 This Jalalu-d-din rebelled, usurped the ruling power, killed

the lieutenants and agents of the sovereign, and struck in his own name

gold and silver money. On one side of the coins2 there was impressed

the following (letters) : to'e and lie, ye and sin ( these letters, which form

the titles of the 20th and 26th chapters of the Qu’ran are among the

epithets bestowed upon Muhammad), and (the words) “ father of faqlrs

and of the indigent, the glory of the world and of religion.” On the

other face the following : “ He who puts his trust in the help of the

all merciful, Ahsan Shah, Sultan.” The Sultan, when he was informed

of this revolt, set forth to suppress it.’

We know that Muhammad bin Tughlaq never got any further than

Talingana. His army was there attacked by cholera, and he returned to

Daulatabad. Firishta gives us the year 742 H. as the date of this ex¬

pedition and calls the rebel ruler ‘ Sayyid Hasan.’ Now Captain

Tufnell says the dates 738 and 740 appear on the silver coins of Jalalu-

d-din. And Ibn-i-Batutah says that when Jalalu-d-din died, ‘he ap¬

pointed as his successor, Alaioddin, one of his Amirs. After this,

1 Farther on he says Ma'bar is three months’ march from the capital of Tilang.

2 No coins have yet been found bearing these legends. They were probably the

large silver and gold coins, which the Sarrafs melted down.

52

[No. 1,

Co J. Rodgers — Coins of the Kings of McSbar.

his brother’s son Kotboddin came to the supreme rule.’1 The coins

wc have give us the name of ‘Alau-d-dln, Arohar Shah or Aduji

Shah, and his date in the margin of (8) as 740 H. Coin (9) gives us

the dates of Qutbu-d-din as 740 (the t® is reversed on the coin) and his

successor was 1 Ghiyasu-d-dln Damghani, an Amir of Jalalu-d-din to

whose daughter he was married ; and on coin (10) we find in the margin

the date 741 H. in Arabic words. Now all this is plain sailing. Jalalu-

d-din died in 740 H. ‘Aiau-d-din could have reigned but a few months

of the same year. Qutbu-d-din reigned only 40 days and was mur¬

dered by his subjects. 1 His coin is dated 740 H. Damghani succeeded

him in the same year. Coins (10), (11) and (34) are of this king.

Coin (12) is one of Nasiru-d-din Mahmud,1 nephew of Damghani.

I read his date in the margin as 745 H., but have doubts about the unit

word. Ibn i Batutah left Ma‘bar in this Sultan’s reign. Coins (J3) (14)

(15) (16) and (17) are of ‘Adil Shah. He calls himself the “meek”

( ) Sultan on (14). On this coin is a date in the margin 759 H.

Three marks on the obverse may be vdv, but they arc probably diacri¬

tical marks.

Coins (18) to (21) have no king’s name on them, but they have

dates 765, 767, 770. «$D| or ‘ The Elect of God ’ and

‘ the slave of the Chosen-one ’ are the names or titles on these coins. Now

(31) is of the date 765H., and gives the name of the king as Mubarak

Shah, King of the World ^ and his title on the other

side is with an addition or ‘ the Glory of the

King of kings.’ Coins (23) (26) (27) (28) help us in this assignment

of all these to one king — Mubarak Shah.

There are three other dated coins (29) and (30) of j*. or

‘ The elect of the Merciful,’ Sikandar Shall. One is dated 774 H : (22) is

of the same type, but is dated 779 H. (35) is another type of this king’s

coins.

We have still left two coins (24) and (25) of Nasratu-d-din and

Sliamsu-d-din respectively.* These coins are of persons of whom we

know absolutely nothing. There are no other types of them to help us

with dates.

Coin (36) is still left to be considered. Its legends are plain

*12. cR*4**| j LWf^U. Amongst the nobles who rebelled

1 Dr. Lee’s Ibn i Batutah, Chap. XX.

2 Firishta has, J*# j

This may be the man who struck (24). It is within the bounds of possibility that

( 24) and (3b) were struck by one and the same king.

53

1895.] C. J. Rodgers — Coins of the Kings of Malhcir.

against Muhammad bin Tughlaq was one who is styled by Firishta

‘ Ism‘ail Fath brother of Gul Afghan ’ and it is added : —

♦♦ ^

j4 b #

j Jjt-vj <> i i> J }^S?

All throughout Firishta calls him ‘ Ism'ail Fath.’ He did not

enjoy being king in such troublous times and lie resigned. Hasan

Gango was elected in his place. This was in 748. So this coin (36)

must have been struck about 747 or 48 H. It does not really, therefore,

belong to the kings of Ma‘bar.

It will be noticed that the first king of Ma‘bar was Jalalu-d-din

Ahsan Shah. His reign was from 737 to 740H., according to coins.

Now Hasan Gango became independent in 848 H. He made Gulburga

his capital and called it Hasanabad. So says Firishta, who quotes a lot

of poetry in which Hasan and Hasanabad frequently occur. But as on

the coins of the dynasty of Hasan, Gulburga is always called «ib|

Ahsanabad, the full name of this sovereign was ‘ ‘Alau-d-dunya-wa-

ud-dln Ahsan Shah Gango Bahmani.’ We must not suppose that

Jalalu-d-din had anything to do with Ahsanabad. He was only king

in Ma'bar, which is a long way from Gulburga. Ma‘bar seems to have

been that part of India opposite Ceylon, and Madura was its capital.

When Hasan Gango reigned in Ahsanabad, he never seems to have taken

any notice whatever of Ma‘bar and its affairs. All the descendants of

Hasan are well known. They also abstained from meddling in Ma‘bar

matters.

One thing at first seems strange. The coins of the kings of Ma‘bar

are found apparently in abundance. The coins of early kings of the

Bahmani dynasty of Gulburga- Ahsanabad are amongst the rare things

in our Museum cabinets. The reason is given by Firishta. The Bah¬

mani kings quarrelled with the Sarrafs and murdered a lot of them. Coins

of Hindu kings were melted down, and only Muhammadan coins were

allowed. When the Sarrafs, however, got a chance they melted down

Muhammadan coins and made current Hindii ones. In this general

melting down Muhammadan Dekkan coins disappeared. The Honorable

Mr. Gibbs rescued a few of them, but nowadays an early Bahmani

gold or silver coin is rarely met with.

For nearly all the coins in these two plates I am indebted to the

courtesy of the Rev. J. E. Tracy, who kindly permitted me to draw

them. For coins (35) and (36) I am indebted to the Lahore Museum.

When I made out my Catalogue, I put down coin (36) as an unassigned

54

C. J. Rodgers — Coins of the Kings of Ma'bar. [No. 1,

coin. I met with the name of Ism'ail Fath in reading the story of

Hasan Gango.

We may now sum up what these coins teach us. They simply

record the fact (1) that Muhammad bin Tughlaq held possession of

Ma‘bar, and (2) that the following kings reigned there : —

Jalalu-d-din Ahsan Shah

‘Alau-d-dm Arofyar or Aduji Shah

Qutbu-d-dln Firuz Shah

Ghiyasu-d-din Muhammad Dam-

ghan Shah ... ... ...

Nasiru-d-din Muhammad Shah ...

‘Adil Shah, the Meek

Mubarak Shah, King of the World

Ac. ... ... «»•

‘Alau-d-dln Sikandar Shah

Nasratu-d-dln

Shamsu-d-din ... ...

N asiru-d-dln Ism'all Fath

737 — 740 H.

740 H.

740 H to—

745 H.

759 H.

•

765 — 770 H.

774 — 779 H.

(in Beder ?)

747-8 H. (in Gulburga.)

Captain Tufnell in “ Hints to Coin Collectors in Southern India”

was the first to bring these coins to notice. I think that if he had had

better coins he would have avoided some mistakes in the coins of the

latter kings. He did not read one margin : we have seen that they

afford considerable help as they yield dates. He took for

and for the name of a king. Muhammad Mustafa and

Khadim i Mustafa were also made into kings. We know them only as

names or titles assumed by the very pious but somewhat vainglorious

Mubarak Shah. Fakhr and Shah Jahan were made into kings also,

by Captain Tufnell. Two coins not in our plates were given by him ;

one has on one side with an illegible margin; on the reverse is

in a circle. Another has in large letters on one side ; the

other side is not given. A third coin seems to read I j LWfjar* and

If this be correct we must admit Fakhr u-d-din into

the list of kings of Ma‘bar.

I may add that it was from Captain Tufnell and from Messrs T.

M. Ranga Chari, B. A., and T. Desika Chari, B. A., that I first of all be¬

came acquainted with these coins. The coins in my Lahore Collection,

from South India, came from these three gentlemen.

The present paper owes its existence solely to the courtesy of the

Rev. J. E. Tracy, M.A.

1895.]

H. P. Qastii — Buddhism in Bengal.

55

Buddhism in Bengal since the Muhammadan Conquest. — By

Hara Prasada pASTRI, M. A.

[Read January 1895.]

Whatever might have been the fate of Buddhism in other parts

of India, in the Provinces of Eastern India, it had to suffer serious

persecution, nay, it may be said, that Buddhism was expelled from

Eastern India by fire and sword. In making excavations at Ku^inagara

ashes were discovered after a certain depth, plainly indicating that fire

was one of the agencies employed in the expulsion of Buddhism.1 At

Sarnath in Benares, the excavations laid open cook-rooms containing

half-boiled rice rotting there for centuries.2 The catastrophe was so

sudden that the poor Bhiksus could not even complete their meals.

Sir A. Cunningham quotes two passages, one from Tibetan and another

from Muhammadan sources, to shew that at the last Buddhist capital of

Bihar, Bakhtiyar Khilji put a large number of shaven Brahmans, i. e .,

Buddhist Bhiksus assembled at a monastery, to the sword.3

All these facts plainly shew that fire and sword were employed

in the destruction of Buddhism in Eastern India. But who employed

them P In the case of Odantapuri, the last capital of Bihar, it was

certainly the Muhammadans, and presumably in other cases also, they

were the destroyers. The Hindu mode of persecuting Buddhists, was

quite different. It was persecution and annoyance, and not destruction,

(^aijka cut down the Bo tree.4 * Uday ana held a disputation with the

life of his Buddhist antagonist at stake.6 Gagge9opadhyaya wrote

his great work on Logic with the express object of

i.e.j for dispelling the darkness created by powerful heretics ; and

Udayana wrote a work entitled Bauddha-dhikkdra , or, ‘ Fie on the

Buddhists ! ’ Another Hindu revivalist prohibited the sounding of

1 Rep. Arch. Sur., Ind., Vol. XVIII, pp. 62-63.

2 The same, Vol. I, pp. from 126 to 130.

3 The same, Vol. XI, p. 185.

4 The same, Vol. Ill, pp. 80-81.

6 Gaure Brahman, p. 102-105.

fcloWlCv

56 H. P. Qastil — Buddhism in Bengal. [No. 1,

the bell at Buddhist Viharas, till he was worsted in disputation.1 This

is the Hiudu way of persecution. The Sena rajas of Bengal used to

grant lands to Brahmans bordering on Buddhist Viharas, thus setting

up a perpetual source of annoyance to the inmates of the monastery.2

Ridicule was one of the powerful weapons used by the Hindus in

annoying the Buddhists, who were held up in dramas like the

Prabodha Candrodaya, as great libertines, fond of wine and women.

In later Tantras too, Buddha and his followers are regarded as men

of pleasure. Their method of obtaining spiritual success, was by means

of wine and women. In the Cinaeara-tantra Tantra, Va$istha is sent

to China for obtaining success by means of the Tara-mantra from

Buddha, who lived surrounded by women in China. This is annoyance

and teasing, but not destruction.

Assuming, therefore, that the Muhammadan conquest dealt a death

blow to the expiring efforts of Buddhism iu Eastern India, it may be

asked, was the destruction of Buddhism caused by Muhammadan

conquest complete ? People think it to be so, but this is physically im¬

possible. The Muhammadan conquest itself was not a complete con¬

quest, the Patlians held the country simply iu military occupation. They

held some of the big cities and left the rest of the country to govern

itself the best it could. It was not possible for them to destroy Buddhism

all over the country. Then again, it is difficult to say that the conquerors

could distinguish between Hinduism and Buddhism. They were icono¬

clasts. They destroyed idols, no matter whether they were Hindii

cr Buddhist. In fact, the pressure of the conquest was felt by both

Hindus and Buddhists alike. The Brahmans from Rarli and Varendra

flocked to Vikramapura,3 the last stronghold of the Sena rajas, and up

to this date there are more Rarhi Brahmans at that remote corner of

Bengal than in Rarha itself, especially the higher class Kullns. To

drive away Brahmans and to destroy a few families is one thing,

but quite another thing is the wholesale massacre of Buddhist monks,

assembled in central Viharas during the Vasso. If one single monastery

is destroyed with all its monks, a whole district, nay, even a larger

area, will be without religious leaders and religious teachers altogether.

A few cases of massacre like that at Oyfantapuri, would leave the

entire Buddhist population of Bengal and Bihar without leaders.

One would be disposed to account for the existence of a vast Muham¬

madan population in the Districts of Bengal, amounting to 25 millions

1 Travels in the Western World, translated from Chinese by Beal, Vol. II.

2 Gaure Brahman, p. 281, line XII.

3 See the article Kullna in the Vifjva Kesa.

1895.]

57

H. P. Castri ~ Bruldhum in Bengal.

of people, by the easy conversion of the Buddhist population after the

destruction of their monasteries.

The helpless Buddhists would naturally be inclined more to

Muhammadanism, which has no restriction of food, &c., than to Hin¬

duism, which imposes thousands of restrictions on every action of life.

But was Buddhism actually effaced from the soil of Bengal and

Bihar P People think so, but there were traces of Buddhism till very

lately. A Kayastha belonging to Magadha, copied a Buddhist MS.

in 1446, The MS. is now at Cambridge.1 That shew's signs of lingering

Buddhism. Dr. Hoey has discovered an inscription at Set, dated in the

thirteenth century, dedicating a temple to the Buddha.2 Buddhist monks

were at Bodh Gaya so late as 1331. The Bodh Gaya temple was repaired

by a king of Arakan in 1305. A biographer of Caitanya, named Cuda-

mani Dasa, makes Buddhists rejoice at the birth of Caitanya. One of

the great millionaires of Satgao in Caitanya’s time, belonging to the

Sonarbania caste, refuses to accept Vaisnavism on the ground that he

would not like to be saved, when the whole world round him is

plunged in misery.3 This is pure Buddhistic sentiment absolutely

unknown to the Hindus, fulapani, writing after the Muhammadan con¬

quest, makes the very sight of a Buddhist an occasion for performing

expiatory ceremonies. The word of the text he quotes is Nagna , or

naked, which he explains as Bauddhddayah. How could he explain

that word that way if there were no Buddhists in his country P

These facts will lead to one conclusion that traces of Buddhism 1

were to be found so late as Caitanya’s time. In speaking of Buddhism If

I do not take into considerationTthlTfact of” the Buddha’s being regarded

as the ninth incarnation of Visnu, for in that case all Hindus would be

in one sense, Buddhists. No trace of Buddhism has been found after

Caitanya’s time.

It seems, however, surprising that a religion which existed in

Eastern India in such splendour from 600 B.C. to P200 A.D., should be

so utterly destroyed that no vestige of its existence could be found any¬

where in Bengal at this day only 700 years after its final overthrow.

But fortunately it is not so. A sort of corrupt Buddhism mixed

up with a variety of Aryan and non-Aryan forms of worship, still

obtains in Bengal amongst a very large number of lower class people.

Of the various castes inhabiting Bengal, Dorns never acknowledge the 'Vom,

superiority of Brahmans. They get all the religious ceremonies of the

1 See Catalogue of Buddhist Sanskrit MSS. in the University Library, Cam¬

bridge, Preface, p. 4 and Book, pp. 69-70.

2 See pp. 70-71 of the Sharqi Architecture of Jaunpur, Yol. I.

3 Rep. Arch. Surv., Ill, pp. 101-105. %

J. I. 8

2 A

58 H. P. Qasfri — Buddhism in Bengal, [No, 1,

caste, performed by pandits of the Dom tribe, and these Dorns are

the constituted Purohitas of Dharma, a deity whom I venture to

identify with Buddlia-deva. One of the names of Buddha is Dharma-

raja, and this is precisely the name by which the deity Dharma is

spoken of by his worshippers. The ancient Bengali literature consists

of works describing the way in which different deities manifested

themselves in this world and the way their worship became prevalent.

I have elsewhere given an account of the prevalence of the worship of

Manasa, or Goddess of serpents. There are works also describing how

the deity Dharma-raja manifested himself, and how his worship became

prevalent.

According to Ghana-rama who wrote in 1710 his magnificent work

the Qri-dharma-maygala , on this subject, his work is based on two

previous works, one by Rupa-rama and another by Mayura-bhatta.

All these again are said to be based on the Hakanda-purana. My

enquiries have led to the fact that works of Rupa-rama and Mayura-

bhatta are still extant, but I have not yet succeeded in getting copies

of these works.

The story as given by Ghana-rama, is this. The son of the great

king of Gauda, Dharma-pala, had appointed his brother-in-law Maha-

mada, as his minister. Malia-mada had another sister named Ranja,

for whom he had a dislike, but she was a special favourite of Dharma-

raja. Malia-mada tries in various ways to destroy his sister’s son,

Lau-sen, but Dharma always protects him. Lau-sen is persecuted in

various ways, but all these persecutions fail. Lau-seen is then sent to lead

arduous expeditions against distant countries, such as Kama-riipa and

Orissa. In all of these Dharma makes him successful. Maha-mada

at last comes to his senses and takes his nephew into favour. Kalu

Dom, Lau-sen’s favorite general, becomes the constituted Purohita of

Dharma and obtains the privilege of being allowed to drink wine and

eat hog’s flesh. Dharma is described as superior _to JBralima, Visnu, and

Mah^vara, and as having Hanumat as his great general. Ghana-rama’s

work is a lengthy one, it repays perusal both as a work of poetic art

and as embodying curious informaton about ancient Bengal.

fh The great Buddhist monarch Dharma-pala, is very well known.

He was the first great monarch of the Pala Dynasty, who were Bud¬

dhists. It is also known that he conquered Gauda and led expeditions

to Kama-rupa, where also a branch of this dynasty ruled for a long time.

It js^ probable that Buddhism mixed up with some aboriginal form of

i worship, gave rise to a new form of worship, namely, that of Dharma

[ during the ascendency of the Pala Dynasty in Bengal, and that it

being suited to the genius of £he people, obtained a currency which

1895.]

59

H. P. Qastrl — Buddhism in Bengal.

still lasts. That Buddhism has a wonderful aptitude iu assimilating

various forms of Demon and other worships, is well known from the

history of Buddhism in Nepal and Tibet. The Dharma worship

appears to be a similar assimilation of some old-world superstition

with Buddhism.

My recent investigations into the mode of Dharma worship, during

the Durga piija holidays in the Sub-division of Cutwa, has added

another link to the arguments for proving the identification of Dharma-

raja Avith the Buddha. There is a Dharma temple at Cuongachi near

Patuli, the priest of which belongs to the Mayara caste. He was

questioned about the method of worship, and his answers led to im¬

portant results. He said cooked food is never offered to Dharma ;

this is precisely the case with Buddhist and Jaina idols. They are

regarded as emancipated men and not deities. Any cooked food when

eaten by men becomes impure, and so no cooked food is offered to them.

Any caste may worship Dharma. The Dorns do worship him and often

offer hog’s flesh to him, but the Mantra by which Dharma is meditated

upon, is very curious. It leaves no doubt that he is the Buddha.

♦TRfrcr srtf^T *11% si’JW (it ?) i

He who has no end, no beginning and no middle ; he who has

neither hands nor legs, he who has no germ of body ; he who has no

form, no primordial form ; he who has no birth ; that Yogindra,

approachable by knowledge, _ friendly to all men, one protector of all

creatures, the truth, the spotless, the giver of boons to mortal men ;

whose form is f unya or void ; may he protect you !

The word Yogindra applies to the Buddha, as he is called Mu-

mndra in the Amarakosa. He is approachable by knowledge, while

Hindu deities are approachable by devotion.

Most of these adjectives may, though by some stretch of imagina¬

tion, apply to fiva or Visnu. But there is one which can never be

applied to a Hindu deity and which is a peculiar attribute of the

Buddha. This is Qunya-murti , identifying him with void ; this is what

the Prajna Paramita teaches, and is what constitutes the peculiarity

of Buddhist teaching that everything resolves itself into giinya or ‘void.

The Sanskrit of the Mantra as obtained from the Mayara priest, is

perfectly ungrammatical, and so I tried to get another version of it

from a different part of the country, and if possible from a higher

60 H. P. Qastri — Buddhism in Bengal. [$fo. 1,

class man. This I succeeded in getting from a small village near the

Rajbandh station in Bankura.

Though this version is nearer to grammatical Sanskrit, yet it

contains one serious grammatical blunder, and though the form in

which it is put, looks like the Dhyana or Mantra for meditating on

a Hindu deity by saying , I fail to understand how

• • # # #

the mind can be fixed on a void without beginning and without end,

without legs, without arms, without head, and so on. This is in fact

an attempt to give to a high Buddhist spiritual conception, a Hindii per¬

sonified form, and the attempt is a miserable failure. The Mantra too,

appears to have been written by an ignorant man in some form of

ancient Prakrit, which many have tried to put in a sanskritised form.

Many would not like to believe that this low worship, accom¬

panied with the sacrifice of pigs, and with Dhyana and other Hindu forms

of worship, can have anything to do with Buddhism, whose first vow

was to refrain from killing animals, and which in its earliest forms at

least, did away with worship altogether. But that it is so, will appear

from translations from the history of Buddhism, by Lama Taranatha

of Tibet, kindly made for me by Babu farat Chandra Das, C. I. E. and

appended to this article.

I beg to draw attention to one passage of this translation. ‘ He

(the Domacarya) preached the Tantrik doctrine of Buddhism, called

Dharma, to the people of Tippera, and obtained numerous followers.

Many among them became Siddhas too. He was then invited to the

country of Radha, called Rara in the common language of the people.

The Raja of that country was a bigoted follower of Brahmans, but

seeing the supernatural powers of Domacarya, and his goodness and

learning, he became changed in his views, and henceforth the “ Dharma ”

Buddhism, in its Tantrik phase became greatly honored and followed

by the people of Bengal, Radlia and Tippara. By the worship of

Dharma, is meant, that of the Buddhist deities, such as Yajra-ydgini ;

Yajra-varalii ; Vajra-bhairava (Ksetra-pala); Vajra-dakini ; the Natha,

and so on. In fact, in the latter days of Buddhism, tbe Dik-palas,

Dliarma-palas and other spirit protectors of Buddhism, became the

object of worship to the exclusion of the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas.’

That Yajra-yogini, Yajra-bhairavas, and other Buddhist Tantrik

deities used to be worshipped in Bengal, there is no doubt. Many of

them are still worshipped in a Hinduized form. But Ksetra-pala is

still worshipped under his proper name in a non-]brahmanic form by

low-caste priests. Ksetra-pala is represented by some tree. The earth

on which it grows has the miraculous power of removing barrenness,

and producing male children in one who gives birth to daughters only.

61

1895.] H. P. (Jastri — Buddhism in Bengal .

There is a Ksetrapala tree at Kliad-daha, eight miles from Calcutta, and

another at f ingi, in Burdwan.

From very ancient times Buddhist monks used to dispense medi¬

cines ; that was one of the sources of their influence, nay, of their income.

The Dharma priests to this day do dispense medicine. They generally

pretend to have received certain specifics for certain diseases from their

deity, and if the patient with a devout mind, uses the medicine and

pays the votive offering after cure, he is sure to get rid of the disease.

The fuongachi Dharma has a specific for diarrhoea. The Jamalpur

Dliarma cures not only diseases but grants whatever is desired of him.

The Acale^vara Dharma has a specific for bilious eruptions, and so on.

APPENDIX.

Extract from pages 11 to 14 of “ Bhah bobs bdun .” — By Lama Takanatha

of Tibet.

(Teanslated by 9ARAT Chandra Das, C. I. E.)

Tantrik Buddhism called Dharma (or Chlios in Tibetan.)

During the reign of King Bama-pala, the Buddhist Tantrik Sage,

Yirupa, after visiting Somalia tha in Saurastra, came to Magadha, and there

worked in the cause of Dharma (Buddhism) for the good of all living

beings. He was greatly venerated by the people. On one occasion when

the king was engaged in a war with the Muhammadan Tajiks,1 the Tantrik

charms of this sage are said to have done him much service. One of the

elephants of Rama-pala, named Bhanvadala, drank the water that was

sanctified by the touch of the feet of the sage, in consequence of which it

returned from the field of battle after killing one hundred 2 Muhammadan

warriors. From Magadha, Yirupa proceeded towards the East and came

to the country of Gauda. There one of the Tajik kings gave him much

trouble. The king, it is said, saw a Yogi sitting near his pillow touching his

head. Awaking from sleep he caused Yirupa to be brought to his presence.

He caused him to be thrown into the river to be drowned, but

in spite of the repeated attempts to kill him in that manner, he came out

safely from the depths of water. He was then ordered to be burnt alive.

The fire did not touch him, to the astonishment of all. Then sharp and

pointed weapons were tried to kill him. These also failed to do him any

harm. During the time he was kept in confinement, he is said to have been

forced to subsist on poison : though six loads of it were consumed, yet the

sage did not suffer the least injury from its effect. Lastly, for six days

1 The name by which the Persians and Afghans are known to the Tibetans.

8 It appears that the king killed 100 Mlecch Rajavarinjas or Riijputras, having

gone to the field of battle mounted on the elephant.

62

H. P. Qastrl— Buddhism in Bengal. [No. J,

and nights he was kept without food under strict watch : still he was

found to be in good health. Finding that notwithstanding these tortures

the sage grew brighter and more powerful than before, the king let him

go. He was received by the people with the greatest veneration, as one who

had attained sidclhi (supernatural powers and perfections.)

Being reverently asked who he was, he gave his name as Virupa.

In Gauda he initiated the fortunate five in some of the secrets of his mystic

cult. Many among them gained what is called the ordinary sidclhi. In

Bengal, during his stay of about four months, he remained accessible to

the public ; afterwards he, disappeared, none knew to what_ place he went.

Probably he proceeded to China from Bengal. This Acarya (religious

teacher) was called Qri Dliarma-pala. He was not the same as Sthavira

Dharma-pala, the Updclhydya of Nalanda.

His disciple was Kala Virupa, or Virupa, the black, born of Brahman

parents in Odiyana, in the West. The Brahman Astrologers predicted

that he would be guilty of the commission of the most heinous crimes. At

the age of seven he, being turned out of his home, that he might not commit

the crimes, wandered from place to place for many years.

His mother, too, after the death of her husband, father-in-law and

mother-in-law, became homeless and destitute. She wandered from place

to place, till, arriving in Orissa, she became a wine-seller.1 Her son Kala

also happened to arrive at the same place, and during the night came

to her house. Not knowing that she was his mother, while under the

influence of wine, he committed one of the four great sins that was

predicted of him. Then being very thirsty he drank some beer, mistaking

it for water, from an earthen mug. His thirst remaining still unquenched

he grew furious with rage, and threw the vessel outside. It struck

the head of a calf and killed the little creature. Hearing the dying cry

of the calf he came out of the house, and with a view to conceal the act

he rolled it down towards the lane, and thereby crushed an old Brahman

that happened to pass by.

In the morning . he found that the wine-selling woman was his mother,

and that in one night he had committed all the four great crimes2 that

were predicted of him, and which were the most heinous among the sixteen

great sins mentioned in the Vedas as destroying Brahmanhood.

Reflecting on the gravity of his sins, he became very penitent and fled

for his life and in order to perform penance, from Orissa. He made pilgrim¬

ages to almost all the sacred places of the Brahmans and the Buddhists.

But being told that his purification was not complete, he proceeded

to the country of Kogkana to meet the great Buddhist sage of Jalan¬

dhar!, then residing there. The sage gave him a mystic Mantra to

propitiate the Tantrik deity Vajra-yogini, and told him that thereby he

1 In Tib. Chaug-htshon-ma, a woman that sells wine, generally a prostitute.

2 1. Drinking wine in a prostitute’s place. 2. Incest with his mother. 3.

Killing a cow (calf). 4. Killing a Brahman.

1895.]

f>3

H. P. ^astrl — Buddhism in Bengal .

could purify himself of his sins, should he daily repeat it standing in the

Koijkana river, only keeping his head above the surface of the water. Ho

accordingly did this for a period of six months, without perceiving any signs

of success. At length, in a fit of rage he cast away the rosary on which he

used to count his daily recitations of the Mantra.

His Guru advised him to persevere in the work of penance, as it was

sure that he would soon obtain his object. For seven days he performed

the penance, with perfect concentration of the mind, and in the early

morning of the eighth day, the goddess Vajra-yogini, in the shape of a pretty

little girl, appeared before him. She said ‘ Why have you come to die

in this country of Koijkana after crossing 800 arms of the sea and 900

rivers?’ He reverently replied: i Ai mata Vajra-yogini , Tere Sarane ! ’

O, mother Vajra-yogini, I have to come to take refuge in thee ! Hear¬

ing this she touched the crown of his head with her hand and said, * Go thou

to the great sage Virupa who has performed a profound Samddhi. He

has been spiritually connected by the chain of Karma with you for several

births. He is now in the Maharattha country.’ So saying she disappeared.

At that time Virupa, wearing a cap made of a human skull had returned

thither after visiting almost all the sacred cemeteries of India and acquir¬

ing the Maliamudra siddhi. He had become a great Tantrik, having

acquired supernatural powers by the practice of the adept secret cult.

Kala became his pupil and under his guidance gained siddhi by propitiat¬

ing the goddess Vajra-varahi, who is also called Vajra-yogini.

The chief disciple of Kala Virupa1 was called Dom Virupa Heruka. ■

He was in fact a Raja of Tripura (Tippera), which is a country in the

eastern direction of Baqgala. When Acarya Kala Virupa visited Tripura,

the Raja became greatly impressed with his teaching. He wished to be

initiated in the mystic cult of the Tantriks. The sage was greatly

pleased with his royal pupil and made him an adept in his mystic art.

The Raja for a long time meditated on the subject of his propitiation,

having always in view his Guru, and thereby acquired the preliminary

stage of siddhi. When he perceived that the time of testing his spiritual

capabilities had arrived, he heard a prophecy that the female energy

( QaJeti ) of his spiritual union was in the person of Padmavati, a maiden

of the Dom caste. Accordingly he took her as his helpmate for gaining

perfection in the Tantrik cult. The ministers, chiefs, and all the sub¬

jects of the kingdom repudiated this conduct of the Raja and ultimately

were obliged to cast him out, both from society and royalty. The Raja

with his Dom mistress left Tripura, and went to a jungle in the neigh¬

bouring country to practise the Tantrik cult in solitude. He became

a great adept in the mystic science by keeping in his vows. Afterwards

he visited many other places. He became known as Dom Raja or D5m

Acarya. The term Dom signifies one of very low caste. A Dom lives out¬

side the city. He kills fish, birds, and wild animals, and subsists on them.

1 According to some Tibetan writers this Virupa was a CharmaJcara by birth, but

they have no authority to support the assertion. v Tok 7" jjj.

64

[No. I,

H. P. Qistrl — Buddhism in Ben yah •

He does not sell meat. He sings and dances (prob. professionally). He

s_ells grass and fruits, &c. He carries on more than one low profession. This

Acarya was not himself a Dom, but his wife being a Domnl, he was called

Dom (Tib. Dom-paL which means one having a Dom wife. This Dom

Acarya acquired many supernatural powers and did immense service to

the people of Bengal and to Tripura. Less than six years after his initia¬

tion into the mysteries of the Tantras, he visited other countries and

made pilgrimages.

During his absence from Tripura a great many calamities befel the

people. Famine appeared and epidemics raged in the country. The court

astrologer said that the distress and the troubles of the country were due

to the banishment of the good Baja on account of his religious opinions-

Accordingly he was invited to revisit his country. The people received

him as a Siddha (Saint), and bowed down to his feet in veneration and

received his benediction. He preached the Tantrik doctrine of Buddhism

called Dharma to them, and obtained numerous followers. Many among

them became siddhas too.

He was then invited to the country of Badha, called Bara in the

common language of the people. The Baja of that country was a bigoted

follower of the Brahmans, but seeing the supernatural powers of the Dom

Acarya and his goodness and learning, he became changed in his views.

Henceforth the Dharma Buddhism in its Tantrik phase became greatly

honoured and followed by the people of Bengal and Badha and Tippera.

By the worship of the Dharma is meant that of the Buddhist deities such

as Vajra-yogini or -varahr, Yajra-bhairava (that is the Ksetra-pala), l

Vajra-dakini, the Natha, in Tibetan called Gon-po, &c.

In fact in the latter days of Buddhism the Dik-pala, Dharma-pala and

other fancied spirit-protectors of Buddhism became the object of worship,

to the exclusion of the Buddhas and the Bodhisattvas.

1 Ksetra, i.e Buddha-ksetra.

1895.]

If. P. Qastrl — Cri- dhmma- mnrjgala*

65

Qri-dharma-marjgala : A distant echo of the Lalita-vistara } — By Pandit

Hara Prasad QastrI, M.A.

[Read February, 1895.]

In a paper read in December last,1 I attempted to prove that the

Dharma-piija prevalent in Western Bengal is Buddhism, though un¬

conscious.

In the preceding paper I have tried to trace the history of Bud¬

dhism from the Muhammadan conquest down to the present dajq and

also to show how widely Buddhism is still prevalent in Bengal, though

in a form scarcely to be recognized, except by the initiated.

In the present paper I purpose to draw a comparison between the

Cri-dharma-marjgala , the hand-book of the Dharma worshippers, — the

work chanted under thousands of Bata trees on the sacred birthday2

of the Buddha, — and the Lalita-vistara, or the hand-book of the Bud¬

dha’s life, according to the Mahayana School.

In the Lalita-vistara , the Buddha is represented as preaching to gods

and Bodhisattvas in the Tusita-heaven. He was then Garamabhavika ,

i.e., about to receive his last birth. There was a discussion where he

should be born, it was decided he should be born in the family of pakyas.

He enters his mother’s womb by the right side. The mother sees mira¬

culous visions. She travails in a garden. A storm disperses her at¬

tendants. She holds the branch of a tree, and hangs downward with

her face lifted up towards heaven ; in that condition the Buddha is

born. On the seventh day after his birth, his mother dies. He is

named Sarvartha-siddha by his father. Devarsi, the divine Rsi, Asita

comes to see the boy and predicts that he will renounce the world.

The Devaputra Mah§9vara also predicts the same thing. He is

nursed by his stepmother, Mahaprajavatl. He learns to read and

write various alphabets from V^vamitra, the teacher of boys. He

goes to see villages ; he falls into a trance under a Jambu tree,

1 [See the Proceedings of the Society, for Dec. 1894, p. 135, where the paper

is printed at full length. Ed.]

2 [The Vaigdklu Purnimu ; See Proceedings , p. 137. Ed,]

J. I. 9

6G

[No. 1,

H. P. (Jastri — Cri-dharma-maygala.

where he is discovered by his father ; then he is married ; he is

examined in his knowledge. He conquers the whole pakya race

by his prowess and marries Gdpa, the daughter of Dandapani. Then

comes the well-known story about the four excursions, and his famous

renunciation. During his prolonged meditation under the Bo tree at

Bodh-gaya, Mara comes to tempt him, first with an army of terrible

demons and then with a host of beautiful damsels. But the Buddha

rises superior to the temptations, and succeeds in turning the wheel of

law (the Dharma-caJcrci) . The Lalita-vistara ends here, but there are

other works, such as the Mahavastv-avadana, which give a history of

his ministry and of his Nirvana at Kmpnagara.

The Cn-dliarma-marjgdla begins with the usual salutations to Gane^a,

Sarasvati, &c. The real work opens with Dlianna, as supreme Brahma,

creating Vidhi, Yisnu and fiva. In the beginning of the Kali-yuga, he

thinks deeply in his highest heaven that people are not worshipping

Dharma. Just at this time Hanumat presents himself before Dharma,

and in consultation they determine to send to the earth one of the

Apsarases, or dancing girls of Indra’s court, in order that she may

propagate the worship of Dharma.

This dancing girl is born as the sister of the wife of the king of

Gauda, the son of the great King Dharma-pala. Her brother Maha-

inada is the minister of the king. The king gives the girl in mar¬

riage to Karna-sena, one of his great feudatories, against the wishes

of his brother-in-law, and the minister takes a vow of eternal ven¬

geance against his sister and his brother-in-law.

Ranjavati the royal sister-in-law, on the advice of Ramai Pandit,

worships Dharma at Campai, that she may get a mighty son. In

order to please the deity, she lays herself down on a piece of plank with

iron spikes driven through it, the instrument on which jute is teased

by weavers. She immediately dies, and remains dead for three nights.

Then there is a storm. Dharma-raja presents himself before her, and she

regains her life and gains the boon she wanted. Lausena, her son, is an in¬

carnation of Ka9yapa’s son, perhaps Indra. His athletic training is given

in detail. The minister of the king of Gauda makes many attempts to

take his life. Dharma saves him. He is at last summoned to Gauda.

On his way to the capital, he kills the tiger Kamadala, in the depopulated

city of Jalandara. At Jamati and at Golaghata, women of all descriptions

throw many temptations in his way, but in vain. On his arrival at

Gauda, the minister contrives to send him on a distant and hazardous

expedition against Kamarupa. He subdues the king, compels him to

pay tribute, and takes his daughter in marriage. The minister sends

him on other dangerous expeditions, and he succeeds in all of them.

1895.]

67

H. P. (Jastri — Cri-dharma-maygala.

The minister himself worships Dharma and brings in Lausena to help

him. He throws him into prison, gets his father and mother into his

power, and agrees to release them only on condition that Lausena should

cause the sun to rise on the west. Lausena proceeds to Hakanda, the

westernmost point imaginable, beyond Haridvara, beyond Mathura,

beyond Kuruksetra, near the mountain where the sun sets. There he

sacrifices his own person, divided into nine parts, in the fire, and all his

followers do the same. One animal survives, — a dog. Dharma brings

them to life, and makes the sun rise in the west. Lausena gets his

parents released, and goes back to his kingdom. Dharma presents

himself in his capital, and takes him and his followers to heaven.

This is the story of Cri-dharma-mcirjgala. It has the following strik¬

ing points of resemblance with the story of the life of the Buddha.

1. The Buddha in the Tusita-heaven thinks of taking his last

birth on earth.

Dharma in the highest heaven, thinks of sending* some one on earth

to propagate his worship.

2. The Buddha selects the best royal family for his birth.

Dharma selects the most virtuous royal personage to become the

father of Ka9yapa-nandana on earth. vv

3. The Buddha’s mother, Maya-devI, gives birth to her noble son,

while hanging from the branch of a tree. This tree is said to be a

Pipal tree by some, an A9oka or a Cala by others.

Ranjavati, in order to get a son by the favour of Dharma, lays herself

down on a Cala — a plank with iron spikes in it. Now Qale bhar deoya

would apply equally to hanging by the branch of a Qala tree and to

lying oneself down on a Cala , the planks with spikes driven into it.

4. The Buddha’s mother dies immediately after the birth of her

son.

Lausena’s mother dies in order to get a son.

5. A storm disperses the crowd of attendants of the Buddha’s

mother, when he is born.

A storm precedes the obtaining of the boon by which Ranja gets

Lausena as her son.

6. The stories of athletic exercises bear very close resemblances

to each other.

7. The story of the temptation of the Buddha divides itself into

two parts, viz., temptation by fierce demons, and temptation by beautiful

damsels, or in other words by Mara-sena and by Mara-kanya.

The story of the temptation of Lausena, too, divides itself into two

parts — one, temptation by the tiger Kamadala, which is a modern

form of the word Mara-sena, — and the other, temptation by the ladies

of Jamati and the public women of Golaghata,

68

[No. 1,

H. P. (Jastrl — Cri-dharmci-maygala.

8. The Buddha kills an elephant and sends it off several miles.

Lausena also kills an elephant.

9. While the Buddha was meditating under the Jambu tree, the

progress of the seven Rsis (the constellation of the Great Bear) through

the skies was stopped by his divine power.

Lausena compels the sun to rise in the west.

10. The Buddha obtains Nirvana and goes to the Sukhavati heaven

designed for Buddhas only.

Lausena, and all his followers, go in their terrestrial forms to the

highest heaven of Dliarma.

There are these and other points of resemblances between the

two stories, but the points of difference are many, various and striking.

In the whole of Cri-dharma-maygala , the word Buddha does not occur.

The only word of the Buddhist Trinity that occurs is Pharma, — not

always that abstract idea which Bauddhas designated by the word, but

a great deity — the highest of all. On some occasions the deity Dliarma

is identified with the abstract quality of virtue or holiness, but such

instances are rare. The stories of the Ramayana and Maliabbarata are

cited in various instances, but not a single story about Buddhas or

Bodhisattvas. The writer of the work himself was a worshipper of

Rama, and so in his work Hanumat plays an important part as the

attendant of Dliarma. In fact there are many passages in the work in

which Rama, Visnu, and Dliarma appear to be all blended together into

one, while in others Dharma is made superior to Vidhi, Visnu and fiva.

The Buddhist word Nirvana occurs only once, and that in the

Buddhist sense of putting an end to transmigration.

From reasons already advanced in my previous papers, it would

appear that Dharma worship is the same as the latest or the Tahtrik

form of Buddha worship. It was confined to the very lowest classes of

society — to Hadis, Dorns, Pods, Baruis, &c. At the beginning of the

last century a Brahman poet well- versed in Hindu lore, observed this

strange form of worship and wrote a great poem on it. He took the

story from the worshippers and moulded it in his own fashion. The

story of the Buddha’s life, so simple in Pali, got mixed up with legends

and superstitions of twenty-five centuries and was then moulded by a

Brahman in such a manner that even the Buddha’s name is not to be

found in it. The Brahman’s work is certainly an echo of the Buddha’s

life, but it is a distant echo.

1895.]

W. Yost — The Dogftm Mint.

69

The Dogam Mint. — By Surgeon- Captain W. Yost, I. M. Service.

(With a Plate.)

[Read May, 1895.]

The map in Mr. Stanley Lane-Poole’s History of the Moghul Emper¬

ors of Hindustan does not shew the position of Dogam. Mr. C. J. Rodgers

so late as 1894 has stated, “ I do not know where this place was. It is

sometimes styled Daru-l-islam and sometimes Daru-l-khilafat. so it

must have been a place of great importance.”

When I came to Bahraicli (Baliraic), the number of dams of Akbar

of this mint that I was able to collect in a few days attracted my attention.

At Gonda, the nearest town to Bahraicli on the Faizabad side, I searched

for them but could get comparatively few, while at Nanpara, some 22

miles nearer the Nepal Frontier, they again were plentiful. This led me

to believe Dogam must have been somewhere in the neighbourhood of

either Bahraicli or Nanpara, and to inquire if anyone knew, or had tra¬

ditions, of such a place. In a few days I was told that in former times

there existed a city called Doga8, 4^ miles or so to the North-West of

Nanpara (at which there is a station on the Bengal and North-Western

Raihvay), but that it was now represented by an insignificant village by

name Dogo, surrounded, however, by the extensive remains of an old

town. Every year after the rains, numbers of Dogam coins are found

about the site on which Dogo now stands, and find their way

to the melter’s pot. At the present time one would not have much diffi¬

culty in adding two to three dozen to his collection at either Nanjiara or

Bahraicli. As this can be done at no other place I know of, I believe

there can be little doubt the site of Dogam may now be taken as settled

at the dih indicated.

In the accompanying plate (Plate YI) I give coins of Akbar and

Shall Jahan minted at Dogam. We should therefore also expect to

discover some of Jahangir, but none are known at the present time.

Dogam on some specimens of Akbar’s time to my thinking reads

Dogaw ) On those of Shah Jahan, there is no doubt that Dogam

is the correct spelling. Mr. Stanley Lane-Poole at p. liii. of

70

[No. i,

W. Vost — The Log dm Mint .

liis History says, “ Mr. Rodgers and Mr. Oliver ( Journal , Asiatic Society ,

Bengal , LV ) have read the mint as Doganw : but, while

. it is most probably the same name, there can be no question that the

last letter on the copper coins Nos. 263, 27 J, is ^ not y. Several places

called Deogaon are mentioned in Abu-l-fazl’s list of Todar Mai’s rent

roll.”

The coins of this mint now shewn were all, with the exception of

Fig. 14, stated to have been found at Dogao and were obtained at Bah-

raicli and Niinpara by me. I have one dated 984 H. with the epithet

and others beginning in 986 H. with a second epithet, so that

between these years there was a change in the title for some reason. In

the Lahore Museum Catalogue (1891) one is given with the epithet

Daru-l-khilafat, dated in 986 H., and also another dated in 989 H. with

the same epithet. I think the title, or date, on the latter may have

been incorrectly read. If there be no doubt about the one dated 986 H.,

then the change of epithet would appear to have actually taken place in

that year, for I think there can be no question that on coin Fig. 1 of the

plate illustrating this paper Daru-l-khilafat cannot be read. Specimens

with the second epithet are much more frequently seen. It has usually

been read From the obverses of Figs. 1, 2 and 3 of the plate

it can be seen that there are not four alifs , and, therefore, that reading

must be incorrect;. The right reading appears to be At one

time I believed the Abode of Meditation, was the epithet, or

possibly I preferred the former, for I took what seems the

last letter on Fig. 2 to be ^ and not p. To the eye this letter is like,

all but the curved part, the ^ in Dogaw on the same coin. Moreover,

Figs. 3 and 9 shew above the first letter of what I thought was a

mark, like an inverted V, which I believed might represent the two

dots of that letter. A mark nearly the same is used in writing at the

present day for that purpose. I have seen very few with the mark I

describe. Some have a cluster of dots, like Fig. 1, while others are

without marks of any kind.

Between the Gliagra and Raptl rivers there is a belt of com¬

paratively high tableland. “ On the edge of this same tableland

and on the bank of the Sarju, about 4 miles west of the present

town of Nanpara, there exist the remains of a very large and most

substantially built town. The houses, (for the ruins appear to be

merely those of private dwellings and not of temples or tombs), are

built of burnt bricks and it must have been a place of considerable

importance. It bears the name among the country folk of Dugaon

and is unmistakeably the same city as that mentioned by Abu-1-fazl

in the Ayln-i-Akbaii as a commercial centre of mark, the trade with

W. Vost — The Dug am Mint.

n

1895.]

the hill people being considerable. Here also there was a mint for

copper pice. As we are told that Nasiru-d-din during his brilliant

administration of this'district made liis power felt even in the hills .

and rendered Bahraicli prosperous in the extreme, it is not improbable

that it was under liis auspices that this town was established. By

the end of Shah Jahan’s reign it was deserted, the legend being that

a saintly mendicant in a fit of ill-humour cursed it so effectually as to

cause the inhabitants to leave it “ en masse.” The tomb of the spite¬

ful old man, Shah Sajan, is now the resort of pious pilgrims and a

large fair is held on the site of the old town.”

The above quoted extract is taken from the Report of the Revision

of Settlement of the Bahraicli District , Province of Chide , printed in 1873.

It appears to have escaped attention. Mention is made of Dogam in

Colonel Jarre tt’s translation of Ain-i-Akbari at page 172, Yol. II. It is

there stated, “ in the vicinity of the town (Bahraicli) there is a village

called Dokon which for a long time possessed a mint for copper coin¬

age.” Under the heading “ Nanpara Pargana ” the Gazetteer of the

Province of Oudh, 1878, records that “ Dugaon is spoken of in the

Araish-i-Mahfil under the name of Deokhan or Deokan.” The Gazetteer

says, too, “ Dugaon ” was deserted in one day on account of Shah Sajan’s

curse. On the 22nd December 1894 I travelled via Rajapur and

Kegwapur to visit Dogao. Nanpara was formerly known as Tappa

Salonabad from Salona Begam, tvife of Prince Dara, son of Shall

Jahan. The road here and there has bricks appearing above the

surface, and in Kegwapur itself there is a piece of cemented road

which the villagers say was part of the chief thoroughfare that led

into the city. The first vestiges of Doga8 are distinctly visible just

beyond Kegwapur. Here there are a number of mounds, and a well

10 feet in diameter. This is now partly filled up by fallen bricks.

About two miles further on, the ruins become more plentiful. Five

years ago, when the Bengal and North-Western Railway was being-

made, many hundreds of cartloads of ancient bricks were taken away.

At that time what was left of the standing houses was dismantled.

The foundations now only are left. An extension of the railway at

right angles to the present line is contemplated. In a few y ears it is

probable nothing will remain to tell of the whereabouts of the town.

For this reason it may be well to put on record that the village

Takia stands at the north-west, and Banjaria at the north-east corner of

the city, while the hamlets known as Amraya, Munupurwa and Dogo

are actually on the ruins. The city appears to have been, at all events

it is now, bounded on the north by the Matlikhanoi Jhil, on the west

by the Sarju river, on the east by the Kajhowa Jhil, and on the south

by the Pajowa Jhil.

72

W. Vost — The Bog it m Mint.

[So. 1,

The people of the villages named use the old city wells. There

are still a great number of these all about, with the cement lining still

perfect. Some only require cleaning out to be almost as good as ever.

At the time of my visit the ground was covered with mustard crops,

and the different fields were separated by ridges of broken bricks. Some

of the bricks were perfect. They were mostly thin, measuring about 10

inches square. From one well a large tree has grown. It was close to

this that an old inhabitant pointed out to me the square foundation of a

building which, he remembered, when a young man had high walls and

was surrounded by a ditch, perhaps a moat. It was here, he said, Raja

Har Siijgh lived in Dogam-garh.

There are traditions of other Rajas who lived in the city. Their

names are Durag Mall and Soliail Dali. The last is no doubt one of

the many names of the famous Sohil-deo who lived about 1000 A.D.,

and defeated Sayyid Salar Mas‘ud, the nephew of Sultan Mahmud. I

cannot make out who Durag Mall was. Har Siggh may possibly be

the Raikwar Harhardeo who rendered Akbar such service against Idgar,

the rebellious Governor of Ka^mir, and who after a long absence

returned to the district in 1590 A.D., to find he had been considered

dead. He refused to oust his son Jitdeo from the gaddi and retiring to

Tappa Bownraha married the Brahman owner’s only daughter and

child.

The ruins of Dogao cover ground over a mile in length and about

half that in width. I have no doubt at one time the town must have

been much bigger. The people hereabouts assert it was connected

almost the whole way along Anarkalli, an old bed of the Ghagra, with

Bahraich, and in the opposite direction, with only a slight interval,

extended as far as Parsa and Khatghar, places all a long way off. The

name of the city implies there were two villages under one designation.

It is likely the other was not far distant from the ruins described.

The following account of what happened to Dogao is both new

and interesting. Once upon a time to the city, which was a populous

and wealthy but very wicked place, there came a faqir who was so

enraged by boys of the city constantly throwing mud at him and mak¬

ing his life a burden, that he cursed them and prophesied that the city

would be punished for its deeds. After some time a pandit learned in

astronomy made it known from observations he had taken, that the city

would be totally destroyed in 3 days’ time. He that night got his

property together and with his family secretly left for Nanpara, first

barring his house from outside. Before starting he had a shallow pit

dug in the courtyard of his house, and into it put three pigeons one above

the other, but each separated by a basket. One of the pigeons was in

1895.]

W. Yost — The Dog am Mint.

73

full plumage, tlie second had some feathers cut short, and the third had

also feathers clipped but shorter than those of the second pigeon. The

following morning the people wondered why the house was not opened

as usual, and receiving no reply to repeated calls, broke open the door

to find no one within. Discovering the pit in which the pigeons were,

curiosity prompted them to raise the baskets to see what was under

them. The first pigeon immediately flew away, the second was found

half dead and got out of the pit with difficulty, while the third was

dead. After matters had been discussed, it was concluded that those

who fly at once will escape like the first pigeon, those who delay till

the following day would meet with great trouble like the second pigeon,

and those that stay behind till the third day would share the fate of

the third pigeon. So it happened. Those who believed in the prophecy

and left at once were saved. The next day a terrible earthquake

occurred, and many were injured. The third day the whole town sank

to the ground and many people died.

By others this prophecy is attributed to a banker in whose house

the pigeon incident is also said to have taken place. One day only in

his life had he ever forgotten after his day’s business was done, to hand

over his money bags to his wife’s Kaharin servant named Konsilia.

Having to go outside shortly after his return home, an idea possessed

him that two women were at that moment persuading Konsilia to steal the

bags. He made for home to find she had not been given them that day,

nor had he, as usual, had his huqqah and a drink of water after finishing

it given him on his return. The whole affair was so mysterious and

unusual with him, he thought something dreadful must happen.

Those who survived made their way to the larger villages and

towns round about, viz., to Nanpara, Bahraich and fiopur in the

Bahraich district, to Gonda in that district and to Kliairabad in the

Sltapur district.

These legends have been related to me by one named falagram,

a banker at Bahraich. His ancestors lived in Doga5.

Nawab Asafu-d-daulah of Audli was in the habit of visiting Takia

to shoot big game and had over Shah Sajan’s grave there a building

erected to preserve the spot. The whole was carried away in August

last, by the swollen Sarjii eating into the bank on which the grave

stood. A faqlr pointed out the spot to me, and with his finger the

bricks in the bed of the river below.

In the cold weather I discovered in one of the villages at Dogas

an old manuscript in Hindi verse composed by some one named Muni

Das. The manuscript is evidently a copy of an older one named the

Janam Tantd. An extract from it is appended to this paper. In it

J. i. 10

74

[No. 1,

W. Yost — The DogUm Mint .

u Dang Dugoun ” is stated to be in the Raj of Hari Siggh. It goes

on to relate that while largess was being distributed and festivities

held in honour of the birth of the Raja’s son, Kliil, a jogi named

Hardam had not been able to get food for two days and in consequence

cursed the Raja’s kingdom. Khil at 5 years of age became a jog! and

led a wandering life. Nothing about Bahraich is recorded in it.

Bahraich and Gonda are frequently coupled together by natives

when speaking of either. It is probable that “ Dang-Dugoun ” is another

example. In the district maps Dang is shown in the neighbouring hills

to the north. Dang-Saliana are now spoken of in the same way. In

the ’Ain Akbari the only named mehal in the Bahraich Sarkar at all

like Dogao in sound is Wankdun. For this Colonel Jarrett in a foot¬

note gives Dangdoun and adds “ almost every name has an alternative

spelling.” Dangdoun I think may be a contracted form of Dang

Dugoun.

I. AKBAR.

Plate. VI Fig. 1.

Obverse.

In a circle, with circle of dots outside : —

(‘ rJ

Reverse.

Circle, with circle of dots not visible on this coin : —

A

aUL* (986H.)

a _ _

(No date in figures in this position visible).

The tliree-looped ornament distinctive of this mint

is attached to the upper part of s of

Fig. 2.

Obverse.

As on Fig. 1, butyfej^.

Weights

in grains and

measurements

in English inches.

315

09

320

0-9

1805.]

W. Vost — The Dog dm Mint.

75

322

09

296

0-85

Reverse*

j \£+Sl&>

<Ou«

♦

1 A V

Fig. 3.

Obverse.

As on Fig. 1.

Reverse .

As on Fig. 2, but not complete.

Fig. 4.

Obverse .

Reverse.

J ^

I cannot make all the letters on

words.

Fig. 5.

Obverse.

As on Fig. J.

316

0*8

Reverse.

JU»

(987H.)

(996H.)

the obverse into

(1003H)

Oh

Date in figures partly visible.

76

W. Vost — The Dogam Mint .

As on Fig. 8.

80

055

IL SHAH JAHAN.

Fig. 10.

Obverse,

[No. 1,

(J003H.)

(1011H.)

(1013H.)

U niqne.

M

159

0*7

J895.]

77

W. Vost — The Dogfan Mint.

Fig. 12.

Obverse.

Reverse.

%J* ]j [ ^

y-j'G Unique.

I have not seen any coins of the Ilahi years of the

Dogam Mint, nor any with the name Adogam.

78

[No. I,

W. Vost — The Ldgdm Mint.

APPENDIX.

I once went towards the North.

I am going to describe about Dang Dogas together.

There was a Raja, Hari Sirjgh.

A son was born to him.

I sketched out the way to mercy.

He was distributing money extravagantly,

He invited the Rajas of various countries.

Singing and dancing was going on daily.

There was a Yogi named Hardam.

He starved for want of food.

After two days he cursed.

Hari Siijgh was frightened to hear it,

And said, “ What offence have 1 done to you ? 5

“You did not inform me in the Darbar ;

“ I would have provided you with the food

“ That you liked.

“ I stand guilty before you.

“ Who can remove the curse ?

“ Have mercy upon my kingdom. ”

Hari Siijgh stood with folded hands.

“ Listen to my entreaties, 0 ! Jogi,

“ Revoke the curse and pardon me.”

The Jogi replied, “ Hear me.

“ Saints are in trouble in the world.

“ Disease and trouble prevail in the Iron-age (Kaliyuga).

“ 0 ! Raja, now adopt good ways.

“ Hear Hari Sbggh, there is a son to you ;

“ He has come to your royal doors.

“ He is a perfect Jogi by birth.

“ He will relieve you from the curse.

“ He will prefer Jog to Raj.

“ Who can tell his qualities ? ”

On hearing these words Hari Siqgh

With his wife fell on his feet.

In the barren days of the Golden-age (Satjug)

Hari Siggh gave up his ghost,

Relinquishing the hopes of Raja,

And coronating his son as the Raja.

I give a description of the child.

He, leaving his kingdom, deserted to the jungle*

He was of full 5 years of age.

1895.]

W. Yost — The Do yam Mint.

79

He well churned his body.

Praise to his conscience and his deep devotion !

He was altogether free from passions and desires.

His subjects begged him,

That they are in trouble for want of a ruler.

They brought him home against his will,

And said “ Have your senses left you P ”

He replied, “ I am not a fool, but the world is so.

“ O ! mother, you are fond of Raj.”

When any one else admonished him again,

That you, being a child, are too obstinate,

He replied, “ I am not your child ;

“ I can discover the accounts of all the nine parts of the world

in a moment.”

His mother asked him the details :

“You are only 5 years’ old.

“ In what places did you practise Jog ?

“ Tell me an account of it,

“ 0 ! child, nobody did so in my family.

“ I tell you truly.”

Kil said, “ Hear, my reverend mother,

“ I shall tell you the whole story.”

The mother said :

“ Have you got no parents ? ”

Kil said, “ Hear my respected mother !

“ I shall give you a further description.

“ Mardan Siqgh was a Raja.

“ I fully describe his asceticism.

“ I, seeing that, remained there long.

“ His country was void of desires.

“ I passed the rainy season in the jungle there,

“ Where I devoted myself to the service of all the deities,

“ There I remained alone.

“ I always delighted in divine contemplation

######

I relate a Jog of mine (in a previous life).

I was at Panipat Karnal (Kandal in manuscript).

There was a Jogi, named Bliartihari.

His Jog was unfathomable.

He was a devotee, four times greater than others.

In Sankaldip there was a Guru (priest).

80

W Vosfc — The Dog am Mint.

[No. 1,

His name was Agni Sail, perfect in every way.

He was practising Jog, and was happy.

Mochandra went to pay his respects to him.

He listened to his words with attention.

Mochandra imbibed Jog fully from him.

The reverend Guru made God perceptible to him.

The world was going on as usual.

Lots have been received and lots prospered.

One, Gorakh, lived in Kancha D§9.

Hear 0 ! Hermits, he was admired by all.

Mochandra’ s Jog now I describe.

The whole world knows it.

He was practising Jog in his own house.

I describe further the ancient accounts.

Bhartrihari had a true love to God.

He did not care a bit for Raj.

* There was another Bhartrihari.

He had no home and was in distress.

His parents were poor.

Now I describe his history.

One day he was sold by his parents,

And afterwards was thrown in a sea.

He remembered God, the waves became powerful.

The Almighty saved him.

Since then people called him obstinate.

He grew tired of begging about here and there.

He was suffering great pains.

* * # # # #

Kil said to his mother :

“ Once I was at Ambapur

“ There was a Jog! named Khlnd.

“ Some two or three days past there.

“ Khlnd told me his history.

“ He gave me a description of

“ The places he had visited.

“ My ears became tired of his long accounts.

“ His history is indescribable.

Khind said, “ Hear, O tlieosophist, possessor of divine wisdom,

“ I relate to you what I know.”

He became silent for a moment.

“ Hear Khlnd, I will describe my account.

“ I went towards North,

1895.]

W. Vosfc — The Dogam Mint.

81

“ Dang Dogaon was a city there.

“The Raja reigned for a long time.

“ The Raja’s name was Hari Siijgh.

“ The whole world knew him.

“ He was blessed with a Jogi son.

“ His name was Kll.

“There was a meditative Jogi in that town.

“His name was Hardam.

“ Dancing and singing was going on there.

“ None provided food for the Jogl.

“ He pronounced an irremediable curse.

“ Hear 0 ! Khlnd, he was a peculiar Jogi.

“ Hearing the curse the Raja died.

“ A son was born to him.

“ The prince’s name was Kil.

“ He used to go to the jungle night and day.

“His mother told him.

“ Hear O ! child, you are behaving childishly.

“ The child was 5 years old.’’

Khindra told the Jog of that time.

######

Muni Das.

1895.]

W. Vost — The Bogcirn Mint .

81

“ Dang Dogaon was^a city there.

“ The Raja reigned for a long time.

“ The Raja’s name was Hari Siqgh.

“ The whole world knew him.

“ He was blessed with a Jogi son.

“ His name was Kil.

“ There was a meditative Jogi in that town.

“His name was Hardam.

“ Dancing and singing was going on there.

“ None provided food for the Jogi.

“ He pronounced an irremediable curse.

“ Hear O ! Khind, he was a peculiar Jogi.

“ Hearing the curse the Raja died.

“ A son was born to him.

“ The prince’s name was Kil.

“ He used to go to the jungle night and day.

“ His mother told him.

“ Hear O ! child, you are behaving childishly.

“ The child was 5 years old.”

Khindra told the Jog of that time.

Muni Das.

J. i. 11

82 H. G. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-jive years ago . [No. 2,

Tibbat three hundred and sixty-jive years ago. — By Major H. G. Raverty,

Bombay Native Infantry. (Retired.)

[Read April 1895.]

At tlie present time the exploration fever in Asia appears to be

chiefly directed towards Tibbat, 1 miscalled “ Thibet,” “ Tibet,” and the

like, therefore it may be interesting to give an account of that region —

of its western and northern portions chiefly — as it was seen by its first

explorer nearly four centuries since.

I refer to the Mughal Prince, the Mirza, Muhammad Haidar, the

Gurgan, of the Doghl-at tribe of the Mughals, son of the Mirza, Mu¬

hammad Husain, the Gurgan, who held the Government of Shash, or

Tash-kand, on the part of the sovereign of Kashghar, to whom he was

related, Muhammad Haidar’s father being descended from Amir, BulacI,

the first Amir of Kashghar who embraced the Muhammadan faith.

Sultan Sa‘id Khan, the ruler of Kashghar and Khutan, and their de¬

pendencies, at the period I am writing about, and in whose service

Muhammad Haidar was, and to whom he was also related, married his

sister, and gave him his own sister in marriage, hence Muhammad

Haidar, like his father, and many others, not Amir Timur alone, as has

been commonly supposed, is styled Gurgan , that is to say, one who has

married into the family of the reigning sovereign. Muhammad Haidar’s

mother, likewise, was the younger sister of Zahiru-d-din, Muhammad

Babar’s mother, they being the daughters of Yunas Khan, who held

the Government of Andijan, the capital of which was Shash or Tash-

kand, and who was a direct descendant of Caghatae Khan, one of the

sons of the Cingiz or Great Khan of the Mughals.

Before giving Mirza Haidar’s account of Tibbat1 it maybe well to

refer briefly to what the old Muhammadan writers say about it, but,

g5j.,

1 The word is spelt by all eastern writers, — Tibbat — and in no other way.

The actual meaning of the word is “ fine wool,’’ which is obtained from the roots of

the hair of goats, and which is woven into fine and soft fabrics — shals — which is

the signification of this latter word.

1895.] H. Gr. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-jive years ago. 83

unfortunately, they are much more brief in their accounts than we

could have desired.

‘Ubaidu-l-lah, son of ‘Abdu-l-lah, son of Khurdad-Bih, who died in

300 H. (912 A.D.), in his Kitabu-l-aMjbar , as quoted by the Grar-

daizl in his Zainu-l-aJchbar, mentions the well-known tradition of

the Hamm rulers of Yaman in Arabia having invaded Mawarau-n-

nahr, and also of the invasion of Tibbat by one of the same race.

‘Ubaidu-l-lah states, that there was a prominent man among the Bani

Hamlr whose name was Sabit, who was much trusted and depended

upon by the Maliks of Yaman, whom they style Tubba‘yawa‘. On

Tubba‘ conferring the lieutenantcy, or vice-royalty of the country upon

Sabit, the latter’s mother sent him a missive, saying : “ One of the

Tubba‘yawa‘ set out towards the east, and used great efforts until he

reached a country the verdure of which was gold, and its earth musk,

and its grass (herbage) incense [fragrance, also the plant cinque foil,

called the “ Khik-i-Maryam ” or “ Panjah-i-Maryam — the Virgin Mary’s

Palm,”], its game the musk deer, its mountains snow, audits plains most

pleasant.” When Sabit read this missive he became very desirous

of proceeding thither ; and having fitted out a large army, he set out

towards that country. When he reached Tibbat he found that all

he had been told was correct. # # # * He remained in that part,

and got the title of Khaqan. * * # # But the route into Tibbat

from Khutan,1 until you come out on it, lies over lofty mountains,

which contain inhabitants, and in those mountains are numerous

animals, consisting of sheep, cattle, and wild sheep.2 Prom thence

you reach Salsan in another beyond which a bridge

has been placed from one side of a mountain to another.3 They say in

1 Khutan, not “ Khoten,” for the letters with which it is written will not admit

of such a mode of writing or pronunciation — according to the Tibbati traditions,

was anciently called Wu-than , at which period it was one of the strongholds of

Buddhism. “ Counting the wihars in and outside the city of Wu-than, there were

sixty large wihars, ninety-five of medium size, and four-hundred and forty-eight

temples.” See “ Journal ” for 1886, page 195.

2 The qucqar , also called the snow sheep.

8 When Mirza Aba Bikr, defeated by Sultan Sa‘Id Khan in 920 H. (1514 A.D.),

had to fly from Yar-kand, he retired to Khutan, but finding it was impossible to remain

there, he retired towards the Qara-naqu Tagh. On arriving there, hearing that the

Mughals were in pursuit, he again fled after destroying as much of his immense bag¬

gage as he could, and pouring his treasures into the river Akash, which flows through

Qara-naqu Tagh, from the top of the bridge ; as the road was very narrow, and his

flight was impeded by the immense amount of baggage and treasure, he took only

such things along with him as could conveniently pass by that narrow route. He

then set out ; and when his pursuers reached his last halting place, they found that

he had crossed the Qara-naqu Tagh, and had entered Tibbat.

84 H. G. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-jive years ago. [No. 2,

this wise, that the IQiutan people erected it in ancient times. Beyond

this bridge of Tibbat Khaqan, there is a mountain range, that, when

people begin to ascend it, it will take their breath away \dam-i-mar da¬

man ba-girad. The name of this malady it will be observed, is dam-girl

from Persian dam, ‘breath’, and girl, ‘taking’, ‘seizing’, etc., from the

verb ‘ giriftan ’ to seize, etc.], so that they cannot breathe, and their

tongues become heavy, and many persons die thereof. The people of

Tibbat call this range the Koh-i-Zahr, or Poison Range. When people

proceed to Kashghar from thence [Tibbat], they go by a direct route

between two ranges of mountains to the east [sic. in MS.'], and pass

over it, and reach a tract of country which they call Uz-kand, This

tract is forty farsahhs in extent, and half of it is mountain, and the

other half is very rough and furrowed.

The chronicler, Abu Ja‘far, Muhammadu-t-tabari, who wrote about

the same time as the writer just quoted, relates, that Shamir,

surnamed Zu-l-janalj, a nephew of Tubba‘u-l-asghar, the Hamm king

of Yaman, invaded China. It came about in this wise, that the ruler of

Hind sent his ambassador to Shamir with presents, consisting of silken

fabrics, frankincense, musk, and other rarities. Shamir inquired if all

these precious things were the produce of Hind, and was told that most

of them came from Cin, a country the ‘Arabs had not before heard of.

Shamir was so stimulated from the account given to him of Cin,

that he resolved to undertake an expedition into that country. Some

other writers, like ‘Ubaidu-l-lah, just quoted, say, that Shamir was com¬

manded to undertake this expedition by one of the kings of Yaman,

whom the others say was Tubba‘u-l-asghar, but he lived many years

subsequent to Shamir. The Hamm prince is said to have led an army

under one hundred standards, and under each standard were one

thousand men, across the Jil^un from the territory of Balkh, and from

thence to the frontiers of Hind,1 where he himself remained while he

despatched part of his forces against Cin. This force having been

defeated by the Cinis, Shamir resolved to proceed in person with the

rest of his army, and he set out through the country of Turkistan,

skirting the territory of Tibbat, in which he left a force of 32,000 men

as a reserve. Shamir succeeded in Cin, and returned from thence

The name of this mountain still exists, but, in Walker’s map of Turkistan it

appears as the name of a halting place, under the name of “ Karan gotak,” about

one hundred and three miles south of Khutan, and the bridge over the Akash

river was immediately north of it. The narrow route, and the bridge appears to be

the same as noticed above.

I The Tabaqdt-i-Nasiri says he went by way of Kabul to the frontiers of

Hind.

1895.] H. G. Raverfcy — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 85

through Turkistan towards Hind [the borders are doubtless meant, and

by a different route from that by which he went], with a vast amount of

booty ; and from thence conducted his forces back to Yaman, having

been absent on this expedition for a period of seven years. “ Those 12,000

men were never withdrawn from the skirts of the territory of Tibbat ;

and vestiges of them are still to be found in Turkistan in that direction.”

The Tajzlks of Turan are their probable descendants.

Shamir is also said to have destroyed, at the outset of this ex¬

pedition, the ancient capital of the Sughd, and to have founded another

town in its place, which was named Shamir-kand, hand in Turk! mean¬

ing a town, which ‘Arabs change to qand , and which in course of time

grew into a city, and its name to Samr-qand. According to the chroni¬

clers quoted, Shamir lived in the time of Kai-Gushtasib and Bahman,

rulers of I-ran-Zamin. It was the former who removed Bukht-un-

Nassar (Nebuchadnezzer) from the government of Babal, for his cruelty

towards the Ban! Isra‘11.

The ‘Aja’ibu-l-baladan says much the same as ut-Tabarl respecting

the Tubba‘yawa‘ invasion.

The “ Kit ab-i-Masalik wa Mamalik” says : “If one desires to pro¬

ceed from the east [Gin] towards the west, by the country of the Nae-

mans, the territory of Khirkhlz, the Taghar-i-Ghuzz, and Klmak, towards

the sea, it is a journey of nearly four months. * * * * The country

of Tibbat lies between the land of Khirkhlz and the kingdom of Cin.

Cm lies between the sea, the land of the Ghuzz, and Tibbat, etc.”

Ibn Hauqal who finished his work in 366 H. (976 A.D.), states, that

he saw a gate at Samr-qand, the front of which was overlaid with iron,

and on it was an inscription in the Hamirl language, saying, that “ from

San‘a to Shamar, or Samr-qand, is a distance of one thousand farsaJchs”

The Tasmiyatu-l-baladan says that in those early times Samr-

qand was called Cin !

In his history, entitled the “ Tarlkh-i-Rashldi,” the Mirza, Muham¬

mad Haidar, first refers to Tibbat in the following words.1

“ On the west side of Kashghar likewise, a great range extends,

which branches off from the mountain ranges of Mughalistan, and runs

from the north towards the south. The writer of this work has tra¬

versed the mazes of this great range for a distance of six months’

journey, and even then had not reached the extremity thereof, as will

presently be explained.” * * * *

1 I may mention that I translated this account of Tibbat from Mirza. Haidar’s

work some seventeen years ago ; and other extracts have appeared in the Trans¬

lation of the Tabaqdt-i-Ndsiri, and my Notes on Afghanistan, etc.

86 H. G. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. [No. 2,

He subsequently gives the following account of his expedition into

Tib bat, which I will render in his own words.

Account of the Holy War in Tibbat.

“ Sultan Sa‘Id Khan having come to the determination of under¬

taking a holy war against the infidels of Tibbat, it is necessary to give

some account of that country. It lies in such a position that few

travellers can manage to reach it, on account of the exceeding difficulty

of the routes. It is a maze of mountains and valleys, rough, and fur¬

rowed with formidable passes and tremendous defiles ; and is, in every

respect, a most difficult and inhospitable region. What from the exces¬

sive keenness of the air, the paucity of forage, the scarcity of fuel, and

the lawless and obdurate people who infest the routes and plunder

those who happen to fall in their way, there are few travellers who

have effected a passage through it.1 It is on this account, probably,

that Tibbat is not mentioned in such trustworthy books as the *‘Mu‘aj-

jamu-l-baladan,” the “ Jam-i-Giti,” the “ Mulhaqat-i-Surah,” and

others, the authors of which have not described Tibbat as other coun¬

tries have been described therein, and have contented themselves with

a brief summary respecting it, but from which, what Tibbat really is,

is not to be gathered in the least. For this reason, 1 have the boldness

here to endeavour to show and set forth what the territories included in

Tibbat really consist of, and to furnish other information respecting it

which is not obtainable from books.

“ The region called Tibbat is a vast tract of country in length

between north and west (N. W.), and south and east (S. E.), eight

months’ journey, but the breadth of which does not exceed a month’s

journey, and not less than ten days’ journey.2 The north-west boun¬

dary adjoins Bilaur, the position of which has been previously given ;

and on the south-east Tibbat extends to IQioju and Salar, which are

among the dependencies of Kanjan Qu-i of Khita, as has been already

detailed in the account which I have given of the mountain ranges of

Mughalistan and Kashghar : 3 for the principal mountain range of

1 But in these days, the “ new woman ” finds her way all about this, as well as

other out-of-the-way countries, not liking ‘ home.’

2 The Tibbatl writers consider all Tibbat to constitute what is known to the

ancient writers as “ Jambu Dwipa ; ” and that to the east and north-east of Tibbat

Proper, that is, “ U ” and “ Thsang,” lies in the country of Great Tibbat. “ Central

Tibbat ” they called “ Dvus,” the first and last letters of which in italics, according

to the Tibbati mode of writing, are not pronounced.

3 In the same way as with regard to Tibbat, people Will, down to almost the

most recent traveller, persist in calling this place and its territory “ Kashgar,”

which, of course, is incorrect. We can from this imagine how other names must be

vitiated by them.

1895.] H. Gr. Raverfcy — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 87

Mughalistan,1 the whole of which branches out in different directions,

passes north of Kashghar, bends down to the west of that territory, and

then bending southwards again, passes south of Kashghar. The territory

of Farghanah also lies to the westward of Kashghar. and this very range

here referred to lies between them. Thus the portion lying between

Kashghar and Farghanah is called Alae. Badakhshan lies to the west

of Yar-kand, and there likewise the range in question lies between;

and this last portion of it, lying between Yar-kand and Badakhshan is

called the Pa-mir,2 which, in some places, is seven or eight days’ jour¬

ney in breadth. After it passes beyond this [southwards], there are

some of the mountain skirts [hill tracts] of Yar-kand, which adjoin

Bilaur, such as Ras-kam and Tagh-i-Dum Bash. When it has passed

beyond this again, then comes the region of Tibbat. Badakhshan lies

on the summer west [ i.e ., the direction in which the sun sets in the

height of summer] of Yar-kand, as previously mentioned, and Kash¬

mir lies on the winter west of Yar-kand ; and the very same range of

mountains runs between them. That portion of it which lies between

Yar-kand and Kash-mir, is that part of the region of Tibbat which is

known as Balti.3 In the same manner as this range is very broad from

the Alae Pa-Mir, in Balti it is still more so, being twenty days’ journey

in breadth. For example, the pass ascending into it on the side of

Yar-kand is the lUqbah, or Pass, of Sanju, and that for descending

from it towards Kash-mir is the lUqbah, or Pass, of Skardu or Iskardu,

and between these two Passes the distance is twenty days’ journey.

In the same way, on the winter west of Khutan some of the districts

and provinces of Hind lie, such as Lahor, Sultan-pur, and Maci- W arali ;

and that same range of mountains previously mentioned lies between.

That portion which lies between Khutan, and the before-mentioned

places between Khutan and Hind] belongs to the country of Tibbat,

such as Arduk, Kokah, and Asbati.

“ In the same manner, it is necessary to understand, that west and

south of the great range which I have previously mentioned as termi-

1 Which the Chinese style Thian-Shan.

2 In one of his recent letters — the last I think — to The Times on “The Pamir

Question,” M. Yambery says: “ I must begin by alluding to the rather curious fact

that the name Pamir , as a geographical denomination, is utterly unknown in Turkes¬

tan. It does not occur in any of the historical records extant.” Here is a proof

of it, as may be found in many “ records extant but no such term applied to it as

“ Bdm-i-Dunya (roof of the world) ” can be shown in any oriental record whatever :

the term is a purely European invention.

See my Notes on Afghanistan , etc., page 295-307, for what Bilaur consists of,

and where it lies.

3 In another place he says Balti is a territory lying between Bilaur and Tibbat.

88 H. Gr. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-jive years ago. [No. 2,

Dating on. the south-east as far as Klioju and Salar, dependencies of

Qamju and Sukju-i of Khita. 1 is Hindustan; and that from Bahrah

and Lahor to Bangalah, the whole lie on the southern skirts of this

great mountain range. All the rivers of Hind flow out of it ; and the

whole of the region of Tibbat follows, and is conformable with, the

courses of all those rivers [on those sides]. To the north and east of

Tibbat are Yar-kand, Khutan. Jar-jan [“ Charchand ” of A — K’s

explorations and map], Lob, Kanak, and the Sarlgh I-ghur, and the

rest is sandy desert, the boundary of which adjoins Qam-cu and Suk¬

ju-i of Khita.

The rivers issuing from the mountains of Tibbat flowing towards

the west and south, are all rivers of Hind, such as the Nll-Ab, the

Ab-i-Bahrah [the Bihat or Jihlam], the Cin-ab, the Ab-i-Lahor [the

Bawi], the Ab-i-Sultan-pur [the Biah, which in the author’s day flowed

close to Sultan-pur], and the Ab-i-Bij-Warah [the Sutlaj ?], the com¬

bined volumes of which rivers signify, in other words, the Darya-i-Sind

[Indus]. On the other hand, the Jun [or Yamuna, vul. “ Jamna,”], the

Gang, and other rivers, all enter Bangalah, and unite with the ocean ; and

all that flow out of the mountains of Tibbat towards the east and north,

such as the river of Yar-kand [Zar-Afshan],2 the Aq-Qash, the Qara-

1 The Fanakati says : “ What the people themselves call Khan-zju Khan-que.

which the Mughals call Jaqut, or Jah-qut, and Hindus call Cm, and we people of

Mawara-un-Nahr call Khita or Khitae.” See Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, page 912.

2 In the article on the “ Pevtsof Expedition,” in the Geographical Journal,

for July, 1893, we learn with respect to the “ Yarlcand-daria ,” that the Russian spies

were unable to carry their observations farther south than “ Ish-debeh — “ Unfor¬

tunately no contemporaneous observations were made, and therefore no positive

conclusions could be formed. The Yarkand-daria is the chief river of Eastern

Turkestan ; its course is upwards of 1,300 miles long, and the determination of its

sources is an interesting geographical problem,” page 62.

As to this “ problem,” MIrza Haidar says, in another part of his work, that

“ The water of the river of Yar-kand is the best of the waters of the world (in

purity), and all the praises which physicians and sages have bestowed upon it are

true and just. At the distance of one month’s journey it issues from the mountains

of Tibbat, and originates from the melting of snow and ice [from a glacier ?], and

flows from south towards the north over rocks and sand, and with great swiftness.

When it reaches Sarlq Kol, which is the name of a well known territory of Kash-

gliar, its rapidity increases, and it dashes, and is dashed, against rocks and stones,

and flows towards the east for a distance of seven days’ journey, until it reaches

more level, open ground, and then flows for a distance of two days’ journey more in

a stony, rocky bed, with great rapidity, until it reaches Yar-kand,” etc., etc.

According to the Survey Report, written nearly a century since, repeatedly

quoted by me in my Notes on Afghanistan, “ the interesting geographical

problem ” was then solved. It states, that after leaving the pass over the Qara-

Quram range towards Yar-kand, instead of keeping towards the north towards the

1895.] H. G. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 89

Q ash, the Ab-i-Kirlah [“ Kiria ” of A — K’s explorations], and Ab-i-

Jar-jan,1 all empty themselves into the Lob Nawar [or Lob Lake, which

geographers will persist in calling Lob-wor2], which Lob Nawar is a

great lake in the vast sandy desert tract which has been previously

referred to. From some Mughals who knew this lake, I heard that

it takes three months to go round about it, and that from the lower part

of it issues a great river which is known by the name of the Qara

Huran [Muran ?] of Khitae.

“ From this description it will appear that Tibbat occupies a very

elevated position, because the waters issuing from it, all fall down in

every direction ; and from whatever side a person desires to enter

Tibbat, it is necessary to do so by ascending lofty passes which have no

subsequent descent ; and when you reach the summits the ground is

comparatively level.3 In some of the passes there may be a little

Sanju Pass, you keep more to the left, and in four stages reach Kahaplu-Aghzah

(referring probably to the place of many spurs, or many mouths or exits, and

ascents).

Leaving Kahaplu-Agliza (the “ Kapaloong ” of some maps), another five stages

take you to Ciragh Shah, (the “ Chiraghsaldee ” of some maps), another now

desolate halting place ; so called after some Sayvid, and by the way, meet with

much water, and many grassy tracts. There are springs of water here in all

directions ; and the water from them having united, and having been joined by

other small tributaries, flows towards the north, towards Yar-kand, and receives the

name of Zar-Afshan. — “The Disperser or Scatterer of Gold.” It is after this that

its velocity becomes so great.

The next stage onwards from Ciragh Shah leads over the Kudu Daban, or

Dawan, or Pass (the “ Yangee Dewan ” of some maps, and Yangi Pass of others).

Daban or Dawan — ‘b’ and ‘ w’ being interchangeable is the Turkish for a pass.

This pass is of great elevation, and here the territory of Tibbat-i-Kalan or Great

Tibbat terminates.

1 As Mirza Haidar makes a difference between the letters ‘ j * and ‘ c ’ when

necessary, I have left his words as they are written. This place is A — K’s

“ Char-chand,” but I prefer the Mirza’s mode of writing.

2 Nawar is the Turki for a lake, not Ndi\ Vast physical changes must have

taken place since the Mirza wrote ; for we are told, that, according to the statements

of M. Bonvalot, “ it may be said that Lob-N5r has no existence in name or in fact ;

that there only exists beds of reeds and sand dunes, and that the largest sheet of

water is called the Kara Buran.”

The “Kara Buran” here mentioned, is Mirza Haidar’s great river, the Qara

Nuran [Muran?].

3 Although Mirza Haidar does not expressly mention by name “ the newly -

discovered Altyn-tagh mountains [the Altan Tagh, or Altan range] ” of Prejevalsky,

and the discovery that “the northern barrier of the Tibetan plateau,” advanced “ to

the meridian of Lob N5r 3° farther to the north than had hitherto been supposed,”

but from what he says here, the Mirza was perfectly cognizant that Tibbat extend¬

ed thus far north, and that its northern barrier consisted of mountains — a cross

J. i. 12

90 H. G. Baverfy — Tibbat three hundred and sixty -jive years ago. [No. 2,

inclination downwards, but not much. On this account Tibbat is ex¬

cessively cold, in such wise, that in most places, with tbe exception of

barley and turnips, nothing else is cultivated. The barley, too, is sucli

as is for the most part grown and ripened in the short space of forty

days, if at first, the cold of a long winter does not prevent the seed

coming up soon. In most places in Tibbat grass continues green for

two months ; and in some places therein, although the summer season

is nominally forty days, it is after such a fashion, that, after midnight,

the rivers and streams freeze ; and throughout Tibbat the keenness of

of the air is so great, that no tree, indeed not even grass, attains any

height : all is stunted in growth.

“ The inhabitants of Tibbat are separated into two divisions. One

is called Bol-Pd , that is to say, dwellers in villages or hamlets, and the

other canbah , that is sahrd-nishm or nomads ; and they pay obedience to

one or other of the governments or provinces of Tibbat. These nomad

people have Some astonishing customs, such as are not followed by other

races of people. The first is, that they devour flesh and all other food

in a raw state, and have no custom of cooking whatever.1 Secondly,

in place of corn, they give their horses flesh ; and thirdly, all their

burdens, baggage, utensils, and the like, they put on the backs of sheep,

each of which carries a load of about twelve legal manns .2 The sheep

have saddle bags, crupper, and breastplate, fitted and fastened on to

them, and they load them with as much as they can possibly carry.

They never take oft these loads except out of necessity [from the

beginning to the end of a journey] ; and winter and summer the load is

kept fastened upon their backs.

range — stretching from the Pa-mlr portion of the great range he has described, for

several degrees farther eastwards, and passing Lob Nawar on the south. Indeed,

the middle route from Yar-kand by Khutan to Khitae in those days skirted the

northern slopes of that very range ; and the Cingiz Khan returning from the

neighbourhood of Peshawar by Bamlan and Buqlan into Mawara-un-Nahr and

Turkistan, moved against Tingqut by this same route. See Tabaqdt-i-Ndsin, note

to page 981.

The Fanakati, in his history, says, with reference to the excessive elevation of

Tibbat and its mountains, that the following line of the poet, Firdausi, is applicable

to them, for from them

“ Of the fish [which supports the world] thou seest the belly, and of the moon

the back.”

1 Grneber also says : “ The people of Barantola are very slovenly, for that

neither men, nor women, wear shirts, or lie in beds, but sleep on the ground :

That they eat their meat raw, and never wash their hands or faces,” etc.

2 The mann is a small one, and varies, it is said, in Tibbat, from 21bs. to 61bs.

Hamilton says, in his account of Bengal and its trade with Tibbat, that the load for

a sheep is from 12 to 20 lbs.

1895.] H. G-. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-jive years ago. 91

“ The mode of life of the Canbahs or nomads is after this manner.

In winter they descend from the mountain parts before named towards

the west and south, which is Hindustan, and bring down with them

Khitae goods, and musk, and tanah-kdr or tanah-gdr [ borax] ,mah-farfin

[purslain], qutas [yak tails], gold, and shdl [fabrics], which are Tib-

batl goods and merchandize,1 and carry on traffic with the Hindus of

the mountain skirts of Hindustan. From thence these Canbahs pur¬

chase and take home with them goods and manufactures of Hindustan,

such as clothing [piece goods for clothing], sweets, rice, wheat, etc.,

with which they load their sheep, and in the spring set out on their

return to Tibbat, there being forage obtainable then, and their sheep

numerous. They proceed leisurely, allowing the sheep to graze by the

way, without interruption, and without stoppage, and reach Tibbat

in the summer. Then, collecting such produce of Tibbat as may be

saleable in Khitae, they load their sheep and convey these articles, along

with the products of Hindustan they had brought with them [over and

above what they required for home use], and set out towards Khitae,

and spend the following winter therein. Having then disposed of

their Hindi and Tibbat! goods, they again collect the products of

Khitae. and set out for Tibbat in the following spring, and again reach

it in the summer. They then collect such products of Tibbat as they

require, and with them and the Khitae ladings, they descend as before

into the lower hill tracts of Hindustan ; and there they receive the

hire for the conveyance of goods into Khitae ; and the hire for what

they carry from Hindustan they receive in Khitae. Thus they pass

one winter in Hindustan and the next one in Khitae alternately. This

is the custom followed by the whole of the Canbah. There are some of

them who may have conveyed 10,000 sheep loads ; and from the rate of

twelve manns to each sheep, one can compute what is the extent of traffic,

and what amount of goods they convey once a year from Hindustan

to Khitae, and vice versa. At all times these loads and burdens accom¬

pany them wherever they go, except in case of any affliction or misfor¬

tune befalling them ; and thus the loads they place on their sheep in

Khitae they only remove when they reach Hindustan, and in the same

manner when they return from thence to Tibbat and Khitae again. I

have never heard of such customs among any other people, and in many

places it would scarcely be believed.

“ Th ese Canbah or nomads are a numerous people i for example,

one tribe among them, whom they style Dol-bali, will amount to above

1 Pere Regis says : “ The chief commodities in which the inhabitants trade

with neighbouring countries, are Musk, Rhubarb, Worm-seed, and Purs. The most

excellent Rhubarb comes from hence.

92 H. G. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago . [No. 2,

50,000 families,1 and like this tribe there are several others. The

writer has made inquiry among the most trustworthy persons among

them, respecting the number of these Canbahs or nomads, and their

answer was, that they were unable to say, for that God alone knew the

number of them.

“ The dwellers in villages, or sedentary people, who are styled

Bol-pa, are distributed among certain territories, such for example as

Baltl, which is one of the territories of Tibbat, and that comprehends

several other [smaller] territories or districts such as Purlk and Habu-

lah, and Shiga, and Skardu or Iskardu, and Ladaqs.2 Each of these

contain forts, stations, and villages (with their lands). Those parts of

the region of Tibbat which I have myself seen, the greater number of

which were either taken by force of arms, or were acquired possession

of after some endeavours by voluntary surrender, are some parts of

Balti, Zan-skar, Mar-yol,3 Yudaq, Kokah, Lo, Poras, Rongah, Mankab,

Zirsu or Zersu, Kangar, Nisan or Naisan, Yam, Ala, Lae Long, Tok-o-

Labok, Asbarak or Asabarak, the whole of which I have traversed.

From Asbarak people proceed to Bangalah in twenty-four stages ; and

Ursang lies east of Asbarak, and Bangalah lies south of it. Hrsang is

the place to which throughout Khitae and Tibbat, they turn to, to pray,

and is the most sacred temple of those people. What the writer has

heard concerning it, being impossible of verification by him, is conse¬

quently not recorded, and possibly most of it is untrue. In short, it

is the seat of learning, and city of the monks of Khitae and Tibbat.

In explanation of the wonders of, and different places in, Tibbat.

“ Of this region of Tibbat which I have myself seen, the manners

and customs of its people are after such a fashion, that, notwithstand¬

ing I much desire to give a full description of them, I find it impossible

to do so. However, I will record some of the astonishing things which

I have beheld, or which, time after time, have been verified in my pre¬

sence, on account of their strangeness. Among these, one is the gold

mines. In most places frequented by the Canbahs there are gold mines ;

indeed in most of the Tibbat territory there is gold. Among these are

two wonderful mines. One is in what is called Altun-ci Tibbat by the

1 The people called the white and black tent nomads in the Index to the revised

sheets of A — K’s explorations are, donbtless, the Canbahs here noticed.

2 The Tibbatls, in their writings, spell this word much the same as Mlrza

Ilaidar — “ Ladag ” and“Ladvags” (the last letter in italics not being sounded;

and they call the fort thereof “ /Sles-wkhar.”

8 Mis-called, as usual, in the best maps even, “ Marol,” and in some others

“Malial.”

1895.] H. Gr. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 93

Mughals,1 in which some of the branches of Dol-bah Canbahs, or

nomads, already noticed, work ; bnt on account of the excessive coldness

of the air they are not able to work more than forty days in each year.

The shafts (adits ) open on level ground, in such wise that a person can

enter them ; and the shafts are numerous, and most of them lead one

into the other. It is affirmed that as many as three hundred families

at a time continue at all times to dwell in these shafts or holes.

The passage of some Mughals happened to lie that way, and being

perceived by the Dol-bah from a distance, when they drew near,

these people crept into the shafts so that the Mughals could not find

one of them. In these shafts, likewise, they do not burn any oil, only

clarified fat of sheep, in which no tallow is contained. They bring the

earth in sieves to the mouths of the shafts and wash it, and it is said

that from one sieve-full of earth, as much as ten misqals (each misqal

being about one dram and a half ) are on an average produced. The

same person digs out the earth, brings it out, and washes it himself ;

and in the course of a day can fill and wash twenty sieves-full.

Although this matter has not been verified and tested by me, neverthe¬

less, the statement agrees in every way with the reports current in

Tibbat, and therefore it has been recorded here.

“ Another territory is Kokah, which contains some two hundred

forts. Its length is three days’ journey; and there is gold to be found

in every part of it. They dig out a certain quantity of earth and

spread it out on the face of a cured hide, and pick out the gold there¬

from which is in grains. Some of these grains are of the size of lentils,

or peas ; and it is said, that, sometimes, nuggets of the size of an egg

and even of the size of a sheep’s liver, or even larger are found.2 At

1 Altiin or Altan is the Turk! for gold, but not “ Altyng ; ” and Altun-ci Tibbat

refers to the northern parts thereof, near the “ recently discovered, Altyn moun¬

tains.”

2 All the rivers issuing from these mountains bring down gold — the Indus,

the Kunar, the Yar-kand river, as its name indicates, namely, Zar-Afshan — the

Scatterer or Diffuser of gold — and several others.

Among the rarities despatched by the Cingiz or Great Khan to Sultan

Muhammad, the Khwarazm Shah, was a larger nugget than this one by far. The

author of the Tabaqat-i-Ndsiri states (page 966) that, “ Among the rarities and

presents sent to the Sultan was a nugget of pure gold, as big as a camel’s neck,

which they had brought to him [the Cingiz Khan] from the mountain range of

Tamghaj, so that it was necessary to convey that piece of gold upon a cart.”

The ruler of Tamghaj in the time of the Cingiz IGian was styled The Altan

Khan, altan or ditun in Turkish signifying gold. Tamghaj is described as the

name of a territory of Turkistan, i.e., the country inhabited by Turks, and the name

generally applied to the Badshahs or sovereigns of Tibbat and Yughma ; and Tamghaj

and Yughma are said to have been “ the names of cities giving names to coun¬

tries also.”

94 H. G. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty -jive years ago. [No. 2,

the time that I, the writer of theso pages, fixed a capitation tax upon

the Kokah Chiefs, they related, that, only a short time before, a labourer

was excavating in a certain part, when the implement he was using

became so firmly fixed in a place, that, with all his efforts, be was unable

to withdraw it again. He removed the earth from around, and what

does he behold but a large stone, and in the middle of it embedded was

gold, and the spade firmly fixed therein. Leaving it just as it was, he

went away and informed the Hakim or Governor of the matter, when

that functionary, and those then present with him, went in a body to the

spot, and took hold of the mass, broke the stone, and one thousand five

hundred misqdls of pure Tibbati gold were extracted from it, each

misqdl of that part being a misqdl and a half of the usual weight !

“ The gold of Kokah which they extract from the earth is, indeed,

so pure, that, however much it may be assayed and tested, the only loss

that arises is the right of the fire \_i.e., what is lost by heating and

melting] ; and this fact is considered astonishing and wonderful by

travellers and assayers, and probably nowhere else in the world can

such a thing be pointed out.

“ In most parts of Tibbat the goods and merchandize of Kliita and

Hind are to be obtained in much the same proportion and quantity.

“ Another of the wonders of Tibbat is what is called dam-girl [stop¬

page of the breath or suffocation from stagnation of the air, as it is

described], and this malady prevails throughout the whole of Tibbat j1

1 The author of the Survey Record I have before referred to, in his account of

the route from Pashat, where gold washing has been carried on for centuries (the

“Pishut” of the maps) to Goslak (see my Notes on Afghanistan, etc., page 145),

over the Calas Ghashaey, or Pass, says : “ The summit of this mountain range,

which is named Kund by the Afghans and Tiraj Mir by the Tajziks of Qashqar

[Kashgliar and Qashqar ai'e totally distinct countries], and which always appears

white from excessive snow, lies on the left hand. By the way are dense forests,

among the trees of which are many descriptions of fruit-bearing trees, and much

grass and herbage of various species ; and as from the smell of the grass (or herb¬

age) a person becomes stupified, people take an onion along with them in their

hands, and immediately on their brain becoming affected they smell the onion and

also eat it, and their brain recovers from the effect.”

From this it appears that the “ onion mountains” are more than one range.

In another place the Surveyor says, that the Mir Shah Riza, Badshah or Chief

of Drush, a dependency of Qashqar, or Citral, who was an enthusiastic geographer,

told him likewise, that the range extends in an unbroken, conterminous chain

from the ti'act of country inhabited by the Qirghiz nomads (immediately south and

west of Kashgliar), as far as Hirat, and that Hindu Kush is merely the name of one

of the passes leading over it. This range is also called Sard war [the same word as

occurs in “ Lake Mansarowar,” of the maps], and the Afghans style it Kund, both

of which words are of the same meaning, Sardwar and Kund being the Sanskrit for

‘ lake,’ ‘ pond,’ ‘ pool,’ etc.

1895.] H. G. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred aud sixty-five years ago. 95

but where there are forts and villages there it prevails to a less degree.

In all cases the symptoms are the same: the respiration is always

affected or stopped, and a person’s head burns in the same manner as if

he had taken a heavy load upon it aud had ran up a very high ascent

with it ; and on account of this burning sensation he cannot speak

without much effort. Then sleep overpowers him, but as yet the eyes

are scarcely closed in sleep — what from the difficulty of respiration and

the burning sensation in the head, and pain in the lungs and chest — than

he awakes again in great anguish and agitation ; and this is the state

into which people always fall when attacked with this malady. When

it increases, delirium ensues, and the person begins to talk incoherent^,

and sometimes has not the power to utter a word. The face, hands, and

feet swell ; and when this change has come, the person dies between the

morning and the early forenoon. It sometimes happens that a person

attacked lingers in this state for some days ; and if, during this time,

death does not supervene, and the invalid reaches a fort or village, or

other inhabited place, there is a chance of his life being saved, but if

not, death is certain to happen.

“ Strange to say, this malady does not attack the people of Tibbat,

In another place (Notes, page 309), on crossing the Qara-Quram range from

Kahaplu Aghza, he says, that “on the way thither, yon meet with a vast deal of

snow, and much water, grass, and herbage. As the smell emanating from these

grasses produces faintness and stupefaction, ti’avellers take care to provide them¬

selves with onions when they travel by this route. When a person becomes affected

from the smell, and feels faintness coming over him, his companions give him an

onion to eat, and also one to smell at, and this is said to be an effectual antidote.”

It is doubtful, however, whether it would have the same effect if the person

continued in that part ; for, of course, only the first symptoms of dam-giri, are here

referred to.

The Buddhist pilgrims, Hwui Seng and Sung Yun, which latter is said to havo

been a native of Tibbat, who visited these parts in 518 A.D., in the translation of

their travels by Beal from the Chinese (page 183), say: “After entering the Th’snng

Ling for Onion Mountains), step by step we crept up for four days, and then reached

the highest point of the range. # * * # To the west of the Th’sung Ling

mountains all the rivers flow to the westward. # # # * To the eastward of the

capital of this couutry [Han-pan-to, Pan-to, or Khartchou], there is a rapid river (or

a river, Mang-tsin, or a wide ford river) flowing to the north-east towards Sha-leh

(Sand-curb, see note 2 page 88).” Here, of course, the Zar-Afshan, described by

MIrza Haidar, is referred to, which is styled by the name of Mangshln [Mang-tsin]

up to the present time.

What I particularly wish to draw attention to here is the coincidence of the

range being called the “Onion Mountains” in 518 A.D., from which it is evident that

onions have been used for at least some fourteen centuries as an antidote against an

attack of dam-giri (see also page 84), and that the probability is, that the range

got the name of Th’sung Ling, or Onion Mountains, fx’om this use of onions.

96 H. Gr. Raverfy — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-jive years ago. [No. 2,

who are unacquainted with it : strangers alone are liable to its attacks ;

and their physicians cannot account for this disease attacking strangers

and non-dwellers in Tibbat,1 2 neither do they or any one else know any

remedy for it. The colder the air the more people are affected by it ;

and it not only attacks human beings, but every living creature [foreign

to Tibbat ?], and more particularly human beings and horses, as will

be presently shown. When on one occasion it became necessary to

make a rapid inroad of one day’s journey, and we set out, on the follow¬

ing morning when I awoke, the horses with the force which accompanied

me seemed very few. On making investigation I found that in that one

night 2,000 horses had died ; and of my own stud alone there were

tw^enty-four spare horses which had been taken on, and out of them

no less than twenty-three had died ! This malady seems to affect horses

even more than human beings ; and save in Tibbat, I never heard any¬

thing like it happening any where else.

“ The ‘ ulamd, or ecclesiastics of Tibbat, are all, without exception,

called by the general name of Lamah,8 but they are styled by different

titles according to the degree and description of their learning. For

example : in my time they styled an Imam and a Mujtahid , “ Tongbah ”

and “ Kajuwa,” respectively.3 * * * * I used to converse a good deal with

them by means of an interpreter ; but, when the discourse became

somewhat difficult and abstruse, the interpreter used to be unable to

understand it perfectly, and incapable of interpreting it, consequently,

the conversation on such occasions would remain incomplete and un¬

finished. But what I understood of the fundamental articles of their

belief is this [the author here gives an account of the Buddhist doctrine

which I need not insert here, but merely add what he afterwards men¬

tions regarding the Buddha himself]. “ The doctrine of Shaka Muni

is the religious belief of all Khitae and Tibbat. In the former country

they style him Shaqiya Muni, and in the latter, Shaqa Toba [or

1 The Tibbat Is we may say, are born to it, and therefore are not affected

like strangers by such a rarified atmosphere.

2 Or Lanbah, both being correct.

3 An Imam is prelate or chief priest, a leader in religions matters, and Mujta¬

hid, an expounder of the law, traditions, etc., and of the Qur’an. It must not

be supposed that the Mirza means that these Tibbati words are translations of

Imam and Mujtahid : he merely means that the Buddhist priests of high rank or

degree are so styled. Tongbah is probably what the Tibbatis style “ Tsonkhapa”

According to the author of the Tabaqat-l-Ndsiri (see page 1106) however “in

the time of the Great Qa’an, Uktae, son of the Cingiz Khan, masjids were founded

in all the cities of Tingit, Tamghaj. and Tibbat, and the countries of Cin ; and all

the forts and strongholds of the countries of the east were given in charge to a

number of Musalman Amirs.”

1895.] H. G. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago, 97

Toya ?], but, in history, the name is written Shaka Muni. In some

Histories he is accounted among the prophets of Hind, and some aver

that he was a philosopher. * * * Shaka Muni declared that of the

121,000 apostles or prophets who were to follow him, the last would

be named Janksabah, who would be an orphan, without father or

mother, and all the world would become converts to his faith ; that

he himself would impart the precepts of his religion, so that it

might be transmitted from one generation to another by these prophets

down to the period of Janksabah’s blessed appearance. He also

declared that the countenance of this prophet would be in such and such

wise ; and he had given an image which every one should take care to

preserve, because a being would be born of that likeness, and that,

before all other people, they should believe on him. At this time, in

all their idol-temples, the image or likeness which occupies the chief

place, is the image of this expected Janksabah, and all the likenesses

which they make are with reference to him.1

“ Another of the territories or districts of Tibbat is Zonkah, which

is the most noted and esteemed in all Tibbat. In that part the mah-

farfln is produced.

“ I saw there a mandate from a Badshah of Khitae, written in the

Khita-i character, in one corner of which the purport thereof was

written in the Tibbati alphabet, and in another corner, a translation in

the Persian language,2 3 * neatly written in the nashh character. It set

forth that, ‘ His Majesty sends his greeting unto all people, and says,

that Shaka Muni, who founded the religion of idol-worship ( but jparastl ),

lived upwards of 3,000 years ago, and that he had delivered sayings of

great wisdom and subtlety which was beyond the capacity of every one

to comprehend, and that they might set their minds at rest on that

matter.’ There are other remarks on the subject of repairing the

idol-temples ; but the chief object intended to be conveyed is the era of

Shaka Muni. A year different from that of the Hijrat , with which I

was not acquainted, is written therein ; but, from appearances, I should

imagine that the document is not much more than a century old, but

God knows best. I had gone into Zonkah in Rabi‘u-l-awwal (third

month) of 940 H. (September, 1533 A.D.).S

1 This is a somewhat remarkable statement, and shows that what is assumed

to be, and which writers call, “ the image of the sitting Buddha,” in the temples

of Buddhist people, is no other than the likeness of the coming Buddha, Janksa¬

bah, and which Shaqiya Muni enjoined his followers to keep in their temples. The

same, I think, may be said of the paintings supposed to be of Shaqiya Muni.

2 This shows the extensive use of the Persian language in Asia.

3 This would be the reign of Yng Tsong, the sixth emperor of the Ming

J. i. 13

98 H. G. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty -jive years ago. [No. 2,

“ In Kashghar, as well as in Tibbat, the Qutds-i-Sahrde [or wild

ydlc] is found, which is a formidable animal and a dangerous.1 When

it gets at a person, whether it butts with its horns, and gores him, or

whether it kicks out at him, or gets the person under it, it is the cause

of that person’s destruction ; or whether, not having time enough for

this, it merely gives him a toss which sends him twenty gaz (ells) up

into the air, he is hardly likely to live after falling from such a height.

One Qutas bull is sufficient load for twelve horses ; and one person can

in no wise lift its shoulder blade. I killed a Qutas at the time of

making a certain raid, and divided the flesh among seventy persons, and

each one had sufficient flesh to last him for a period of four days.

These animals are not found anywhere else save in the region of

Tibbat.”

The Author is despatched on an Expedition against the Infidels

of Tibbat.

After expatiating on the advantages of holy warfare against infidels

to the orthodox Musalman, the author says : “ I set out from Kashghar

on this expedition in Zi Hijjah (the last month) of the year 933 H. (the

latter half of August, 1531 A.D.). As I have previously mentioned,

the northern boundary of Tibbat, that is in other words, Balti, termi¬

nates at Bilaur and Badakhshan. On its winter eastern side is the

dynasty. Da Halde tells us that in the third year of his reign (1441 A.D.) he

issued an edict prohibiting all persons from doing honours to Confucius in the

temples of the idols.

In his sixth year (1444 A.D.) he marched an army against the Tartars f Mughal a

rather] on the other side of the great wall. He was, however, entirely defeated,

and taken prisoner, and carried away into Muglialistan. He is the Tihg-thun of the

Lamah quoted below.

According to the statement of the Lamah, “ Sum-pa Khan-po,” whose life is

given by Babu Qarat Candra Das, in J. A. S. B. for 1889, page 63, the third

Ming emperor was called Tai Ming (Yemglo), who ascended the throne in 1402 A.D.,

but he does not give the year of his death, or that of other emperors : he merely

gives the date of their successors’ ascending the throne. The fourth Ming emperor,

Hunshi, according to the Lamah, ascended the throne in 1424 A.D.

This Tai Ming is the same potentate who sent an embassy to Sultan Shah Rukh

Mirza in 816 H. (1413-14 A.D. ), with a letter, who is called Dae Ming by the his¬

torians of Shah Bukh’s reign. The latter sent a return embassy with a long and

interesting letter in reply to that of the Ming emperor.

1 The Amir, Nasiru-d-din, Sabuk-Tigin, father of Sultan Mahmud of Ghaznih,

was nick-named by his comrades the Qard BujJcum or Black Ghajz-gao , which words

are respectively Turkish and old Persian for the wild Yak of Tibbat and adjacent

parts. Black here refers, not to colour, but ferocity, and such as Mirza Haidar

describes above.

1895.] H. G. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-jive years ago. 99

territory of Yar-kand, and to the west of it is Kash-mlr. I was accom¬

panied by Sikandar Sultan [Sultan Sa‘Id Khan’s son], while the Khan

himself proposed to proceed by the route of Khutan into the Altun-cl

Tibbat, which is a dol-pah , or, in other words a dasht (steppe).1

“ I set out towards the close of the month before mentioned, and on

the Jst of Safar (the second month of the following year, 939 H.), we

reached Nubrah, which is a territory dependent on Tibbat. A mes¬

senger was despatched into the whole of these parts to invite the people

to embrace the Musalman faith.2 Most of them accepted the invitation

with submission, with the exception of these black-faced ones of Nubrah,

who manifested a contumacious and rebellious spirit, and all betook

themselves to their forts and strongholds. Borq-pa, who was the

greatest of the chiefs among them, and whose fort was Hdndar, which

is the principal stronghold of that part, shut himself up therein. I in¬

vested him there ; and was occupied for some days in preparing the

necessary materials for laying siege to it, such as manjaniqs (balistas),

tords (mantelets), etcetera, and on the day fixed upon, moved towards it.

Confusion and disorder, however, arose among the enemy, and they

evacuated the fort and took to flight, pursued by the Musalmans as far

as it was possible to follow them, and not one of the tribe entertained

a hope of escape. Borq-pa, with all the males having been killed, a

mandr of the heads of these contumacious rebels was raised, and a

monument to the infidels of these parts towered upwards to the sky.

Their territory was taken possession of, and troops occupied their forts ;

and from thence we entered the territory of Mar-yol. Here there are

two Hakims or rulers, one was Lat Ju Ghadan, and the other Ma

S Ingun ; and both of them came and presented themselves, and sub¬

mitted. At this time the sun changed from Virgo and entered the sign

Libra; and in Libra throughout all Tibbat, the severity of the cold is

so great as not to be equalled in any other part in this season of the

year. Consultation was now held with the Amirs along with me, as to

what part of Tibbat was the best for us to make our qishldq , or winter

quarters,3 and where forage for the cattle and food for the men would

1 From the context this refers to the table land of Tibbat, rather than to a

dasht or steppe.

2 In other words, they were called upon to “ come in ” — something after the

manner recently, and now being practised on the frontier of Afghanistan towards

the purely Afghan tribes — and allow themselves to be “annexed” against their

will, but their religion is not interfered with.

3 Any one who has been in the Afghan state, especially its northern part,

ought to know the proper meaning of qishldq or qishldyh (‘ q * and ‘ gh’ being per-

mutable in the Turk! language), and most people who have been in those parts do

know that it simply means a, place or tract in which the nomad people take up their

100 H. G. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty -jive years ago. [No. 2,

be procurable. No one could give indication of any sucli place in

Tibbat ; and the general opinion was, that it was advisable to enter

Kash-mir, and take up our winter quarters there.1 If we could sub¬

jugate it, well, otherwise, having passed tlie winter there, we could

leave it when the spring came round. Having reinforced the troops

left to hold the different places in Tibbat [this part of it], we left

Mar-yol and those tracts, and set out towards Kash-mir. News now

reached me that the Klian himself [Sultan Sa‘ld Khan, ruler of Kash-

ghar] had arrived in these parts (Tibbat), and that on the road he had

been attacked with dam-girl, the malady peculiar to this infidel land ;

and that the Khan wished to see me as quickly as possible. I therefore

left the forces along with me at the very place where the news reached

me, and set out at once for the Khan’s presence.

“ I previously mentioned that the Khan had intended to advance

into Tibbat towards the dol-pah or dasht by way of Khutan, having

despatched me with a part of his forces towards Balti. At the period

in question the sun was in Aries. The Khan, however, passed a month

in some of the summer stations, and also in the pasture lands of the

mountains of Kaslighar, until, in the meanwhile, the season of Sunbal

had come round [the sun had entered the constellation Virgo~\. People

in the habit of passing to and fro in these parts represented to the

Khan, that the time had gone by, and that after this, all the waters of

the rivers would be entirely frozen up, in such wise that no water

would be procurable, and that a sufficient quantity of firewood was not

to be obtained in that part enough to thaw a sufficient quantity to

supply the wants of man and beast.2 Further, that it was necessary

to make the utmost endeavours to procure and lay in a sufficiency of

the droppings of the wild qutas or yah, to be able, at least, to cook

broth. On this account, to secure a supply, a number of the men of

the force [with the Khan] remained behind on this route, on foot, for

this purpose. The Khan did not wish to retire and thus spoil this holy

warfare, and said that difficulties and hardships were to be expected,

winter quarters. But Lieut.-Col. T. H. Holdich, R. E., who was with the Afghan

Boundary Commission, has made a discovery to the contrary ; for in his “ Report ”

of the 14th of March, 1887, to the Secretary of State for India, page 25, he assures

us that “ kishlaks ” are “ mud villages,” from “time immemorial ” perhaps. After

this, what might ilaq, or ildgh be, which signify in the same language, a place where

nomads take up their summer quarters P

1 We have been repeatedly informed by persons who wish to be considered

authorities in these matters, that we need not have any fear, because there are no

practicable routes leading into Kash-mir through Tibbat, and that that country was

never yet invaded from the north. Here is a proof of their incorrectness.

* Showing that such was the usual method of obtaining water at that season.

1895.] H. G. Raverty — Tibbcit three hundred and sixty -jive years ago. 101

but the merit would be all the greater; aud that it was necessary to

follow Mirza Haidar, referring to myself, and complete the work they

had undertaken. The Khan therefore returned from Khutan, and fol¬

lowed the very same route into Balti which I had myself taken. On

the road his health gave way from an attack of dam-glri. He was very

ill, and would often lapse into insensibility. His physicians tried all

their remedies without avail ; and although advised to give up proceed¬

ing farther by his Amirs, he would not consent. He was desirous of

joining me, although he himself expected he should die on the way.

He told them, saying : £ Take me onwards to the scene of operations

while life remains ; and when I am incapable of anything, then you

may do as you consider best.’ He repeatedly inquired about me, and

prayed that he might last out until he had seen me. It was impossible

for them to halt anywhere, notwithstanding the state the IQian was in,

because of the excessive cold, and the absence of water and forage, besides

which, the very act of delajdng in any one place would be the cause of

increase of the malady ; and the only chance remaining was for him to

be taken to a place where the effects of this dam-giri were by no means

so great. The Amirs accordingly had taken the Khan to such a place ;

and on that day I arrived in his camp. The Khan had come to himself

again on that day, and was much pleased at seeing me, and thanked

God that I had come ; and he actually recovered a little, so that we

were able to conduct him into Nubrah. There a consultation was held,

and each one gave his opinion ; and I represented to the Khan that,

with all my search and inquiries, I found there was no place in these

parts of Tibbat where more than 1,000 men could find winter quarters,

and such a small number were incapable of suppressing any outbreak

or quelling any hostility if it arose, and that, with the exception of

Kash-mlr, no one could point out any other befitting place in which to

remain for the winter. On the way, however, were several passes, in

consequence of which, the weak state of the Khan’s condition would

not possibly admit of his proceeding thither ; that if the Khan con¬

sented to the arrangement, 1,000 men should be left in attendance on

him, and he should return to Balti, where there was neither dam-giri to

fear, nor passes to be crossed ; while I, with the rest of the force, would

proceed into Kash-mir and there remain for the winter, and when

spring should come round we could act as might be deemed advisable.

The IQ?an approved of this ; and as it was understood at the outset,

that Tibbat was not a country into which a large force could be taken 1

1 When Uktae Qa‘an undertook the final conquest of Khitae, in Rabi‘u-l-awwal,

627 H. (March, 1230 A.D.), he despatched a force of 20,000 men under his brother,

Tull Khan, along with whom was the Juzbl, Tuqulqu, to enter that territory by the

102 H. G. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. [No. 2,

[supported], the number originally fixed was only 5,000 in all : 3,000

with the Khan, and 2,000 under my orders. Accordingly, the Khan now

took 1,000 men along with him, and marched towards Balti ; while

the remaining 4,000, with several Amirs of the Khan, proceeded with

me towards Kash-mlr.

“ The Khan reached Balti at the end of Libra ; and of the chiefs

of that part, Bahrain, the Ju [or Ju-i], presented himself, and submitted

to him, but the rest of the Ju-ian [plural of Ju or Ju-i] of Balti, as is

usual among such infidels, showed hostility and contumacy. With

Bahrain, Ju, leading the way, the force with the Khan attacked Shi gar,

which is the seat of Government and chief place in all Balti, and which

was taken on the first attack. The men were put to the sword, while

the women and children, and plunder, were appropriated by the Khan’s

soldiers. After that they did not refrain from attacking other approach¬

able places in that mountain tract, but, where there were strong forts

and difficult darahs , those they were unable to approach, and they were

left alone in consequence.

“ On account of the depth of the snow that winter, no news could

be sent from Kash-mir to the Khan, and therefore the contumacious

infidels gave out such reports as suited them and their infernal purposes,

[Then, as now, all who defend their homes and their liberty, in these

parts, and refuse “ to come in,” are all “ rebels and freebooters,” and

their designs “infernal”], so that the troops in Balti had become

anxious and depressed ; until, at the close of winter, the swift messen¬

gers whom I sent from Kash-mlr to the Khan, to announce the con¬

quest of that territory, turned their sorrow into joy. In the beginning

of spring, the Khan, with his force, retired from Balti ; and the expedi¬

tion into Nubrah, which I had made preparations for undertaking in

person, had been entrusted by the Khan to the great Amir, the Kokal-

dash, whose name lias been mentioned before in the affairs of Kashghar.

Through defective counsel, however, and want of unanimity and fore¬

sight among his forces, they had devastated all that tract in such a

manner, that the whole of the people thereof had been roused to

resistance. All that could do so had fled to the strong places, and only

their families and feeble people, who could not be removed, were left

behind. Abandoning them, they did not cease from plundering on

the routes, and from sedition, and other improper acts. As it was not

southern route through Tibbat, and near the northern frontier of the empire of

Maha Cm. * * * # Tull’s force was nearly perishing of famine, so that his

men were actually reduced to the necessity of eating human flesh and dry grass,

and his further progress was stopped until aid was sent him. See Thbaqat-i -

Ndfiri, note, page 928.

1895.] H. G. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 103

advisable for them [the force under the Kokal-dash] to continue in

Nubrah any longer, they had come to Mar-yol. Ta Shi gun [the chief

of that part] not having presented himself, one fort belonging to him

was captured, and he and its defenders killed ; and they were occupying

the place when I arrived from Kash-mlr to present myself to the

Khan, as I shall now proceed to relate.

“ Having set out from Nubrah, with the additional troops sent

along with me by the Khan, as before mentioned, and rejoined my own

force which I had left in the neighbourhood of Mar-yol, I advanced

with all possible celerity towards Kash-mlr. On the way, all the chiefs

of Tibbat, through whose districts we passed, submitted, and added

their fighting men to the number of mine. Some of Balti Tibbat lying

in our way we made incursions into ; and in the middle of Scorpio , in

Jamadlu-s-sanl, 939 H.1 (February, 1533 A.D.), entered Kash-mlr by

the Zojl Lah or Pass [by the Diras road. I need not give here what

he says about Kash-mlr and the operations therein : they are matters

of history which I hope to discuss hereafter]. At the end of Shawwal

(about the end of June, 1533 A.D.) we again set out from Kash-mlr

on our return, by the same route as we had entered it, by Lar. On

reaching the frontiers of Tibbat, most of the people of that part came

and presented pesh-Jcash [tribute], and their wealth, with the exception

of those of Karsah [the “ Kartse ” of the maps], which is a territory or

district dependent on Tibbat, consisting of a darah or valley narrower

than the heart of a miser, and the sides were steep in proportion, so

that, at midday even, the route through it was dark. The people thereof

were very bold and audacious, as they conceived it would be impossible

to get at them. We reached the entrance to it after the time of midday

prayer ; and during the night every one made his preparations, and

waited for the next day to dawn. We attacked them, and they several

times rolled down great stones upon the troops of Islam, who, how¬

ever, scaled the towering heights, and at last gained the victory. As

it was all mountain, the enemy could not easily escape, and consequently

most of them were killed, and their families and their effects became

the booty of the victors. This success produced a wonderful effect

on other parts, the people of which could not offer us too much ; and

all the wealth of the Purik district, or territory, dependent on Tibbat,

was gathered in, and this I divided among the Amirs and soldiery, after

having selected a few of the best things for presentation to the Khan.”

1 This would be in February, 1533 A.D., but the sun enters Scorpio in October ;

and the year 939 H. commenced on the 2nd of August, 1532 A.D. I think, there¬

fore, the MIrza must mean Rabl‘u-l-awwal or Rabl‘u-s-sani, the third or fourth

month, not the sixth month of the year as above.

104 H. G. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. [No. 2,

The Khan sets out for Yar-kand, having nominated the author

TO PROCEED TOWARDS URSANG, AND THE Khan’s DEATH.

“ After my return from Kash-mlr to the Khan’s presence at

Mar-yol, he held counsel with all his Amirs ; and finding that he was

unable to undertake the chief object of this expedition himself, that is

to say, the destruction of the great idol-temple of Ursang,1 the place

to which all the people of Khitae turn towards in prayer [most sacred

place], and which he considered it was his duty as a pious Musalman

to do, he determined to send me on that service. I was to take whom¬

soever I chose with me, and was to have entire control over every one.

I determined to take my brother, ‘Abdu-l-lah Mirza, and my paternal

uncle’s son, Mahmud Mirza, and Jankah Mirza, who is mentioned in

the account of Kashghar ; and of the common men I selected 2,000,

and prepared for the expedition. Six days of Zi-Hijjah [the last

month] were occupied in this, when the time came for bidding adieu to

the Khan, who was going from Mar-yol to Yar-kand. I accompanied

him one stage on the way, when the time for separation came. He kept

his looks fixed upon me as long as he could see me, as I did towards

him as long as he was in sight, and then I turned away with tearful

eyes, and heart burning with the fire of separation from one I was never

again to behold. I heard from him four days after, that he, having

passed beyond the Saqiri lJJqbah or Pass,2 intending to push on after

he usual religious observances of the ‘Id-i-Azha [10th of the month

above named] ; and this was his last epistle to me. After having

observed the ceremonies of that festival he had set out, being taken

on with all possible celerity; and he had cleared the Muz Art3 [Ice

Defile Pass] when his condition changed for the worst, through the

noxious air of that tract. From thence to the place where the malady

of dam-girl ceases to affect one was eight days’ journey [ordinary stages],

and he wished to be taken on as quickly as possible. As the only

hope of saving his life was to get him beyond its influence, they seated

him on horseback, supporting him on either side, when an upright

position is the worst possible one for a person suffering from this

malady, and he ought to have been placed in a litter. They completed

the eight stages in four days ; and at the time of afternoon prayer,

had reached a place within three farsakhs or leagues of where all

danger from dam-girl ceases, when the good IOian breathed his last.”

[Here Mirza Haidar pays a grateful tribute to his memory, and mourns

1 He writes this name Ursang as well as Ursang.

2 See my Notes, page 314.

8 This word is not ‘ muz,’ but muz, the u being long.

1895.] H. G. Raverfcy — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 105

the loss of him who had cherished him from his boyhood, whose brother-

in-law he was, in whose service he had passed twenty-eight years, and

from whom, np to the very last, he had received constant proofs of

affection and confidence. His death took place on the 16th of Zi-

Hijjah, 939 H. (7th July, 1533, old style), aged 47. He was descended

from Caghatae Khan, son of the Cingiz, or Great, Khan, and had

reigned over Kashghar and Yar-kand for twenty years independently.

Babar Badshah was his paternal uncle’s son.]

“ I passed the ‘Id-i-Azha at Mar-yol, and then set out on my

expedition against tTrsang. We proceeded twenty days’ journey, meet¬

ing with none of the infidels of Tibbat ; for such as there were

had dispersed and entered into their forts, which were of consider¬

able strength, and in which they placed great confidence, and to

capture which would have been a difficult matter, and the advantage

to be gained thereby not equal to the trouble. So, leaving Iskandar

Sultan, and my brother, ‘Abdu-l-lah Mlrza, and my cousin, Mahmud

Mlrza, to follow, with the heavy baggage and materials, and the weak

mules, we set out with the light-armed troops and the strongest horses,

with all possible celerity. On the 1st of Safar (second month), 940 H.

(21st of August, 1533 A.D.) we reached a place called Bar-yang, be¬

longing to a numerous nomad people (lit. dwellers in tents) of Tibbat,

whom we came upon and harried, so that we captured near upon 300,000

sheep, together with captives, horses, and other property, all of which

became the booty of the soldiery. There we halted for some time to allow

the cattle to graze in the pasture lands thereof, and to allow Iskandar

Sultan, ‘Abdu-l-lah Mlrza, and Mahmud Mlrza, to come up. As I had

gone on in advance, they were following at leisure ; and on the 1st of

Muharram (first month) of the year 940 H. (22nd July, 1533 A.D.),

they had moved against one of those forts which I previously referred

to, named Kardun,1 and having reduced its defenders to extremity,

they applied for aid to one of the Raes of Hindustan, and had brought

thither 3,000 Hindus, dagger-men [katdrah-ddr'], infantry. Iskandar

Sultan, and my brothers, with 200 of their men, moved to attack them,

and with such haste, that only a few of that number kept up with

them. My brother, ‘Abdu-l-lah Mlrza, was an intrepid youth, and

previous to this had performed brave deeds in the force along with the

late Khan in Balti. Flushed therefrom, he did not wait for the troops

1 Possibly “ Kardam ” of Walker’s map in longitude 81° 8', latitude 30° 27',

and about eighteen miles south-west of his “ Rakas Kal Lake,” near the frontiers of

Hindustan and Nepal, but I think it is much farther south than the route taken by

Mlrza Haidar There is a place called Barkhal on some maps in about longitude

84° 50', and latitude 35° 30', but that again is too far north.

J. i. 14

106 H. G. Raverfcy — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. [No. 2,

to come up, but foolishly threw himself upon the enemy, with only three

men with him. The enemy surrounded them ; and at this juncture,

Mahmud Mirza, with four others came to his assistance, charged among

the enemy, and rescued ‘Abdu-l-lah Mirza. Not content with this,

‘Abdu-l-lah [and the others] again faced about and charged their

opponents ; and he was again completely surrounded, when five heroes

came up, and seeing them in this plight, they also charged the infidels ;

but before they could reach them, they had cut my brother, ‘Abdu-l-lah,

into pieces, in such wise that every bit of his body, armour, and clothes

remained in the possession of those infidels.

“ Having continued in the pasture grounds here [at Bar-yang] until

the cattle were refreshed and recruited, I sent back from this place all

the booty that had been taken ; and having carefully selected 900 men

from my force, with these I set out for Ursang. From Mar-yol of Tib¬

bat to this place is a distance of two months’ journey, and when within

one month’s distance from it, we reached a point where there is a great

hoi or lake,1 the circumference of which is forty farsangs [leagues], and

on the banks thereof there is a fort Avhich they call Tok [Tliok] of

Labok, or Labuk, and there we happened to pass the night. Alas,

when we awoke the next morning, the whole of the horses were dead,

with the exception of a very few which were half-dead and paralyzed

or distorted ! I had twenty-seven horses of my own along with me, and

by morning, but one remained unaffected, two others were half-dead,

and twenty-four were quite dead ; and this was the effect of dam-girl, as

before explained.

“ When we started from that place that morning one-fifth of the

troops only were mounted, and the rest had to march on foot. On the

second day, a district or territory named Yam2 was harried, and many

captives were taken. The people thereof stated that from thence to

Bangalah was a road of twenty-four days’ journey.3 At this time, of

1 This lake seems to be the “ Chargut Cho, or Lake ” of the maps, the largest

of several west and north-west of the Tingri Nawar, and from which Lhasa is dis¬

tant about two hundred and fifty miles towards the south-east. At the rate of

about twenty-five miles a day, which would be the average for horsemen in this

part, it would be just ten stages from Lhasa, and about three hnndred and sixty

miles northwards of Darjiling. We must, however, allow for the physical changes

of nearly four centuries.

2 This evidently is the name which occurs in that of the Cho or lake to the

south-west of the “ Chargut Cho.”

3 It was by this route probably that Malik Ikhtiyaru-d-din, Muhammad, the

Khalj Turk, son of Bakht-yaru-d-din, and conqueror of Bang-al (Bengal) invaded

Tibbat from his capital, Lakhanawatl, at the close of the year 610 H. (1205 A.D.),

as related in the Tabaqat-i-Ndfiri, pages 560-568. After he had passed “the

1895.] H. Gr. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-jive years ago. 107

the force along with me, the number of mounted men whose horses were

strong enough to go on, amounted to ninety only ; and with these I pro¬

ceeded four days’ journey onwards to Asbaraq, from which to Ursang1

great river, Beg-matl [the Brahma-putr ?], which in volume, breadth and depth,

was three times greater than the Gang, he pushed on for fifteen days, and, on the

sixteenth, reached the open country of Tibbat.”

The Cingiz Khan while wintering at and around GIbari in the district to the

north of Peshawar, before hearing that all Tingqut and Tamgliaj was in a state of

revolt, was desirous of entering India, and returning into Cin by way of Lakhan-

awatl and Kamrud ; but, on hearing of these formidable insurrections, he resolved

to return by the way he came, by Buqlan, Bukhara, and Samar-qand, where he

passed the winter of 620-621 H. (1223-24 A.D.), and subsequently set out for the

disturbed territories “ by way of Lob and the country of Tibbat,” that is, along the

skirt of the Altan Tagh referred to in p. 89 note 3 .

1 It will be noticed that the MIrza never mentions the name of any place

called Lhasa, and yet, without doubt, he refex*s to the great temple or series of

temples at the place known to us by that name. But from the context here, and

what the old Jesuit travellers have stated, Lhasa was the name of the territory, and

not of the temple, or place of residence of the Grand Lamah. In the map to

Prejevalsky’s travels, in the “ Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society ,” for

May, 1887, “ Utsang” appears as the name of the territory or province in which

what we call Lhasa is situated. T his may be a vitiated form of Ursang, the name

of the great temple according to the MIrza.

According to the Jesuit Grueber, however, Lhasa was the name of the territory

or province, and not the name of the capital and the residence of the Grand Lamah,

where the great temple is, which he says is called “ Butala ,” and which u adjoined

the city of Tonkir.” From this it would seem that the names have been changed in

comparatively modern times since the MIrza wrote ; but “ Butala ” cannot be

Ursang, as the former temple was only built in 1644 A.D.

It is not impossible that the name Lhasa may have been applied to the capital

and great temple in the same manner that SrI-Nagar is called “ the city of Kash¬

mir : ” not meaning that the city ever was or is called Kash-mlr, but, that it was

and is “ the chief city of or belonging to the territory of Kash-mlr.” In the same

way, probably, Tonkir was styled “ The chief place or city of or belonging to Lhasa,”

and from constant use that name has been applied exclusively to the city where the

great temple is, and where the Grand Lamah resides.

Grueber calls the whole country Tangut [Tingqut of the Mughal s and Turks],

and says it is divided into several parts, of which Lhasa, or Barantolo is the chief.

In the account of Anandah, son of Mangqlln, son of Qubllae Qa’an, in Tingqut,

the Tarlkh-i-Alfl states, that Timur Qa’an, another grandson of Qubllae, who suc¬

ceeded him, confirmed Anandah, his cousin, in the government of that territory ;

and it is stated in that work, that “ Tingqut is an extensive territory on the west

side of Khitae, and Tingqut, in the language of Khitae, is called HawashI, that is,

the rud khanah , or river, on the west, because most of the cities of Tingqut are

situated on the banks of that river [the Hoang-Ho?]. The great cities of that

territory, which used to be the capitals and seat of government of that part from

time to time, are five [the names of which are given, but only two can be written

with any certainty, the others having no vowel points ; namely, Qanjanqu, which

108 H. G. Ravevty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. [No. 2,

only eight days’ journey remained. As, however, the horses of the men

still remaining with me were falling, it became absolutely necessary to

return. There was no help for it : and after setting out on our return,

in six days we rejoined those we had left at Yam,1 and from thence

continued our retreat. This took place on the 8th of RabTu-l-akbir

(fourth month : November) ; and at the end of Jamadlu-l-akhir, we

reached Tam-Lik, distant from Mar-yol twenty days’ journey, and again

joined the men with the booty and plunder which had been previously

sent back. At Tam-Lik, which is one of the great territories of Tibbat,

the people of Kokah, having come, said that they agreed to pay the

jaziah [a capitation tax on infidels, or non-Musalmans], and invited me

to come thither and fix the same, such as their means would admit of.

In consequence of this request, I proceeded towards Kokah, and be¬

tween it and Tam-Lik passed one night on the road [took him two days

to go], and reached it. The people received me in the most hospitable

manner ; and I remained there three days, and fixed the jaziah on that

might possibly be meant for Kong-tsang-fu of the Chinese, and U-halik. The others

are written in the original, ^ or an<^ There are

twenty-four lesser cities, besides towns and villages without number, and most of

the inhabitants are Musalmans.

/

The authors of the Tarikli-i- Alfi, in another place, quoting from some older

works, state, that “ Tingqut is described as a mountainous country (also) called

Ankasae. The Mughals called the country, which contained cities, fortresses, and

many buildings, Aqashin or Qashin,” the chief city, apparently, giving name to the

country also. See also note 1 , page 88.

Tingqut seems to be the Hya or Ning-hya of the Chinese, the capital of which

is called Iriqi or Irqi in the Tingqut language, and Iriqia or Irqia by the Mughals.

There is still a “ Ning-hya-wei ” close to the Great Wall.

Sum-pa Khan-po, the Larnah, quoted elsewhere, states, that in 1205 A.D.

“ Chingis [the Cingiz, or Great, Khan] entered Tibbat, and subjugated all its

provinces with the exception of Mi-Nag.” This invasion of Tingqut, as the Mughals

style it, took place in 603 H. (1206-7 A.D). The Lamah afterwards states that

“ Chingis subjugated Mi-nag of Tibbat in 1225 A.D., after which he died.” This

agrees with the Mughal accounts, which state, that, in 622 H. (1224-25 A.D.), the

Cingiz Khan entered Tingqut or Qashin, Shidarqu. the Tingri Khan, the ruler, having

assembled a vast army, intending to throw olf the Mughal yoke. The cities of

Qam-jiw, Ka-ju, Su-ju, Arumi or Urumi, were taken, and the city of Ningai,

evidently the Ning-hya of the Chinese, was invested. See Tabaqdt-i-Ndsirl, page

1085.

It must not be forgotten that Tibbat and parts adjacent have been subject to

some great earthquakes, which probably changed the face of the country in many

parts, and the courses of rivers. There was a great earthquake in 1352 A.D., and

another, a fearful one, in 1681 A.D.

1 This name is written Nim here — r*- Before it was Yam — — and I be«

lieve the additional point, making it Nim, is an error of the copyist.

1895.] H. G. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-jive years ago. 109

place [»(?] at 3,000 Tibbat! misqals [of gold], which are one misqal and

a half of our weight, and returned again [to Tam-Lik].

“ Having completed this arrangement, I set out on my return ;

and on the road disastrous news reached me of the breaking up and

dispersion of the force originally sent with me, as will be presently

explained. [Here reference is made to the acts of ‘Abdu- r-rashid

Sultan, the son and successor of the late Sultan, Sand Khan, over

Kashghar]. Rashid Sultan, when he set to work to murder his

kindred, and afflict and plunder them, despatched an agent into

Tibbat, and entrusted him with several mandates hearing his seal.

One was for his brother, Iskandar Sultan, who was along with me,

saying : “ I give up to thee the territory of Tibbat ; and let Mirza

Haidar and Mahmud Mirza remain there.” To the rest of those com-

posing the force, to every troop and standard, one of these missives was

sent, to this effect : “ Every man who after this continues to remain in

Tibbat, and does not immediately on the receipt of this order, forthwith

disband and set out towards Yar-kand, his wife, family, and effects will

be sold in Qirghiz 1 in exchange for horses.” As this order had been

received when I was away at Kokah, as already mentioned, and had

become known throughout the force, and its meaning fully understood,

the men composing it, considering my absence very fortunate, deserted,

and set out with all haste towards Yar-kand. Only Iskandar Sultan

and my cousin, Mahmud Mirza, with a few followers, remained. Two

days after this catastrophe I arrived at the stage or halting place [Tam-

Lik] from whence the troops had dispersed and gone off. Iskandar

Sultan and my cousin, Mahmud, related what had happened, and

advised that we should not move that day, but remain there over night,

as some of those who had gone off had done so because they were help-

1 In another part of his work the author mentions who the Qirghiz are, and

which information people in the present day, for the most part, are ignorant of. He

says : “ The Qirghiz are a tribe of Mnghals, a division of the Ulr-ats, of which

latter race near upon 30,000 remained [in his day] within the limits of Turfan and

Kashghar. These Qirghiz having manifested much hostility towards the princes of

the other Mnghals, they separated from them ; and the latter people, having become

Musalmans, while the Qirghiz continued infidels, the other Mnghals, in consequence,

expelled them altogether.” I have mentioned these facts, because we may be told

hereafter that the Qirghiz are a totally different race.

Mirza Muhammad Haidar calls the tract which these Qirghiz inhabited in his

day, Qirghiz likewise, that is, the country of the Qirghiz.

Ibn Hauqal mentions the country of Khirkhiz or Ghirghiz, and says: “The

country of Tibbat is situated between Khirkhiz and the empire of Cin. CIn lies

between the sea and the land of the Ghuzz (Turks) and Tibbat; but the other parte

[some P] of Tibbat were annexed to it.” See page 85.

110 H. G. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. [No. 2,

less, and knew not what else to do, and that it was probable some of

the staunch ones would rejoin us. I had along with me in this expedi¬

tion some hundred veterans, champions, and leaders, who had served

with me for years, and their fathers and grandfathers had also served,

who had been with me in many conflicts, and whom I looked upon and

trusted as equals and brothers, rather than as subordinates. They had

been selected by me on many occasions for honourable posts, and on the

part of whom hostility I considered wholly impossible ; yet, even these

deserted me in the night and fled. In the morning I found all had

deserted me, but Jan Al^mad, Atkah,1 whom I regarded as my foster

father, and one of my Qokal-tashis,2 named Shah Muhammad, whom I

implicitly trusted, but he came back again, bringing five menial servants

with him. I was thus relieved of the fear of being left entirely alone ;

and altogether, that day, about fifty men assembled around me. From

this halting place we now set out towards Mar-yol. It was the begin¬

ning of the winter season, and the sun had entered Capricorn , and the

cold was so intense as cannot be described. Out of this number with

me, some forty either lost a hand, foot, ear, eye, or nose, from the frost;

and with the endurance of these afflictions and tortures we succeeded

in twenty-five days in reaching Mar-yol again.

The Ju-ian of Mar-yol, Ta Shigun, [and] Raltah Jighdan, who

have been mentioned previously,3 hastened to present themselves and

tender their services, notwithstanding, that previously, they had been

treated with severity, plundered, and their people killed. I was rather

suspicious at this, but, contrary to my expectations, they proceeded to

perform various sorts of good service for us ; and, to assure us, stated,

that it was four hundred years that from father to son they had been

subjects of our Badshahs, “ we their subjects and servants, and they

our protectors and nourishers ; ” that, “ if at the time when [those

Badshahs came] in pomp and grandeur, with a great number of followers,

and they themselves through fear and apprehension had committed any

transgression or misconduct, it had been visited with corresponding

punishment, according to usage in such cases. If every one among the

Ju-ian of Tibbat had at that time submitted and presented themselves,

they had done so out of fear and terror, but that now they offered

their services in all sincerity and truth, and from their hearts, not

from the tip of the tongue.” The fort of Shiah or Shiyah, which is the

1 Atkah really means a tutor or instructor, — a superior servant entrusted with

the education of his master’s son.

2 This word Qokal-tash or Qdkal-dash, for it is written both ways, appears

equivalent to a subaltern, henchman, or armour-bearer.

3 Only one of these, Ta Shigun. See page 99.

1895.] H. Gr. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-jive years ago. Ill

chief place and seat of Government of the Mar-yol territory, they

gave up to us as an offering ; and we entered it, and took up our

quarters therein. In short, we there enjoyed comparative luxury and

comfort after all our hardships and difficulties. While there also,

several of the men of the army, who had remained behind in that part,

rejoined us ; and among them was the Maulana, Darwesh Muhammad,

of Qara-Tagh, one of the followers of the Makhdum, the Khwajah.

Muhammad Yusuf. The Maulana was a good man, and was exceed¬

ingly well acquainted with the Tibbati language ; and he was on terms

of friendship and intimacy with all the Ju-Ian of Tibbat. One, a

Haji, from Kash-mlr, also joined me ; and he will be often mentioned

in this work. In this manner over sixty persons were now collected

about me, but all the soldiery had deserted and gone off [with the few

exceptions referred to]. The latter, from the severity of the climate,

and the difficulty and affliction that befel them on the way towards

Yar-kand, found it was almost impossible to proceed. Those who

persevered in so doing lost alb their property, and 150 men among the

number died from the excessive cold, and the remainder, half dead,

succeeded in reaching Yar-kand. Another body turned back, and

reached Mar-yol in a sorry plight. Again a body of about 500 men

were got together, and we succeeded in collecting about 10,000 sheep,

so that we were able to live in comfort again.

“When I returned from the ITrsang expedition, and before reaching

Mar-yol, I had, it will be remembered, despatched Jan Ahmad, the

Atkah, and Shah Muhammad, the Qokal-tash, with presents and

rarities, taken during the expedition, to Rashid Sultan, to Yar-kand,

and to remind him of certain previous agreements between us. * * * *

When that winter had come to a close, Rashid Sultan despatched

Bedkan, son of Jan Ahmad, the Atkah, who is my Qokal-tash, and

associated along with him, Hasan, Diwanah, to make his apologies and

express regret at what had happened out of inadvertency, and of which

he was much ashamed ; and therefore it was necessary to express his

regret to that friend, meaning myself, at what had happened. Further,

that the Maulana, Qodash, with 200 men, had been despatched to join

me, and that my own servants who had reached his presence [with the

presents], should return again without let or hindrance. He also sent

me some horses and a few rarities. The receipt of this communication

was satisfactory ; and now great part of Tibbat acknowledged submis¬

sion to us.

“Maulana Qodash arrived in due course, and along with him

several trustworthy dependents of mine ; and after the arrival of this

party we moved towards the boundary of rlibbat which adjoins Kash-

11*2 H. G. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-jive years ago. [No. 2,

mir, and all Balti paid its assessed revenue in a satisfactory manner.

Soru, which is one of the places belonging to Balti, is the strongest and

most defensible in that country.1 Maulana Qodash asked permission

to go there and collect the revenue assessed upon it. I was not willing,

as 1 know those infidels do not like that any one should see their

darahs and strong places ; and they had intimated that they would

themselves come, and bring the revenue to me along with them, at the

place where I then was, and therefore there was no necessity for sending

any one to collect it. Fate, however, had decreed otherwise, and the

Maulana went; and the Soru people waylaid him in a narrow defile,

and without giving him any chance of resistance, slew him and twenty-

four other trustworthy persons besides. Although my force numbered

near upon 700 men, yet, from want of discipline and training, and

deficiency of weapons, to avenge them was impossible ; and much

chagrined at not being able to do so, we moved from Balti to Tibbat-i-

Zang-As-skar2 3 [Zang-Skar], which is the name of one of the territories

of Tibbat. It had not as yet been entered on account of its altitude,8

and the difficulty of approaching it ; and the time for collecting the

assessed revenue was not yet ar lived, when we appeared on the scene,

to wait for the time, and in combination collect it. At this time a

messenger came from one of the .lu-I4’ of Balti, Tungi Sukab, by name,

who had done good service for me on a former occasion, saying, that

now the opportunity had come for making a raid upon the murderers

of Maulana Qodash, and slaying the males in retribution for their mur¬

dering him and his party, and making their families captive.

“ I had sent back some of the men composing my small force,

whose strength had failed them, to Mar-yol, so that I might be able

to move quickly with the strong and robust. As an escort to these

weak men, 1 had sent my cousin, Mahmud Mlrza, and a small party, to

conduct them one stage on the way back, as the route was dangerous,

and, having conducted them through the dangerous part, to halt at that

stage for the night. 1 told him to keep the horses of his party near

him during the night on account of the danger of the locality ; and a

horse, while grazing near the place of his repose, came rather too close

to his head. He struck the horse to make the animal move a little far¬

ther off, when it launched out at him, and gave him such a kick in the

1 The altitude of Soru, in the daruh of that name, is just 10,624 feet above the

sea level, and has lofty mountains on all sides of it.

2 Also written Zans-kar, and Zas-kar by more recent authors. See my Notes

page 313.

3 Zang-As-skar stands much higher than Soru.

* Ju or Ju-I, plural Ju-Ian, is the Tibbati for a petty chief. Note to page 103.

1895.] H. G. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-jive years ago. 113

forehead that it was beaten in to the extent of the size of the horse’s

hoof. The next day he came to me, and I examined the wound ; and,

according to the custom of the Mughal surgeons, I extracted the pieces

of bone from the wound, and set to to cure him if I could. I sent

word of this untoward accident to Tung! Sukab, who sent a message in

reply saying, that as it appeared there was now a difficulty in my

coming, if I would despatch a few men, he having captured Soru, would

send me a fifth of whatever booty might be taken. This message

reached me at Khurba,1 in the centreof Zang-As-skar, where I was then

halted; and Sot, where Tungl Sukab dwelt, was five days’ journey off.

I accordingly despatched the Maulana, Darwesh Muhammad, of Qara

Tagh, who was on very friendly terms with the Ju-ians of Tibbat, along

with Nur ‘All, Diwanah, who was one of the most trustworthy of my

adherents, and who, when the troops deserted and went off towards

Yar-kand, on the occasion previously referred to had returned to me

again. These two I made leaders, and sent 70 men along with them ;

and they proceeded, and reached the place agreed upon where they

were to meet Tungl Sukab.

“ Two months almost had now passed since my cousin Mahmud

met with his mishap, and the wound had spread over his whole face.

It was highly dangerous, on account of the severe cold, for him to

remain in Zang-As-skar. Helpless, and not knowing what else to do,

Isenthim back to Mar-yol, remaining in Zang-As-skar myself, intending,

that, after Mahmud should have reached Mar-yol safely, I would myself

set out towards Soru and see whether the means of livelihood were

attainable there or not. When Mahmud reached the place where

the horse had kicked him, on his way to Mar-yol, he remained there

for the night ; and in the morning, about the time of mounting to

proceed onwards, he had unbound his head in order to apply a dressing

to the wound, when the cold air affected his brain, and he became

insensible. At the time of afternoon prayer a man came back to

me in all haste ; and I went off, and arrived at midnight, and

Mahmud was still unconscious. * # # * He died the third day

after that. * * * *

“ At this time of sorrow and affliction, a man arrived, sent from

the party despatched towards Soru, saying that Nur ‘All, Dlwanah,

having combined with those sent with him, had seized the Maulana,

Darwesh Muhammad, of Qara Tagh, and had gone off to Baghan, one of

the Ju-ians of one of the territories of Tibbat, whom the Maulana, it

was said, had, on some previous occasion, deceived or imposed upon,

and had badly wounded the said Baghan. and placed his life in danger.

1 Possibly “ Kursha” of the maps.

J. i. 15

114 H. G. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-jive years ago . [No. 2,

These tyrants had made over the Maulana as a present to this infidel,

and thereby having obtained permission of him to depart, they all went

off to Yar-kand. That Tibbatl infidel killed the Maulana by fastening up

his mouth with a wooden skewer ! The Soru affair, in consequence of

this incident, had to be abandoned.

“ I brought Mahmud’s corpse to Mar-yol, and from thence sent it

on to Kashghar to be deposited in the sepulchre of our forefathers.

This affair happened in the beginning of winter, in Scorpio , when the

cold of Tibbat is so intense, that we proceeded to Mar-yol ; and during

that winter, and up to the beginning of spring, we endured such hard¬

ships and misery as cannot be expressed. When spring came round,

for the sake of the horses, I set out with 70 persons, for Utluq, a place

to which people go, and which is noted throughout Tibbat for the

nourishing powers of its grass. There I employed my time in hunting

the wild ass, and the wild yak, and in due course returned to Mar-yol

again. When I set out for Utluq, I had left Iskandar Sultan at Mar-

yol in charge of the rest of the men ; and now that all had assembled

in one place, and the horses had become fat and strong, the men, unable

any longer to endure the miseries and privations of this service,

all of a sudden separated and deserted, and went off to Yar-kand. Only

50 men out of the whole of them remained with us : all the rest had

fled. At this juncture, Jan Ahmad, the Atkah, whom two years before,

on the way back from the Ursang expedition, I had sent to Rashid

Sultan with presents, as before mentioned, arrived from Yar-kand, and

brought me information, which plainly showed that it would not be

well or safe for me to remain in Tibbat any longer. This was the

reason why I remained in it so long ; for if I had left it and gone off

any where else, Rashid Sultan would have been sure to have laid the

fault on me ; but now he had broken the most solemn promises and

compacts, confirmed by the most binding oaths, and they were buried

in oblivion ; but the breaking of his oaths lay on his own shoulders.

Immediately after the arrival of Jan Ahmad, therefore, I prepared to

set out towards Badakhshan.”

The Author proceeds into Badakhshan.

“ I have before mentioned that out of 700 persons along with me

in Tibbat only 50 now remained, the rest having fled in the best manner

they were able towards Yar-kand. I have likewise mentioned the

difficulties and hardships met with on the routes in Tibbat, through

want of forage for horses, the lack of firewood, the excessive coldness

of the air, and the difficulty of communication. 'All these difficulties

exist to that degree that, even the mildest nature would refuse to put

1895.] H. G. Raverfcy — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 115

up with such ; and besides all these, there is the impossibility of obtain¬

ing a sufficient quantity of food and clothing, and other necessaries,

and particularly horse-shoes, which on such routes cannot be dispensed

with. Consequently, what with the failing strength of the horses, and

want of food for them, and other matters, it was found impossible to

continue any longer in Tibbat. We could neither go to Kash-mlr, nor

Kashghar, nor Turfan, nor Hindustan : all were impossible of attain¬

ment as being unsafe. The only part in which there was a hope of

security, and a chance of being well received, was Badakhshan. Ho

one [among us] had seen any practicable route leading from Tibbat into

Badakhshan which did not enter Kashghar [territory ?] ; but among

those men who had deserted with the intention of going off to Yar¬

kand, and had come back to us again, one, named Jahan Shah, had, on

a previous occasion, related, that he had heard from the people dwelling

in the Kohistan of Yar-kand, who were talking together on the subject,

that from a place called Tagha-nak there was a route in this way and

that way, which came out into the Pa-mir of Badakhshan.1 I had at

this juncture made inquiry of Jalian Shah about this route, and we

now set out to follow this road which as yet we had not seen. Of the

fifty men remaining with me, as I have before mentioned, several of

them, on account of want of strength to accompany us, remained in

Tibbat, and with twenty-seven in all I set out. What with the lack

of the necessary equipment for such a journey, and want of strength in

the cattle, the difficulties of the route, and the intense cold, although

the sun was in the constellation of Virgo [month of August], the dan¬

ger was considerable ; for when we reached a place called Qara Quram

[‘ Place of the Fallen Black Rocks ’]2 at the time of the setting of

the sun, the river there, which is of considerable size, became com¬

pletely frozen over, and everywhere, where the ice was broken to obtain

1 I hope it will be noted here that, even three hundred and sixty-five years

ago, the Pa-mir, or a large portion of it, belonged to, and formed part of, the

territory dependent on Badakhshan. Russians will probably have the assurance to

state that the Pa-mir, or any portion of it, never belonged to Badakhshan. Another

portion of it was subject to the rulers of Kashghar.

2 This does not seem to be the Pass of that name incorrectly written and

“ popularly ” called, the “ Karakoram ” Pass, but a place much more to the west,

and so called for the same reason as the other — “The Place of Fallen Black

Rocks.” To go from Mar-y51 to the “ Qara-Quram ” Pass would have taken the

Mirza and his party some 200 miles farther eastwards than there was any necessity

for, and the retracing of his steps westwards would have added a similar distance.

Besides, it is mentioned, that on the third day after Iskandar Sultan separated from

them at the point [Tagha-naq], where this unexplored route into Badakhshan

branohed off from the Yar-kand road, they in three days reached the Ras-katn

darah. See my Notes , page 307.

116 H. G. Raverty — Tibbctt three hundred and sixty-five years ago. [No. 2,

water, not a drop was to be procured. We used our utmost endeavours

to obtain some up to the time of the prayer before going to sleep, but

without success. The cattle, which during the whole day had passed

through a tract subject to the dam-giri malady, were thus without

water on reaching their halting place, and forage for them was as scarce

as silver to collect ; and the little barley that was given them, they did

not eat through want of water. At this juncture, Jan Ahmad, the

Atkah, said that he remembered having once seen a spring hereabouts,

and that it was necessary for us to go on about half a farsaJch (league)

farther to reach it. We did so, and he pointed out a place among the

ice where it should be broken. This was done, and water was found,

and the cattle were watered ; but there was a mule with us, one of the

strongest among all the animals, which got lock-jaw for want of water,

and notwithstanding all its efforts to do so, it could not drink, and

died. Consequently, the necessary things with which it used to be

laden had to be abandoned.

“ Having reached the point where this unexplored route leading

into Badaklishan branched off [from that leading to Yar-kand], Iskandar

Sultan requested me to give him permission to leave us, saying he

‘ would go to Rashid Sultan, and that perhaps out of brotherly feeling1

and kindness, he might take pity on him, as he might now be probably

satiated with the destruction he had already wrought upon his kindred.’

I tried all I could to dissuade him, and assured him that no favour

was to be hoped for from such an one. The difficulties and hardships

of the way, and the distressed condition we were in, combined with

want of resolution, and the uncertainty, tended to render him desperate,

and the road of reason was veiled from his mind’s eye. I nevertheless

complied with his request and wishes, and despatched four men along

with him. Five persons having thus separated from us out of twenty-

seven, I proceeded on my way with the remaining twenty-two ; but on

account of their being without shoes, several of our horses broke down.

The very same day that Iskandar left me, at the time of afternoon

prayer, I had the good luck to kill a wild yah ; and we drew pieces of

its hide over the hoofs of the broken down horses [in place of shoes],

and carried away as much as we possibly could of its flesh. Of food;

save some barley, merely sufficient for the horses for one or two days,

none remained, therefore this yah was quite a God-send for us. We

loaded the horses with as much of its flesh as they could possibly bear

— about enough for us all for four or five days — and even then three-

fourths of the flesh remained, which we left as a feast for the crows and

1 They were not brothers by the same mother. Rashid Saltan’s mother was

one of Sultan Sa‘Id Khan’s other wives.

1895.] H. Gr. Raverfcy — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago . 117

ravens of those parts, which doubtless, they banqueted upon to their

hearts’ content. In this way we continued to proceed by conjecture,

and next day we killed another wild yah, very much larger and finer

than the previous one ; and the following day it so happened that the

Provider of Daily Bread furnished us with food in plenty.

“ From the account given of this route by Jahan Shah, I conjec¬

tured, that in six days more we might reach inhabited tracts ; but on

the third day after separating from Iskandar Sultan, at about break¬

fast time [between sun rise and noon — the early forenoon], we reached

a place where several men were, some of whom, household by household,

came forward to meet us with great cheerfulness and good will. We

inquired of them about the route and our destination. They told us

that the darali or valley we were then in was called Ras-kam,1 * and that

from where we then were to the Pa-mir was five days’ journey.

Having now reached the habitations of men, and such men as we here

met with, we recovered from the hardships and troubles of years in

the rest and ease we here obtained. The people took from us every

horse whose strength had been exhausted, and exchanged with us, and

replaced them with others very good and strong. Of food and drink

they placed before us the best of every thing they possessed, and

pressed us to partake. The men on beholding me would weep involun¬

tarily, and in passing me would say, in their own idiom : “ Thanks be

to Grod, that of our sovereign’s descendants of four hundred years, thou

at least art left. We are thy sacrifice, and we dedicate ourselves to

thee with our families, and people, and all we possess.” At every

place we reached, the whole of the people, with their families, used to

accompany us, notwithstanding I forbade them to do so, and would

willingly have excused them, but it was of no use, and for the space of

seven days, they conducted us, with the utmost honour and kindness,

and endearing expressions, to the Pa-mir,3 and they even wanted to

1 The route taken by the Mirza led nearly due west into the Darah of Ras-

kam, through which a considerable river flows, which, in about the parallel of 76°

east longitude, turns towards the north, and unites with the river of Yar-kand. On

the south side of this darah a range of high mountains separates the Ras-kam from

the Kanjut Darah, which routes are described in that part of my Notes on

Afghanistan, etc., which has not yet seen the light ; but some information respecting

these parts will be found at page 315 of that work.

This route taken by Mirza Haidar three hundred and sixty odd years ago, is

that which, in the account of “ the Pevtsof Expedition,” given in the “ Geographi¬

cal Journal ” for July 1893, page 62, is said to be absolutely unknown ! I gave

an account of it, from Mirza Haidar’s description, thirteen years before, in 1880,

in my Notes which see.

3 See Note 2, page 87.

118 H. G. Raverfcy — Tibbat three hundred and sixty -five years ago . [No. 2,

accompany us, with all their families and belongings, into Badakhshan.

At last, I managed to dismiss these kind-hearted people, and proceeded

onwards into Badakhshan, to Sullman Shah Mirza, who is the son of

Mirza Khan, who was my maternal aunt’s son. He came forth to

receive me, and did everything in his power to show me honour and

respect ; and I gave thanks unto God, that, after all these dangers,

1 had reached such a place of safety and security.

“ At the time that I reached Akhawan, which is the sar-hadd,1 or

boundary of Badakhshan2 * * * * * [on that side], a man in the service of Rashid

Sultan who was there on some affair, presented himself before me ; and

I gave him a letter in TurkI to deliver to Rashid Sultan, on the subject

of his recreant conduct and unfaithfulness. * * * # He, soon

after, had the kindness to expel from his territory my wdfe, who was

the mother’s sister of Rashid Sultan himself, and sent Iskandar Sultan

before mentioned, along with her. Another great favour on Rashid’s

part was, that he did not plunder her of all she was possessed of, as he

had treated others of his kindred. They, in much anxiety of mind,

and in very distressed circumstances, along with some others, about ten

in all, arrived in Badakhshan.”8 # * * *

That winter was passed by Muhammad Haidar Mirza in Badakh¬

shan in comparative comfort, and, in the spring, in the hills and plains

thereof ; and in the summer he came to Kabul. There many others of

the family of the late Sultan Sa‘id Khan, expelled from the Kashghar

territory by Rashid Sultan, also arrived. Subsequently Muhammad

Haidar Mirza set out for Hindustan ; and when he reached Lahor,

Kamran Mirza [son of Babar Badshah] was then there, who received

him with honour and great kindness. He says, that about this time,

Sam Mirza, son of Shah Isma‘il, Safawi, and brother of Shah Thama-

sib, the then ruler of Iran Zamin, tried to take Qandahar from Kamran

Mirza. This event happened in 941 H. (1538 A.D.), but, after invest-

1 This word incorrectly written, “ Sarhad” has been mistaken for the proper

name of a place, and still appears in our maps as such, and also as “ Sarhad WaJc-

han .” The Waklian district terminates here, as the words Sar-hadd-i- Waklian

mean ; and this place is not more than eighteen or twenty miles from the Palpi

Sang Pass.

2 Because Waklian has always been part of the Badakhshan territory.

8 Mirza Muhammad Haidar forgave ‘Abdu-r-rashid Sultan — for ‘Abdu-r-

rashid is his correct or full name — for his ill-treatment of himself and friends, as

he had been led to commit most of his misdeeds by one of his Amirs, Muhammadi

by name, of the Burlas tribe of Muglials, whom he subsequently rid himself of, and

repented of his misdeeds. When Mirza Muhammad Haidar wrote his work in

953 H. (1546 A.D.), he named it after ‘Abdu-r-rashid Sultan and styled it “ Tarikh-

i-Rashidi.”

1895.] H. G. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-jive years ago. 119

in g it for eight months, Kamran Mirza arrived with an army from

Labor, defeated Sara Mirza, and relieved the place.

I propose shortly to give the other valuable geographical details

contained in Mirza Muhammad Haidar’s work, respecting Turkistan

and Mughalistan, and other matters. In case any one hereafter should

avail himself of any of the information contained in this paper, it is to

be hoped that it will be acknowledged.

The following brief account of the western part of Tibbat is from

the observations of the Mir, ‘Abdu-l-karim, son of Mir Isma‘il, of

Bukhara, who was there in 1224 H. (1809 A.D.). He had gone the

preceding year, in company with the Mirza, Muhammad Yusuf, from

Bukhara, on a mission to Constantinople by way of Moscow. From his

account we can gain some idea of the state of western Tibbat about the

same time that the Hon’ble Mount-Stuart Elphinstone was at Peshawar

on his mission to Shah Sbuja‘u-l-mulk, the Sad5zi ruler of the Afghan

State. ‘Abdu-l-karim states, that: —

“ There are seven Tibbats, three of which are subject to Kash-mir,

and the other four are independent, and have a Raja, that is to say,

a Ruler, of their own. The most of the people of the Tibbats are

followers of the faith of the Qalmaq [Qal-I-maq], Mani, and some are

Majics [Magians], Corn and provisions are scarce, and many of the

people are very poor. Barley meal and flour of millet are obtainable.

They give a daughter to ten husbands ; and, if any one should take one

of the people away and make a Musalman of him, there is no hindrance.

One Tibbat — Tihbat-i-Kalan [or Great Tibbat] — is parallel with Kash¬

mir for fifteen stages. When a party of merchants make a purchase

of shdls , they make up three or five parcels or packages into a bale or

bundle, and as many bundles as there may be, they make over to the

charge of Kash-miri porters hired for the purpose, who convey them on

their shoulders, and reach Tibbat in fifteen days. As the route is

difficult and mountainous, horses and mules cannot pass that way, and

porters are hired upon all occasions. If a merchant so desires, he hires

two men, who have small pads fastened to their shoulders ; and he

mounts the shoulders of one of them. The man takes hold of one foot

of the merchant on one side, in front, and the other foot is towards the

porter’s back ; and in this manner he goes along with ease and comfort.

The other porter takes his turn to relieve the first, and in this manner

they proceed on their way. * * * * Horses can go into Great

Tibbat, and merchants avail themselves of them, and ride horses in

going by that route.

“When a Karwdn ( vul . “ caravan ”) proceeds from Tibbat towards

Yar-kand, which is a territory belonging to Khitae, they have to pro-

120 H. G. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. [No. 2,

ceed a distance of forty stages, through a part where there are neither

inhabitants nor cultivation, and where neither firewood nor forage is pro¬

curable : only water can be obtained. It is a kohistan (mountainous tract)

black and arid, but one thing may be said in its favour, and that is,

that highway robbers are not found in that part. People proceeding

from Tibbat to Yar-kand, and vice versa , take provisions for forty days

along with them, such as bread, clarified butter, and flesh. In that

mountainous solitude there are black crows, so that whenever a horse,

through fatigue, lies down and falls asleep, these crows come upon the

animal and peck out its eyes. There are also wolves, that, if they

chance to find a man alone, they will attack and rend him. These

crows, too, if they perceive a man through fatigue lying down, several

of them collect about him and blind him, and after that devour him.

The route is very rough and difficult, and besides this, an exhalation

arises from the ground like unto the samum [vul. “ simoon ”]. If a

person should venture to move along somewhat quickly, this noxious

vapour or exhalation, reaches his brain, and he becomes affected after

the manner of people on board ship with sea-sickness. At times people

die from its effects. Some apply garlic to the head, some smell

it, sometimes lime-juice is taken, and the person affected recovers ; but

a great number of horses perish of that samum. 1 2

“ At times it so happens, that a merchant has ten loads of goods,

and takes with him twenty horses by way of precaution, to convey the

goods, and barley, bread, and other necessary stores. By chance, the

whole of his horses perish on the road [from this malady ?]. The

merchant then places his loads piled one over the other, in an open

place, and covers them with mats or felts, and marks the place with a

heap of stones. If the merchant is going from Tibbat to Yar-kand

when such an accident befalls him, he comes on, with the persons along

with him, to Yar-kand, purchases fresh horses, and goes back and

fetches his property. If, on the other hand, he is going from Yar-kand

to Tibbat when he has the misfortune to lose his horses, he considers

which place is the nearest to him, and he proceeds thither, and brings

on horses to carry the loads. If he should remain away for years, his

goods sustain neither loss nor injury.

“ In that mountainous part, there are cattle which they style gilt as

(yak), the tail of which is bushy like that of the fox, but very long,

which they fasten to the head of their 'tiiahs 2 or standards, which

1 This, of course, is dam-girl already described by MIrza Haidar.

2 The greater the number of yfi.lt tails appended to th e'tilgh or standard, the

greater the rank of the leader to whom it belonged. Thus we read in the old writers,

in the wars between the Christians and the’Usmanli Turks, about Pashas of so many

1895.] H. G. Raverty — Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago . 121

hang down like the hair of women. There are a number of these

animals met with on this route ; and in Tibbat they are domesticated in

great numbers, and draw loads like as do buffaloes. The flesh and

milk of these animals are very delicious. The writer of this, the

humble Mir ‘Abdu-l-karim, Bukhari, proceeded twice into Kash-mir ;

once, when in his sixteenth year, from Hirat, by Qandahar, Kabul,

Peshawar, and Muzaffar-abad, and returned by this very route through

Tibbat. On the other occasion, he proceeded from the territory of

Bukhara [and] from Simi-pulad [Semipolatinsk], which is the termina¬

tion of the Masqo 1 [Moscow — Russian] territory in that direction, and

by llah, Aq-su, Kashghar, Yar-kand, and Tibbat, to Kash-mir, in

1224 H. (1809A.D.), and returned from thence by the same route. On

the way through Tibbat a calf of the quids was found asleep, and

I killed it with a pistol; and the flesh was delicious. Those who go

into Tibbat to purchase the tibbat , that is the pashm [wool] of the

goats, which pashm is used in the manufacture of shdls in Kash-mir,

bring back zedoary ( curcuma zedoaria ) from thence along with them.

“ The particulars respecting Tibbat are, that it is a very mountainous

tract of country, lying between the countries of Khita and Hindustan.

It is very long in extent from west to east, but much less in breadth,

while its elevation is so great that its mountains throw their heads to

the sky, and its routes are as hard as the hearts of misers. It is three

months’ journey [from the part of Tibbat referred to] to what they

tails ; not that the Pashas were furnished with caudal appendages themselves, but

their Highs or standards.

In Rajab, 602 H., February, 1206 A.D., when the title of the Cingiz, or Great

Khan was assigned to Timur-ci, at the quriltde, or general assembly, held on that

occasion, he set up a white tiigh or standard, consisting of nine degrees, or tails,

indicated by as many tails of the ghajz gau or bos grunniens ; and he was seated on a

high throne with a diadem on his head. Nine is the particularly venerated number

among the Mughals, that being the number of the first nine chiefs of their i-mdq

before the general massacre of the Mughal people by the Tattar i-mdq. See

Tabaqdt-i-Nasiri, page 881.

1 The author in mentioning Ruslah and Ruslan (Russians) says, in one place

in his work, respecting the distance intervening between their territory and Urganj

and Bukhara at that time — just eighty-five years ago — that, “ the difficulties by the

way, the scarcity of water, firewood, and provisions, and the cold and snow of

winter, and excessive heat of summer, are such, that the Ruslan, in consequence,

have no desire or inclination in that direction [in which he, like many others, was

much mistaken], the Almighty God, having, of His Mercy, placed thereby between

the people of Islam and the Yajuj-like Ruslan [referring to Yajuj Majuj — Gog and

Magog], an Alexandrian barrier, otherwise those parts possessed neither the power

nor the energy to withstand the armies of those infidels.”

At the period in question the Russians were otherwise engaged.

J. i. 16

122 H. G. Raverty — Tibhat three hundred and sixty -five years ago. [No. 2,

call Lambab [Lhasa, ?], where is the temple or place of worship of the

people of Qalmaq [Qal-I-maq], and an assemblage of Brahmans [! Bud¬

dhists he must mean]. Some relate that the tdbut [bier or coffin] of

Mani, the Naqqash,1 * * 4 is preserved there. This territory of Lambah is

in the possession of the Badshah of Khita ; and in it dwell people who

are nomads, and live in khargdhs [felt tents] in the open country and

uncultivated tracts, who possess a vast number of sheep and goats.

Their goats are of large size, and their pashm abundant, like unto

the sheep of this country [the country where he wrote]. In the month

of tir [June], the shepherds dig up zedoary from the ground in the moun¬

tains and wilds ; and rhubarb, and mamiran [a root yielding a yellow

dye] are also brought from that part. There is a class of people, who

having clubbed together, go out into the different mountain districts of

this territory with their sheep, and from every here and there buy up

the tibbat or pashm of the goats, from half a huqqali (a fardel or parcel)

to ten huqqahs, and purchase the male goats also that the natives have

to sell. Having put the pashm into saddle-bags, they fasten them on

to their sheep ; and in this way, in the course of two months, collecting

pashm from different places, they manage to load a thousand sheep or

more.”

1 The name of a celebrated painter who lived in the time of Ard-shir, but

some say, and more correctly so, in the time of Bahram Shah, ruler of Iran Zamin, and

who appeared in the world after the time of our Saviour upon earth, and gave

himself out to be an apostle, upon which Hurmuz Shah, son of Bahram, put him

to death.

Another account is, that Mani appeared in the world in the middle of the third

century, and gave out that he was the paraclete or comforter promised by our Lord

Jesus Christ, and soon founded a numerous sect. The ruler of Iran Zamin ordered

him to be seized, upon which he fled into the country of the Turks (which includes

Mughals aad Tattars). His religion was a mixture of Magian, Hindu, and Christian

tenets ; and among his followers were even Christian patriarchs and bishops. His

sect were, from his name, known in Europe as Manicheans.

4

1895.] M. M. Chakravarti — Inscriptions of Kulastamblia-deva.

123

Two copper-plate inscriptions of Kulastamblia-deva, an Eastern C dinky a

King. — By Babu Man Mohan Chakravarti, M. A., B. L., Deputy

Magistrate.1

[Read February 1891.]

These copper-plates were secured by me from the Ragliava Dasa

Math in the Town of Puri, Orissa. They have been kept in the

Math as sanads of the Math itself, but they do not appear to have

any connection with it.

When I got them, the plates were very dirty, and the inscriptious

hardly legible. I cleansed them by rubbing with tamarind and hot

water, and then rubbed afresh with chalk. The letters can now be dis¬

tinctly seen.

One plate is broader and more complete ; it will be called A.

The other plate is longer and will be called B. Plate A is 8§" x 6|"

X It is covered with writing on both sides without any margin.

On the front face are 22 lines ; on the back 21. The letters are on

an average x \" . Plate B is 9 " x 5§" x Like plate A, it is

closely written on both sides up to the edge, with 19 lines on the

obverse side and 18 on the reverse. The letters are §" X .

From the middle of the top of both the plates rises a circular piece.

The one in plate A contains on its face a half moon, below which is

a boar (or a bull) sitting above a line, which with another line encloses

the words ( Qrimam Kulastamblia-deva). Below the foot

line are some letters not clearly traceable. The piece in B has a boar at

the foot standing, above which are nearly the same words

At the top is a half-moon. These circular pieces were evidently the

seals of the granting king.

The letters look like the 10th century Kutila inscription given

in Prinsep’s work. The text purports to be in Sanskrit, but has

1 [The publication of this and the following paper has been greatly delayed,

owing to difficulties experienced by the author in securing an accurate copy of the

extremely incorrect Sanskrit of the plates. The text is that given by the author,

the plates not being available for comparison. Ed.]

124

M. M. Chakravarti — Two copper-plate

[No. 2,

been badly transcribed. Orthography and grammar do not appear to

have been much attended to. The context is not therefore clear every¬

where. I have given a verbatim rendering without attempting revision.

The inscriptions generally agree till we come to the grant itself.

They begin with an invocation to £fiva ; then follow the praises of

Kulastauibha-deva, born by a boon from the goddess Stambhe9vari,

and his son or governor (Kodalo P) Kacba Deva. Then come the grants.

In B, the village Pajar in Ulokhand Sub-Division was bestowed on

Bhataputra Veluka, a Brahman. In A, the village Kaijkanira in the

same Sub-Division was bestowed on Bhataputra Madhusodana son of

Bhata Velu, probably tho aforesaid Velu (-ka), a Brahman of the Vaccha

Gotra, Ya^ari^aya Pravara of the Yajurveda. The grants are followed

by the usual ^lokas of the Mahabharata regarding thepunya of land gifts

and the sin of resuming them.

Kulastambha-deva is mentioned as having been born in the ^ulki

Kula (lines 3-4), which cannot but be the Calukj^a line. The posses¬

sion of the plates by an Orissa Math, the Telugite sort of name,

Bhata Velu (alias Veluka), the word Kaliqga (lines 21-22), coupled with

the absence of any dates or any year of reign (so common in other

dynasties) point to the Eastern Calukya dynasty. The insignia of the

boar on the seals are also worth noticing. The Eastern Calukya dynasty

ruled from about 610 A. D. to 1084 A. D., or for four centuries and

a half ( 1 ). The letters are certainly not later than the 11th century.

Kulastambha-deva must therefore be placed before the 11th century

A. D.

Beyond this there are no certain data to go on. If Bhata Velu

be believed to be identical with Veluka, a period of some 12 or 15 years

might be supposed to have elapsed between the two grants — slight dif¬

ferences in the letters (such as «T, T) corroborate this difference of

time. Then Kulastambha-deva could not have reigned less than 15 or

20 years. Is Kulastambha a surname of Gunagka Vijayaditya III ( 2)

who reigned 40 or 44 years, and who, according to Sir W. Elliott, con¬

quered Kaliqga ? Gunaqka Vijayaditya III (Vijayaditya II of Elliott’s

list) began to reign in the middle of the ninth century, A. D., a date

consistent with the old form of the Kutila characters in the inscriptions.

Kulastambha-deva might also be identified with Kulottuqga Ghoda-

deva, the celebrated monarch of the Colas, who flourished towards the

close of the eleventh century A. D.

Through the kindness of the owner, I send one of the plates to the

Society for comparison.

A Sewell’s sketch of the Dynasties of S. India, pp. 13-15.

2 Do., p. 12.

1895.]

125

inscriptions of Kulastambha-deva.

PLATE A.

Obverse.

«. ^XpH prefer (cx)

^xniJ^^xfaxflxnwxTjgwfkcxBxifsrsxw

’Stm ( ' ) xr

atcj: ^T^TSTT mfqcixft WX^ftf^nfaO'

si

sgsr =sre 9TT ( ?xT ? ) wfa'sl fJtgnuft |

<5 fsrsmxaRsr’sft

g a^nxwsrtaj^) sux^fr?;: u «x

59ft ( 9X\ ? ) *r flcT^iffnmcrfiTcri: ^ra^cft «jrf% tir f%

KTSi^^fg^rar: qxxfW 55xfflf*T

55® »whrwiitj^< arwtfejmfccnnp^iTrc

%TO^*RT< fX^X^

crmfox <ft ( f ) toifttt: inr(? <x) xrjhiristx surof^f?: ^x

tt^ax^*: sraxffmx f^isrxK^qfcXHt^&g: 1 *xfi^r

wt f^^'XRxirrcxv’ixsiffi^cix ^x*qt ( ? f )

f JWf3X^^X<: 3TJX

3 xTftww v xxxf^%g tifcra: 1 ( ^^surax*! x§f g

^Z'i.’l^x ^xf«cix: WJT

wf3^: «^sff*TcXX^*l iT«? OTfX^XST *;(?<£ ) g^lJJT

9X^5ft25Rl^W- XXK ( ? Ct) 3Wcr: «T (<T ) ^IXJg%fQT(^)

wftcXi *X»l^(f5X?)'IW5S[X flX'fX^XXJXTT ’XJX^Hfq' SX’ETX «X

m ( ? t% ) 1? 1R ftwxxfix: fsxfjj^xftxm ( * ) SHre ^fXTfexJ

(*) Plate B differs from this place as follows : —

qr^q wfii srora

fqf^rt*7*sj vi^rif jTt

sg^af; q^rn; qro q^rr: ^

^T'SfT fqqf^<T 1w ^ q?fo

UrT q^: I q*T ^Rf 3? \°(?) ^Tfa^T

fqfajfrf

\J

126 !; M. M. Chakra varti — Two copper-plate [No. 2,

PLATE A.

Reverse.

fer ( ? mt) igig guyfire;

sfiaf: RfHqxf^jft^RT^cr: «T2^ ?

m*s[«re*n sr^jfNt sj^ifgq!;

^TEI^Xt ^gmt: «T35^ cf^J

ftfcTI W£ %^: '*rfcf*nfaJlcTi

“if’jfT^trnsRiqfflqiCNf'SI Hfjnnfiprt ?r

>jffl ci^j erg? ct^t qrcrwq<rv*rciTT sr ip?m

gtjl^sp ^RcTT H^cl^T 5tt ^CT ?rfq^r

sri ftnr»ft *r? q^i% gisftqftn^wr

si

f*r gijtn'txrt sjwfrc tj w

ifa: ff^far ji^tW ni*n

S#

fcrgtqcn>ifcl^q: 'fgfcT Tt^gfcT »jfff

Jiracr streams «r4 ( n ) sftfa^ Ji^fcr gnl

^ Bfci5t^gTf%: ci^r Jff*r u^#tjg 3«qcr> g

ssr^nffst: fftcTt ^JtJTiffw sfcr

=5rt% ^tngf^sRj fljpg fa (Or)cf ^ w*

S» V*

^fas^fir (3) «pn ’rfa *ft fasft

on: fafacrfaq? *rt^ HrrreifaifaiTfa'

%g ^ (?) ^rr«TKTfri^=h*U!ra 5tT%g

'3-gaTWWtw (>3?t) mwi ^ fifaf^cr ^ + uw

Translation.

Om ! Be it good ! Blessed bo the god Girina whose lotus-feet

are rubbed by the crowns of the most learned among the Devas and

Asuras, and whose dark plaited hairs are illuminated by the rays of

the moon-gem. By the grace of the boon got from the goddess Sfcam-

bhe9vari, appeared, in the (Julki kula, king Kulastambha-deva, cele¬

brated (?) in the world, protector of the timid, whose rise (in the

line) adorned by their various bright variegated auspicious tastes, and

adhering (strictly) to the ways (of the Qastras) laid down by the

gods headed by Sada^iva, puts the enemies to fear. In the wars

whitened by (i. e.} illuminated by) his fame-protecting bravery, great

1895.]

127

inscriptions of Kulastambha-deva.

renown is always gained by him, as if it is an attribute of his own.

To him was born a son, a hero matchless in the world. Afraid of his

ever- victorious good sword, the enemies fly on all sides in the battle ;

head of all kings, having subdued and extirpated the enemies by his

forces (thus) beautifying the faces of his ladies with (golden) earrings

won by this bravery, and rendering pale (with grief and fear) the

lily faces of the ladies of the enemies, he pierced through their coun¬

tries and shone like the moon. His power spreading on all sides, his

palms appearing as if always wet by his numerous gifts, like the

giant elephant watching in a cardinal point, he looks like a bridge over

this world-ocean. Kodalo (?) Kaccha-deva is attentive in worshipping

the feet of Gurus and Brahmanas, is full of Qri (grace), is a hero in pierc¬

ing the necks of the big elephants of his difficultly subduable enemies.

Liberal, powerful, on this earth and in the midst of kings he resem¬

bles Prthu. Though of the sea-coast, still the bright glittering

sword of his arms terrified all sorts of foes.... (Hot intelligible 8

letters). The great devotee of ffiva whose enemies have all been

subdued, Maharaja £?rl Kulastambha-deva surrounded by a round of

pagkha-Jotaka (?) (thus proclaimeth) : — In my Divisions, oh ye future

princes, Mahasamantas (chief officers) of towns such as those in

Kalbgga, managers, treasurers and others ! What is ordered, hear ye

all ! In the Ulokhand sub-division the village Kaijkanira with (all

rights of) land, water and forest, and (with all the lands within) its

four boundaries, having taken it away from your jurisdiction, is thus

granted by us — the copper-plate grant of Bhataputra Vacchapalak,

granted to Bhataputra Madhusodan son of Bhata Velu of Vacchagotra,

Ya9vari9aya Pravara, and of Yajurvedi Varana, granted rent-free as

long as the sun and moon with all rights of land and water. (Here

follow ten lines quoting Mahabharata about the efficacy of gifts and

the sin of resumption.) Considering the riches and the life of man

to be as fleeting as the water-drop on a lotus-leaf, and thinking

over the aforesaid illustrations, persons ought not to take away the

fame of others. This is written and inscribed by the Kayastha

Mahasandhi-vigrahika Kananaya Jaka son in the Kasara Kula. Pray

excuse any letter found wanting or written in excess in the above.

THE PART DIFFERING IN PLATE B.

Translation.

: — In Ulokhand sub-division the village Pajar with its rent settled,

freed from all liabilities, with the four boundaries determined, with

Karaba tree worth (or rent?) ten pals granted to Bhataputra Veluka.

(Then come five lines from Mahabharata.)

128

M. M. Cliakravarti — Two copper-plate

[No. 2,

Two copper-plate inscriptions of the King Nrsimha-deva IV of Orissa. -By

Babu Man Mohan Chakravarti, M. A., B. L., Deputy Magistrate.1

[Read February 1891.]

These two inscriptions have been found by me in Puri. One, I

call, A, the other B. A was found in the Math Tirmali, a Math oppo¬

site the northern gate of the Temple of Jagannath. B was found in

the Math fagkarananda, about half a mile to the south of the Jagannath

temple and close to the old palace of the Puri Rajas. The present

mahants of these Maths are unable to explain how these plates came

to their possession. On enquiry I find that the Maths hold land near

the villages granted in these inscriptions, and I presume the plates

passed to their hands on the transfer of these lands.

The mediaeval history of Orissa is dark. The Madala Panji

or the chronicle of the Jagannath Temple is almost the only source ;

but unless corroborated, its statements cannot be fully relied upon.

The inscriptions now edited furnish valuable informations in the

shape of the names of the kings, their years of reign, and their relation¬

ships. They refer to the kings of the second dynasty known as Ganga-

vamsa.

A consists of seven copper- plates, nearly uniform in size {V —

If" x 10" XTV0- B consisted of seven plates, but the 5th plate is

missing (1' — If" x lP'Xf") All the thirteen plates have holes in the

middle of the left side, through which a metal ring must have passed

to keep the series together like a book. The rings are not forthcoming.

The A plates are in a better state of preservation than B, the last

plate of which is seriously damaged in three places.

With the exception of the first and last plates, the other plates

of A and B are covered with writing on both sides, and contain 24

lines on each side. These lines occupy in A V — x 9", thus leaving a

margin of If" by 1". Near the holes the lines are smaller — eight

lines with 10" x3". The B plates being larger, the lines are longer.

I [See note 1 on p. 123. Ed.]

1895.]

inscriptions of the King Nrsimha-deva.

129

The letters are usually by f-". In B, they are not so good as

in A, and are often not legible, having been effaced at some places, and

at others having a black rust in the crevices, as hard as iron. The letters

are Sanskrit and belong to an intermediate class between the present

Devanagarl characters and the 10th century Kutila characters.

The inscriptions consist of

(1) The invocation.

(2) The mythological introduction.

(3) The genealogy of the kings and their praises.

(4) The date of the grant, the name and boundaries of the

village, and the name of the donee.

(5) The conclusion.

Parts 1, 2, 3 ajid 5 are nearly the same in A and B ; B containing

the fuller inscription. Part 4 is naturally different in each.

The language is in verse, intermixed at one place in (2) with ]3rose.

Part 4 is entirely in prose and contains many Uriya words. Mistakes

in spelling occur every now and then ; letters and even words are

omitted ; rules of grammar are often violated, and the versification is not

always rhythmical. The composition has all the faults of mediaeval

Sanskrit poetry. The epithets are hyperbolical, the analogies and

similes are remote and far-fetched, and the narration very prolix.

The inscription begins with a salutation to ffiva (omitted in B).

Then follows a blessing by the god Visnu. From the navel of Visnu

sprung Brahma, who created Atri the father of Candra or the moon.

Several lines sing his praises, as this dynasty claims to have sprung from

the moon. Then the poet exclaims, — “ who can sing the exploits of the

moon-descended kings ” (A I, lines 14-15, B I, line 12). “ Therefore

I write the names only of the first kings” (A I, line 17, B I, line 14).

Here follows a list of the mythological kings : —

Moon

l

Budha (3V).

I

Anal a

i

Pururavah ( ) .

i

Vayu (^TJ).

Nahusa

f

Yayati (wfa).

I

Turvasu (3^).

J. i. 17

Turvasu

I

Gaqgeya (JIT^T).

Y irocana ( ) .

Samvedya

I

Bhasvana (*?TWR).

Dattasena

Saumya

A^vadatta (

130

M. M. Chakra varti — Two copper-plate

[No. 2,

A9vadatta

Sauragga

Citraijgada

piradhvaja (ftnww).

Medliavi

Pariksita

Jayasena («jsj#*r).

A I lines 17 —

Jayasena

VijayLena (frffrtw).

Vrsadhvaja

9akti| (*fk).

Pragalbha

Kolahala (^T^TT^^f ), or

Ananta Varmma (^t«Prre**T)

2, B I lines 14—19.

The mythological list ends with, — u In that line many more kings

successively arose, ” (A II. 1, B I. 22). So far about the Pauranik

origin of the dynasty.

Then comes the strictly historical list. After mentioning that five

Kamarnavas had preceded (A II. 6, B II. 1) it begins with, — “In that

(moon-line) arose the king Kamarnava, founder of the dynasty.”

(A II. 9, B II. 4). The inscriptions next go on giving the names of

the successive kings, the names of their wives, the years of their reigns,

all intermixed with profuse and hyperbolical epithets. The inscriptions

thus enable us to map out nearly the entire period of Gaijgavari^a

dynasty, a, period of more than 290 years. Seventeen kings are named,

or from Codagaijga 14 kings. The following will show the details : —

1. Kamarnava (qrfflTPfa)

(A. II. 9, B II. 4).

2. Vajrahasta (^W) = Naijgama (*fjpRT)

(A. II. 12, B. II. 6.) (A. II. 17, B. II. 10).

i

3. Rajaraja =Rajasundari (^loj^^t)

(A. II. 18, B. II. 11). (A. II. 20, B. II. 13).

4. Codagagga (^T^JIT).

Codagarjga is one of the most important names in Orissa history.

According to the Madala Panji, he conquered Orissa and overthrew the

Ke^arl or lion dynasty. This conquest is corroborated by the inscrip¬

tions which speak of his overpowering the Utkala king (A II. 35, B. II.

26). Codagaijga of the present inscriptions is evidently the same Coda¬

gaijga of Sewell’s three copper plates, whose abhiseka took place in

1895.]

131

inscriptions of the King Nrsimha-devci.

saka 999 or 1078 A. D.1 The names of the preceding three ances¬

tors exactly agree in both.2 3 Codagapga married several wives and

had several sons, who became kings of Orissa one after the other.

4. Codagaijga

(A. II. 21, B. II. 4)

reigned seventy years.

= Kasturikamodinl )

(A. II. 47-8, b/iI. 42).

5. Kamarnava I. (^THT^)

(A. III. 1-2. B. II. 43-4)

reigned 10 years.

= Indira (Tf^Tr)

(A. III. 16, B. III. 12).

6. Ragliava (TT^)

(A. III. 20, B. III. 15)

15 years.

= Candralekha (^*55^IT)

(A. III. 83, B. III. 26-7).

7. Raja-raja I. (TI^HTSf) 8. Aniyaigga-bhima

(A. III. 34, B. III. 27) (A.. III. 44, B. III. 41)

25 years. 10 years.

The first three sons of Codagaqga apparently died childless.

But from the time of Aniyaijga-bbima Deva, the succession was lineal

from father to son, without any break.

8. Anlyaijga-bhlma-deva

(A. III. 44, B. III. 41)

10 years.

Baghalla-devi ( )

(A. IV. 6, B. III. 48).

9. Raja-raja II. (^T«nT«T) = Guna or Sadguna or

(A. IV. 8, B. IV. 1-2) (A. IV. 12, B. IV.lo).

17 years.

1 Sewell’s Archaeological Survey of S. India, Yol. II, pp. 33-1. For the readings

of Mr. Sewell’s copper-plates, see the Indian Antiquary, Yol. XYIII, pp. 161-176,

certain verses of the present plates (A II. 12-17) slightly reversed, agree word for

word with lines 77-84 (pp. 168-9) of Mr. Fleet’s reading of the second inscription.

2 Through his mother, C5dagai)ga was closely related to the Cola royal

family. His mother, Rajasundari was the daughter of Rajendra C51a (see I. Antiq.

Vol. XYIII, p. 163, 28-9, p. 169, 85-6, and p. 174, 19-20).

3 Aniyaqga-bhima-deva is also shortened to Anagga-bhima in one passage

A IV. 3, B III. 47.

132

M. M. Chakra varti — Two copper-plate

[No. 2,

10. Anaijga-bhima =

(A. IY. 13, B. IY. 11)

33 years.

Kastura (eff^KT)

(A. IV. 22, B. IV. 26).

11. Nr-simlia-deva I. ( ) = Slta (€tfTT)

(A. IY. 24, B. IV. 27-8) (A. IV. 33, B. IV. 41)

33 years. daughter of a Malava king.

12. Vira-bhanu-deva I. = Jakalla-devi

(A. IV. 33. B. IY. 14) *

17 years.

I

13. Nara-simha-deva II. =

(A. IY. 41, B. IY. 47)

34 years.

(A. IY. 37, B. IV. 46).

Coda-devi

(A. IY. 45, B. IY. 47).

14. Vira-bhanu-deva II. Laksmi (^J^ft)

(A. Y. 5), 24 years. (A. Y. 10).

15. Nr-siuiha-deva III. (3sf^Hr*^)= Kamala-devi (^Tii^-^:|')'

(A. Y. 12). 24 years. (A. Y. 21-2).

; I

16. Bhanu-deva IV. (VT*T-^) = Hira-devi (’flTT-tft)

(A. Y. 22), 26 years. of Calukya Kula

(A. Y. 30-1).

17. Nara-simha-deva IY. (sncf^-^r) (A. Y. 33)

in whose reign the grants were made, A in 8th ai)ka (6th year),

B. in 22nd aijka (18th year)1.

The value of these inscriptions is very much enhanced by the

mention of dates. A furnishes two dates in the £aka era ; B two in

£aka era, and two without any era, but which can be calculated with

the help of Prof. Jacobi’s tables.

In A, the grant was made on Caka-nr pater atltesu pancddhikesn

trayodaga-gata-samvachcharesu ... Qrimdn Nrsimha-deva nrpateh svardjyasya

astdgke abliilikhyamdne Caitre mdsi gukle pakse trayo-dasyam (sic) tithau

ravi-vdre, or on Sunday, 13th tithi of the bright half of Caitra in the

year faka 1305 = 6th March 1384 A. D. (0. S.), which was a Sunday.

1 For aykas, see my article on the Uriya inscriptions of Jagannath temple.

J. A. S. B., Pt. I, Yol. LXII (1893), p. 89.

The aykas begin on the Suniya day, which generally falls in the month of

Bhadra being Simha (pikla dvada^.

1895.]

inscriptions of the King Nrsimhci-deva.

133

In B, the Grant was made on Caka-nrpater atitesu sodagddhikesu

trayddaga-gata-samvatsaresu . Nrasimha-deva-nrpatih ( ? eh) svardjyasya

dvdvimgatyarjke abhilikhyanidne vichd gukla ekddagydm mar/galavare or on

Tuesday 11th tithi of the bright half of the vicha month in the faka

year 1316 = 23rd Nov. 1395 (O. S.) which happened to be a Tuesday.

The £?aka year seems to be an expired year.

In A, Kamarnava II, the eldest son of Codagagga, ascended the

throne on vedartu-vyoma-candra-pramita-gaka-samdh or 1064 £aka =

1142 A. D. In B, vedartu is changed to devartu which would make

the date of accession .1033 Saka or thirty-one years earlier. The later

date is possible and more consistent with the date of Codgaijga’s

abhiseka as given in Sewell’s plates (1078 A. D.) considering that he

reigned seventy years. Furthermore according to Sewell’s plates,

Codagaijga was reigning in 1040 and 1057 £aka — facts which cannot be

explained if the earlier date (1033) be accepted1.

Two other tithis are incidentally mentioned in the B plate No. VI.

1. At camp Devakuta on Wednesday the 7th tithi of the dark half,

2nd Vicha of 23rd ai)ka = 22nd Nov. 1396 A. D. (O. S.) (lines 25—6).

2. At camp Narayanapura on Saturday 11th tithi of the dark half,

Mina Sai)kranti = 24th February 1397 A. D. (O. S.) (lines 29-30).

With these dates and years of reign, the following table can now

be constructed : —

1 1 would point out, however, that the total of reigns (268) plus six (the

years as calculated from the aijka in A), if added to 1064, amounts to 1338, and thus

exceeds 1305 <?aka, the date given in the A. grant. There seem to be mistakes in

the years of reign, otherwise this discrepancy is inexplicable. [Of. also Prinsep s

Useful Tables, Ed. Thomas, No. xxiv. Er>.]

134

M. M. Chakravarti — Two copper-plate

[No. 2,

Both the grants were made at Varanasi Katak (Camp Varanasi) or

the present town of Cuttack. They were made in the presence of the

following officers, respectively : —

In A.—

Door-examiner

Commander-in-Chief ...

Examiner of Accounts

Officer

n

Writer of accounts

>>

»

In B.-

Officer

»

»>

Door-examiner

Writer of accounts

Grade^var Jena.

Landu-Sani Mh^ra.

Mahapatra Narendra-deva Chakravarti.

Narahari Dasa Praharaja (the donee),

prlpati Mapgalaraja.

Svapne9vara Mahasenapati.

BaidI Maha-senapati.

Mahapatra Krsnanandya.

Do. Landu Ratha.

Do. Gopinatha.

Patra Bhuvanananda.

Siddhe^vara Jena.

Trivikrama,

Vi^anatha Maha-senapati.

The subject matter of the B grant were subsequently considered

and confirmed in the camps Devakuta and Narayanapura, where the

following officers were present : —

At Devakuta : —

Patra Maha-muni.

Trivikrama.

Somanatha Vahinlpati.

Narahari.

Vi9vanath Mahasenapati.

Priest

Door-examiner

Commander-in-Chief ..

Treasurer

Keeper of Accounts ..

At Narayanapura : —

Commander-in-Chief

Officer

Treasurer

Door-keeper

Examiner of Accounts

Somanatha Vahinlpati.

Bhuvane9vara.

Laksmanananda.

Narahari

Trivrikrama.

Gat§9vara Dasa pri-candana.

The villages were bestowed on the Brahmanas for the increase of

the king’s life, health, prosperity and empire ( Svciyurclwgyaigvai'ya-

samrajya-samrddhaye ). In A, the village Kimnari-grama was bestowed

on Mahapatra Narahari Dasa. This village was in the Uttarakhanda

Kalabho (Dandapat) and was worth 900 madbas o,f gold. At the time

of the grant its name was changed to Vijaya-narasimhapura-9asana

(from the name of the king). As a part of the grant was the home-

1895.]

inscriptions of the King Nrsimha-deva.

135

stead land with a house, of a Brahmana named Svapne^vara. He

was of Kaundinya Gotra and a reader of the Kanva fakha of the

Yajur-veda. His land was in area, four batis or 80 acres.

In describing the boundaries, several villages are named, two of

which — Bhakharsahi and Makulunda still exist within the Puri Dis¬

trict. The approximate position of the villages Kimnari alias Vijaya-

narasirhhapura, would be long. 86° 5' 30" by lat. 20° 22' 30".

In B, the villages, Saiso and Radaso-o were granted to a Brahmana

named Devaratha Acarya of Atreyasa gotra and reader in the Kanva

pakha of the Yajur-veda. They appear to have been granted to him as

the sevak in the temple of Ugre^vara-deva. In area the lands were 30

batis, or 600 acres, and priced at 449 madhas. The boundary villages

still exist, and with their help, the position of the villages may be

approximately put at 85° 56' 45" long, by 20° 10' 27" lat., on the left

side of the river Bhargavi and close to the P, W. D. Bungalow at

Khirkhia. The villages were in Koshtadesa (Dandapat), Odamolo

(Subdivision), Madanakhanda Yisaya (now bisi).

The inscriptions were inscribed by Durgadasa and Gurudasa Sena-

pati respectively. They close with the usual extracts from the Smrtis

as to the benefits of gifts, and the sins of resumption.

Before concluding, I would draw attention to two passages. The

first passage is the one beginning with padau yasya dhardntariksa...

. to ...prdpya pramodanvita. (A. II. 38-43, B, II. 28-33).

Translation : — “ What king can be named that could erect such a

temple to god Purusottama — a temple, whose base is the whole earth,

whose navel the entire sky, whose ears the cardinal points, whose eyes

the sun and the moon, and whose head the heaven. Left undone by the

first kings, Gagge^vara built it. This ocean is the birth-place of

Laksmi, not so thinking in his father-in-law’s house (the ocean) Visnu

lodged; but because he got there full adoration. The god Purusottama,

still feeling apprehensive, was glad to get this new home ; and Laksmi,

too, gladly preferred living in her husband’s new house to living in her

father’s home.

The temple raised by Gagge^vara must have been a celebrated

temple to deserve such specific notice in the inscription. Of Purusot¬

tama, what temple can it be but the temple of Jagannath ? The in¬

scription then differs from the Madala Paiiji which ascribes the erection

of the temple to Auag^a-blrima-dgva, and which gives several specific

details. Is this difference due to the fact that the main temple was built

by Codagagga, but that the side temples, the walls, &c., and the thorough

systematisation of the ceremonies and sebas were made in the time of

Anagga-bhima-deva, and that in course of time, the former circumstance

was lost sight of and the temple passed as Anagga-bhlma’s ?

136 M. M. Chakravarti — Two copper-plate [No. 2,

The second passage worth noticing is Rajno yasya Gayasadina

. to... sandliydnuragachalat (A. V. 6-8).

Translation : — “The king’s (Bhanudeva II’s) war with Grhayasu-d-din

beginning, the blood flowing from the necks of the many big chiefs

wounded by his valour filled the world. The blood stream gushing up

profusely from the then wounded breasts of the (enemy’s) elephants was

such that still shines in the sky in the disguise of sunset glow.”

Grliayasu-d-din is evidently a Muhammadan name. — The war spoken

of is thus probably the incursion of Ulagh Khan, in 1323, A. D., after

his capture of Warangal. Ziyau-d-din Barni in his Tarikh Firozshahi

thus speaks : —

“ The prince (Ulagh Khan) then marched towards Jajnagar and

there took 40 elephants, with which he returned to Tilagg.”1

Jajnagar was the name by which Orissa was known to the early

Muhammadan historians.

Lastly, the grant portions (4) in both the inscriptions are, curiously

enough, mostly in Uriya. This is the earliest authentic writing in

which Uriya words have been found. The language shows that in words

and syntax the old Uriya of five hundred years ago, was nearly the same

as now.

The inscriptions are too long, and the descriptions too verbose and

hyperbolical to re-pay the labor of an English translation. The material

portions have been noticed in this sketch.

Plate A, No. I.

# hh: f?pn*r 2 1 -srerftr ^n-Pts; <*:

i ufcrfafacr- raw:

raratgi1: *isn§ftftra *r?i *r sr#fsra: i gkiaffifwcr

ii srarifjrfr-

STCT

feyicTT | cTt[

%

1 Elliott’s H. of M. India, Vol. Ill, p. 234-.

2 Omitted in B.

137

1895.] inscriptions of the King Nrsimha-deva.

^JTfer fc^STT | cjlt CJ^SI ^TiTHcf

^ JfdT qfsqcfTi sftcJWMT 5!q cfgOTunRTJira'mfq MT H

fam: i aTtc^n^q^r fgcnf^rgq^ gra q^iqr ^ ^i^^fjt

q gqqqr: ^fcr jjt fq^ro fq’qag *q n y-Sqi' sifitsf jr^jifer*

gsj^TqR^qftTiq qrrf' w- q^giqt q'qtfqgi-

qf¥ i q^stf^q^fqrqqrqqRfT cr^Kcf giwrawK^-

qJTTWnr^^qfcI^lfft sffflTfuwq II 3 II cRTtff ’qsjf: a^TcT qg: qsnqqqi:

r ;. g ■

^qi: g^tq«Y qtq: qiqt: *reqs qsqiq qqifq: qqiq^qg: qq>

JTlifa1 wft HcT: wq^js cTcft qat qqi%q: qq: setNj:

q<ft 3J

’Sqtjl qq: : ctftf^Tf^: qq: fgR;iq9j: cTcft Jfyift ETcT:

*>■

q: qcTf Siq%q: "cTclt fq5iq%n: qq> 5q*qsi: qq: ?rfgj: qq: gji^f; cTcT: 5R>

qtr?qr: qnrqiqaqqagfqqg n qqqjqqi«Js;§tjT'fqTf%qf«:g: qqra

fqqqjjq: ^7qq5iYq»ft5g: | qqfqqfqwiqftqmqawfeTN?: qrrqqfqfq

niqiqt ii qftwttr^i* qgvgN? qq^ ^qrai gfrt qq:

Plate II, obverse.

=q q*Ctq*RT l ^5tti^ti^5ra»jcr qfgjqqwqqFqfaqsrfq

q»S% i ^isq^tefq qRfq’T^qq fqi*rqigi% ^qjsTpsqqgcrqtfsqq

*Triqqw? I fqrqroTqifaar gsiif«5tfcfq>i ?f%^T f Rmi au

q^RqSfqq =q aftf^fa^T^JT *r- WflR^g I »qi»gf^fqf5TJ?tqqTfTgfqq

% wtfq ftqgpqq: Wiifq ifqfqwfiTfqfarcfq mgr: qifqf r« fqra i

q: mmx

qh'MqjtreqqK: *rg qrfqt^: *w utk qqrfflqmrqTgqjmg fff?rqx?T

Vt =f f?;: | agJH^rifqfq fqqqq qfgrq n?r jffairfq

jr?Tqqt fq

qfq qi ^af qtRiqfq | gqqmgarqsn^qftngfjjt fq^qt^jY

%?si‘sr qq ^jfqqq <TfiT qfftaqqxqiwq i qanq\^stq>Tifql qqfliur

q wftqfer: l qgr'q gqifNrqji tqaqq: a^nqfqqiw i nuwq

J. i. 18

138 M. M. Chakravarti — Two copper-plate [No. 2,

fjrPacTflfct; fqqqqfqxft «4lffoiPlfCcft«roitgw: I

ortf^r gfqtxxqHxqqpft qqnqrjjxqqqt xjfq l q ht

Her- %qqfrqqtfq h qqxqqjfexqxfaifqx’qt I qiT qqxqqrxqqx;:

qfaqri q^x qqqrcfqej hh^j i qrm Jiiff^ffTWxq qn

ht f^trrispnir qfttqx^qnHfq^q q^r gqnq^xqHqxfq

si! I f«^cfcrHl^T^q2%: iq:

qftcnHxqtcxnx toip; i Hf^«ft q jihx q^x qxsmq fqqxfaq:

qqxxfr

^JXWiftct KT3RT5I> H^tafa: I H *iq*X5ft fqqSXSiqnfqi: ^3|ijXCT*IT

qqq

T^pftfq: i q?tHTiqxq:qxqn*Rxq: qxftqfHXsnxiaq^isi: l q^mnf?

q't x:*SJI I q#qf SXq®#q qqi#X q rtffxfft I

Ji'yt qtqjq: i ^JsWfrq^faf^w fqft=qx?r §fqq qqx i

XXXqt eX^J

q*roqqq q^-cr ftqqxq | exgqx*qiqHXsi qraqqqx ^tq>?q?f:

Cv s N

qq: I

cn?J%qnftr- qrw fqgroqx qxirq cuf^q i ai^uiqtHfq: qq‘ qfbsfq:

xft%

q cn? Ijq | ^qff fqqrqiqltqXHqHqi^qqq^q^J tftqinzqjsifqqx

Plate II, reverse.

it ^fcrftifct faqat q^Jit’s*’® 1 15 qqn gqfrg:

qqqq^qi^jxqqqf I HXfH<q??^J qfg qqfa qq *q q

qrfqq: sifter^; I nwTfqqr qrq ^HJi'frU^SHTfqq^: i nxirq^s

fftq j^c= qfofeqx ?q 1 qfqqqq^q^qxqfqqniffqqixTftrcH

qtqfq^ qt qqqjq^q l fqqqRqqq^rf^qfqsni?Hqxq®q qqfqjq

snq q^q^q xiq: I qqqqftriqq^qq^^qHtflh qq: xixxgq

qtq^fqffl^ ^xx: qfcq* 1 qrqfqxqfqqrcqx ftqqqnqrqxa qxqf

fwq xxlfxj qrq gqPxx Jnxqqqqffq fqq xq m i q^qrf^qirqHxfqfq

Hqrrtq^qt^q^ 'qq^xg^qfq^qqxqfq qqsTXrciqqqftq^ I

qqqqj qqqtqHqfqfqql §)g qqq<X q>: qrft^tfq qq=T fqq}q

139

1895.] inscriptions of the King Nrsimha-deva.

apfaf SR'tpa^UT^K 51# W®T 5W I

^a’srfaaa' Ken^axsifa ai aafa#: fafwi aqmaaqx a

V# N C\ ^

I XTT^V W

*N*ni ^ ^**1 I 91*1^ ^

ftr? *ift I

wqflPPR&w wH^rfroft ( in B ift-

^fa’SFCW ) ^SEfcT Sfcf ^t-

N> % ,

*Tfl*w. a;?' i f=rf^w: OTataw: a^ftaamm5ix*xxs;wiaiagasr§

^ fiigiz'ficT axai aflt?Tf*aax i <5 ^mffVa hi a5i xanfa at anax^

^ Ci

W ^

fercat **r <*r*ra*iT ?row *rr& I ^

ssTJlUlfq^ Wl^icT^ ^TJT^t ^**N* 3T Sc[ ^

Hfcf (eft in A) ^S I f^T^PT *rat*TOl

fWqTiTO ^4cr: I

ftf 5JTHT cl*ftftTC<I^: rf5t*f I

I «ITft*jP ^f^ft^fcT*- VW8t»rfSfi[ "fM ^T *&t HWV

TZcm*f\

Plate III, obverse.

fn 5i#: strain I a# aalsifa siaax ttqtfto astat

waf^aa^xq^Rr am: i aaxqfaaaa 5Rrxafffa^€tfa:

waiiaravitiigani fagsjx i a5tag«ttfaaaisraig ?wf|aa

qxfaaaTOB: i arraroa^n^i fmnwr a awa: ^aqwaatfq i ax#

(1) The following additions in B after 3nTT<T (B. II. 35-40) : —

^sjT^JTTTrT Jnrra^mw: I

3JT* *T *T ^TTeft ^fWfSfalTO ^:|

frr^HiTfw^ ^iftrref: *mW ^t f^i •n ®<w*ra ii

140

M. M. Chakravavti — Two copper-plate [No. 2,

<?4 imjw nm iiftfV: i fW ^wcraNhift n

in B) smPRT% f^fir ^nr^NqTre

jmfa ftlQ ir

^ ^ -s o ^

^ irnnr^ i *t4*vN3rt§ ^t«c|

3n«nn%

% cT^R^xr^i i x^^irfcT wttj! mmm\ct 3

C\ ^

i ^mfK f^w^cr

>* S4 V

HTStgTTJl^R I SI^Tftlfil^fgcTlft^Ti^fiwfiigffiflTfffi^^

Sn^HJjf^icITfiT | ^IHTTOg^f ft'J;fi’^fci%rJ^l% JUT

TEW JTTfjfT WSrO I f%fcR;fa<RWIT STTJIfjWSRTSii «T'?I

*g wi^cTH cr^fq wipsww^rw jjr: vm ^TJTPrh'n?!! *r g

fwsigwT’nfwww: ^Js*n$: f%rw teIct srcJrefrwTa?

5SJJTTTT II f^'S^SHTSfihff fW«WWfl»fto! I ^Tn^R^JCt^T^rj fJHM

WflTtTlfw: D wfteJI^TRtwffft owW <TT§PwKT

^lsil'wt l wraifa ^igJTJT«T5ifJT i^CtJui %*i gyrawwwnfiww

STTcTT I WW

c ^

wfftonfaqmm sife^T i cnsftvro-

JcT 3T $f% ^§*1^ I cf^ji cTcr:

f^rfiRTO

JH^j: jffteiw Wt^WnRff I *lSf

(1) The following additions in B after *1% (B. III. 3-7) : —

^f^cn %<i ^r^7T ^rf^HRfRi «r^j% *sr$f-

f^re^ifRT ejofTt^ffaT vi<j:

Vi

^RT^c[ ^ gT^Tf^RS' Sl^fnt % g ^*T31ffT-

f^sjfaRT I

v»

^T ^TOTOifo: ^cf: Siegel:

'sufw I

1895.] inscriptions of the King Nr simha-deva. 141

mmiT

snwrenro^: i sfsnsn^RJRJTcr

C\ ^

SRR^crTfoTtmRT TTW I

Plate III, reverse.

fir tpcww: fagfcsf a^’rnrjrmaT Wsprfta: I fw

firf^rnftwre^w- nmm^fq ^sracntT^aarerwfa’rraft i ire

a^ircifiifiswrer Tshffta'Tfw kS anr maa^fiTtaifa ^ar

sftmstftj! ^rnricr i ^®r ^arfirsrt^ifesnnr: ^faneCR a?: aar

arnSctTar i tit a fi^fiuzag *r*rt

fWatifirf^srasrew i ^Staroft TCrafcn:* ^firaraftafoftr* i TOtt

inB)^ ^ | ci^ 9C-

spri*

WHfafclfij* I 3^71

i cif^ fafas^sr

TQv^t i fcf *?fHftn ^

ftp^ar i ’JrM* ^g^nrfa

I ?;i5T?:T3T sfcT ^jTcft *T5RT*it I ^cT^JT Tjfa TJ

(1) The following additions in B after *r€fafai (B. III. 31-36) : —

fa# sffT^fa STORWwIiTt I

ffafa STOR# rf^WT fas^TTOT: ^ifatffar ?T37 ^fkr{l ¥^:

V\ I

fa^vrfa ^rrifa M^T^fT^wfa^: ^ sfafasr

*fa I

## ^wfar ^Tfa *fa SfT^TCWcli gw^w*u<fafarf

A j \»

7FZ\

142 M. M. Chakravarfci — Two copper-plate [No. 2,

tgiTUTSSH^ftlfU: SSI f^S^sftUSSSnj’TT g

**ftf*re?Nfii: I ft?;;

^SSfatSTf^cnritT: ufttTstKTsff *£V- I cf^rigsft ^qfcRT5?Tqtf«fafJi:

^ftfgu: gfTfWcnf<^tT5ref%: I ^srfqfcT:

starsfl: psj?«rcf*t5’f?»itw: i ftetfafeererjrtTfefiist uis^i

«if??t f^Y3faH%H$wfaus!H?BTustq;f^?r i ’ruf^urfasyeug

cTwt S^tfST fqf?Ui KraTHTTOfaraTfr *?gf?T ^STS^: fsg: II

’sfataTOfwcr ssTO^s^mrcfq^tfwcn^ ssjr^ii3t«»i?r?igftmT

#tU.I*1HS fos I SSSTSutlU HJnc^fs VRTSIWt^Tra^^ftrft-

Plate IV, obverse.

’SJTT’I ?iprara^: ^unfstf fer | sgqsiSHg^T^WTftirst I

v^hmftcn erg: i gussffoi ffrf^ fstfscrTKifar

I *Pll?«ft*nS5lT«it uftsT HHUTStUeT I tfoptltsfaSH: fS

*z% u> gufu'tfafsu: HSTsrcfqsrcsTusfcr: niSsmtuu: i

et^JT’ftgPrUItHtHSUn^SiltS^t: SU tV^rfeTit^’T Iff*

frut ui(«n in B)wtft gfa I gf^fqgirwfg: ^gtnftegsti fusfa-

nfuetw

ST ukstTUTtr^TSSr: I HSet^Tfcf=f5K^cff'U:fgifjTifaeTiU?:mHrf

s> rTsr^isrt^qisrH1) i ufgrg urafa KTfrmfcftsft H^sjergsttsui e

aff utf'autirt sgjjun ^tsrcts ss i ss nrar us t^pflfirs

sl#r% fg^jf urerwrefsTrt fititssfen siit s%: ure^i8) i snif

sft yurt I SfiM UTS^st

(1) The following additions in B after (B. IY. 2-4) : —

<rTT^rri#5fi3T«Tx^nisr*rf f^*r*rRf g^nR$j^RT

(2) The following additions in B after (B. IY. 6-8) : —

^Stf%WRrfa*f(*)irRrcre WYf f%VTf?r |

143

1895.] inscriptions of the King Nrsimha-deva.

«'#fafa:(l) I %su I 5U3TO(flt ? JfflsMt-

>#

fcT *?ff ft cr^I Hfft'' I <T^Tm*3^cTfa§m^t*-

jnftfl: i fau^ir €tfare*rtcr?:i?irhng faftwfanr ^rgsrerfei2) i ^

*rf: snfarcfar far g fiwi: sr^ fafa^rmn:

far grarfft far farg far^t ^t ^Tk> i «p ^c: sR*raT^r€farejfa faf^tg ir

itx^ sirar; ^trr^sfnrftn^qfa: wt'1) | *r^mnfarfasii«rrf4

«row^*l??T’i:tf«far^Rrn:s fara*r<TrFufl’siw<nj: irtr^fafiT gras i far^i

v ^ faxrgiirH^^Rrf ^^TwN'rrggrgTfgfanrrt w^r ?rgi

gi^Pi-W i «n*rfm 'f^Rrafa^sunTflig^ciT g ufam srfaqifag^tni i

^srJHfa’iT ®fa*rm’rjt«farHf«fgrcg;iT fa^y s^iNr i smm ^rra ^rni Wl

g ifa*5ftra: i *jaii g^a»Ti%5t ^gfafatg «w g*?tg l

facft cr

^ssmigsH i ■wfSRj* sipp Tnfa^’frt ^facfa:^ <gjnp I «re?^-

«rtfro

?rfa%9ifa5rnTiTti^fa wN ^gmtftfar: l ^gfliarn: rrrttHT farert-

*

WlTSfa*

(1) The following important additions in B after (B. IY. 9-10) : —

TT^TTWTWrf^^TT ^ I ^TTl^Tl^ blfiP^PT I

(8) The following additions in B after (B. IY. 12—14) : —

toptow: wftfa w w^ti

«V ^ A I

f4 a wrarat faft

gruff gf*n i

(3) The following additions in B after iHT (B. IY. 17-20) : —

ilTBftqrSWTOtf

HTT^I gw tffrTHT w rta*«fWTrwt TOTO I

TO I

(4) The following additions in B after (B. IV. 22—23) :

$iTTf*^TOW ftosg^rg^^iro^ngTOJ 1

^a*rfq fafiirw ^T^reJifwrfai^araireafrT^fa*’ i

144

M. M. Chakravarti — Two copper-plate

[No. 2,

Plate IV, reverse.

*rif gfjrft I

ftnigqwBTO I ^i% ®<x^x icnra’rsx wqx^gx ftr? x«*i ^sjfcr ssr

n<( I Kxxjxfaxin B) nT^r^HifK^nfcft ?)’mft’xxj5'T^x!! f^ftftt-

fsxcxquftfi^fc I <x

ftxpswqrexni^cxft^ftxxx jimft f^wpix ggqra’xx^ l fig; xrqnst-

nftqf ft

sram ®?xi *ft i ^xi^nst; ^ipreftx

*Rhmt

5 f^tT^fl^ScriXJpftXfC) | ®o?T ftHftefft^ WflcftflS^rereftx

aft w ^fftng

Tin TCTxft; I Six<xx!fift;nficrtftTflix9ixflX*xxqi ftxfhw

hth:

^xi^mci^gK^sit *nft«x ftsxhncrt l ci^j

JXT5Icr(% V)^T^5iT5t

flftx^rTxxsxft ergsrt wxgqgxg^x: | nsfftrxw ft^gsi

^nftxjt£^2r«t q<9XCft»2^faft^l«qK: i q^gfexft ft^^x

fix %wtft sEtH^yrtm: i gsujf^ft signst^ftt srcr^xn mften

qf^x^rA51) i ^x^i^wtqiftjxisw^rWWra^tirxft^ft

f , s» s»

srxft i i^raxft xc«ra<rjnx«resn?j

^rexui jxw: fitqx cxisxftlfxgmft ftftqcx ^ i ftqi

(1) The following additions in B after (B. IV. 33-35) : —

^fq ^Tvjar-

STRT I

<^fV ©TIT ^rT^tfh:

(2) The following additions in B after qnRBfT: (B. IV. 41-44) : —

VW <?T3 ^totorf W *JW ^TRT^tWT ^totoTT ^Tf?T fif^f |

ffat STTfifT% *R5Tf*T to: qxl^f^TJRtsfq I

5R: tow ^qto^r?^<j^frrf%torr: f%*r ^rtt^r i

f\ vj X

^SfT *j|*i II

145

1895.] inscriptions of the King Nrsiriiha-deva.

sjrei^ftfer i ^iwxncrfsrf^Tr^^Wf

hhtt i i Sn^rtti^HT f«rsi g^qr

fniw^ai fHT^fit sr?tffr JT^' i #

af^3T a

aifcr'1) goiRH’wr l ^affar *trsc «i^w w»ai w g a:

*nrfq; xn^r

v»

ft*^ i ^fWtf sc t iHm> ^^fcrftsg

*ift ^rter^ ft

^Tt ^T^rxft ft^wft i ftpreftroiwr ^rqr^TCcrssnfa

i

axai fspJireJWtiTr f^^raqwrrt’ HiawT awfa Hrarnfa^H a)® I

V* v

snmfam ^¥%ft t^s-

Hgw i w^groWjJrf’ifsfcitw&’JifirHT i ^sjfsr otPrsrcf’RfttH

■sit^sri afTcra

Plate V, obverse.

Hf<R5r riirawwcNr: | HKHtHfa^^^fsRisrHHTfa: ?rxf%<T jrq

% hr: i ftaciftiE f^ncra^t xjm ^Orr®-

I «KT^?ren:gftRf%f't<ra»WT*lf pi *TWTR H: HifHJXR-

«T

KHfa: I Ht*t*i,fnf^HTRtJ:»Rt KTSt^Wtg^'xfr W?: ’JX^WSfi

fasRH

^ywta’iT’IRaR': I ft*: 9nfe V-^t

ant at*:

(!) B plate IV ends here. The Vth plate of B is missing.

J. i. 19

146 M. M. Cliakravarti — Two copper-plate [No. 2,

gjcfaf ^xg^cs gsxfix i xa'sft sx?x Jisr^Ct^fRax^ax

S^K^cT

if|xfX^a?^^Jxmgf%wrainiif;if*T: I agwr^era^xs axftf'stxg-

’swi' fairer: sxtfjucxrexsfaifir ft^oreasrig^Tirw^ i

fw

?rt jjhrtx few i fe%cx: ^wfe^xai *rftoffx: i *x amcx:

aiw nxgcftfa fasx »xaw gsft; i wfox

fas^x l siTcT^^jf

■rf ^ferct *Tt sx^iTfa t^faafafexx^Blfemxsri PhPs i

feaaxw 3t?raj?t<x;ffei ^R^rr^ng gfrfa ft^^rwrK: l

IfcHTgwixIt^gfesixfeRg^ig i ^atr rrff wyfer?n*x

*r^is»TTJHf<T i ctt% xjt^sfesRssrcfeg«^>rfegw»j

fsx f^faax^rcxF i s= snfecx g f^fafaxxxflftKxsixafeixasftaiit

<xfai*;xut i «rai aferire a qifcr ?sfcr«it sx^xamarakg %

sb’skw

nJ

a>mjffg«5ro: *r'gxshx^if?H: l srt%»€it <^Tfa «crfr

sj <racr«T fer

Sift flffflXWHJ ssq^ifax'SWX'SfXfe’T: | g^ITJ^pU’iir ^’?ftr?H'#t<l

SI

%: I astfsft *x g^ri ^ Tjfe axxnfcxfi- nnv. i gKf^x^t^fewxftfNi

Kst^ftfen

aifei^’fiCNTl 3^1 gami«(5rHraiif% xTgxfepffaifsraxJt’Txfe I cxxg aiw

«a^#tfer fasx «t»PJ?w l I wg

ggig^rfei

sna^reif flffafin i aifl^iistgjt: ’Sfengtktxlftf^ir l xfjng%

SR/fT5!

q?ref^ ^f^^^fe^xspfrrwmg: | ^t*ng^r xf<* *jqferofe?;iix

Plate V, reverse.

fTSfrjrtfW fens$ I m% 3*g^ftx^x?miSr m g

cii*ggfei: | $T vx^xfe |

147

1895.] inscriptions of the King Nrsimha-deva.

sren!i^T% e'^sr atwrofft ftftr fcftr e

feT | ois?m5»<T: ef hsItT-

fif

♦ <5

f*r^n?f ^raafct TtfKcr: eifttfitot «^5! i Owtuef^egfeenrat^

senft

I %S(T *13X^1^ =5TC*iw 3pt% f*I?g eftcTTH^gr: | 'ftat-

tftfcT cT^TT

efaffft effort JJJff: | VI^fWticTT I cPStm-

srre«r ^rr

i sft*: f et?;^ n^rtKtsi^tr fa

’gafttseffex i tT^-t fawfa etf%^ew?rfe: *r

etfacP HTf« I *IT xcm 53 »JnfcT eTfaiKeitjjlftr

gift eeeTfaarctt^t’g I ^*t es%®?;5rfr»i?iir«T faetfa

^^rfae^liioreTiitsf I JfRtsrafa 3Q%353t;p%3 tftfa

^wfas^cr wg^rp l e agfastfasaffor gait tjstmeuae I *ra«rT

Sl^ij: ^erg HUP aU^O" s^f I crop ®clli: egtTOWTV «

atfaafar. *ffa*farf%3: I e'ftnfrrffra^’img^TTf faafst vsffae

*j g§fa t sKaatTfaifaiatfasiin ^anafe

wstsfafaaat *tfa(as?)a ageres i fet fafw a^3T®fa*3fTtr-

saifarfe

3 atgatafa a|a% itxaa^a figfa atiwfa | ae: arjagrraftawt-

3jgwt at

sa# e'fta’: sfta e^iJiK^t faafcWfa^ fsat ae> tats l a

ssftaig^art

gfas?gfgfat'o§faia' tffaata^i^gt^tfaategaiCfaafaaaffa-

a#-

faarfa i 'fiau^rnsn^re *sff% gtag^crtfa

irf *t! a

0) This rjlSka is given farther down in B. YI. 5-6.

(2) This ^loka is to he found further down in B. YI. 10-11,

148

M. M. Chakravarti — Two copper-plate [No. 2,

jgnnftw! i scxun^q fqw xtcni ng

eng vu;

5ifqa> #fcx?x fqqst^q: i ^xxqqrqft.qf5friTiqxxxg qwnmqxc

s» Cs J

fqqhx xjtN

xrn i 5)®r 3rrxi I fHN

^ %> ^

ffgjuft

Plate VI, obverse.

xqsjfctufjiqnTerenr 3! «faxft*r: am1# w^’w^fq^'S^Tp^sw

axrt?: i aisxTOxfwfaxq^fxca^fa^lqxx'rrem^re't fftnxcuwi^

qraxi

fqq q(xx) mun: @qi?n: i ixxsftxxqixxifsTtsr nqxax qxxWxx xasaPat

sst

*rafitqt^Tcf stcrt s^rhroflsixix: | ^qjxfq wsxiiftqxqsqixqhiilsq

qiqr: qrq; fqaqnftexqfitihi<xq:(1) i ftvsftwisf suifa *r

qra^i?i% xgn^Paq'qxq^i *ncftm?TO ’S.qfci: xaWftrs: I %W3ife

afer?

sfaffasifqfxTaqxfft ^qiqiift; sunron^ fftxnx ftowjft: i 3^nw-

Orcifsisx

(1) The following additions in B after (B. VI. 4 et seq.)

fwM XN^mtVJiift^fT q flsqtqiqix’ix Jixfimt i

sb gx^iaj wFFw ^TaBBqSi w^ffurrqqf u

After this comes the <jl5ka mentioned in note 14. In line 6 comes

C- '* <J

eR^TS^i: |

^rmruf fftei^i5?? ?i% to TOfa

<\

vJ

TT^f% ^TTfa*nfa^l^f ^%rfT

JH^lfTrlT I

fa^Tf^rTT fa«!flt^ faTOcfT ^*?T

ftam I

Then follows the (jloka mentioned in note 15.

149

1895.] inscriptions of the King Nrsimha-deva.

s^mscTift: wlqTwtqqcn-

K! i «

tnWW^faW^f^T^VZTO^^TtrenWWVI'^mT wfa ^r<

qwtH^T traiftn i qfqtnfqcit jnsq,w

faamq fosr^rr: «Ori ferTirafJiifqtmJiifN^s^T ftwgisi1) i

N#

st wtti: irsu’i*ftg ^jiw

STCtT *jqfw 5ftef?T5:(2 * *( II + || tNlfv^iV

swieraq^^j^rg^ypreifwwtitrTfqfq^qiqqft

fat;T5TW5r: ^5t Ji T *T ’Sftrf^Si’SiIW ^TCISSTW =3TOlJ

^jfaftt^rw^ %qwftr jjiiq'g favr tfm?: stt

fnaqr* wqqqr tmt|r «fhi*ii ftmtisiq?: q^tiTtgq

wfirwtt fqsjtrtwtl ^wcqffa Jif^T qci^nqing

tifaftra ^iT'3 Ttrtqtt'gj WTron* tit^q w^fif

winner srftqsr tuiwra ^t<rfft t^trar ^

qvtftw eft i v TtthfNt:® ^ripa* ttrotNuiftr qjrft wvT%5mr

tft wfTqrq qjctftqw nw*r qrsrqi nmt: *tm fq^trst

^Pethc ’qg:tftwtTwqiT5rr qrfti^qT i qjqrwtt: 3?rt;tsng thst ft;

sift: m«t tntr fqsremftrvst; i te3ctit^t wt t:tr>*i f*icr fqwfttr

Plate VT, reverse.

q^re wc ay.* qret: Ktwwr fqwfttr EWti we ay° jit

fqf? qrqqitr-WtJ Jfift; f=S)cT 5T^|tT t»« WE 'RK qhcMtait;® q^s ?)

qTWt-

tt^iSsrTqfcTt: «W qrw sum I tiw sttow q4€tm i trmt:

C\

qrfqqf’at; ^qyt qfen fqqiq wNqtnit: q® qrqif t qtsit

^ra <wfqqift: qn^qrcnw; wfasatc qf^tt wi qiqifi^tgrqinit: tr

(1) The portion ... to ^vTB omitted in B.

(2) The following addition in B after (B. YI. 18-19) : —

Tm*rnF5rft% ^Tqf?rf^% vi^if watf1

*r i

(S) The passages regarding the grant in B are given at the end.

150 M. M. Chakravarti — Two copper-plate [No. 2,

® gsnr 3if%nt5i5 03153^ *553: 3033^1 srehtshi qftatuTiifq

K<3i i i wn^niffiiwr 00(001 003ft f30t{% sifanjs?: 3

=?«: 3311 sdksnrfiut*!* 3th; 5IWW5 3r333ti§5gtti5T5 ^t^trrtm 3

v 3ti?: 310303: 31=1^3 mm: 003 ut

3t335 00 wfipimm?; 35 03 3tf3if03t 13*115 35I-

f%f 300 €t3it3fltf3«<3i 1 xrf^n^tHi 1 wf ^ jutoih

5 q-o^ 31501 31?;?; 3it3Ji305 303531? 3t3H!ntniT5 q-

3 3>«t?lt 3f%01 303 05! 0tf50f5 33313HT? 3§1

f50t 3^3 33 301315 30'«r(5333't0t»il 5tW? 0

* C\ *>.

jgqsfTt i ^050(311 i ^30333 01033

3f^3I3f3i:f I sftf 0s| 0tf3 3lf5 310550(313 3f%0

00053015 3313 333T?c 3nt 01^1035 01035 qfg® x^^rts;

33ft5 333050 35t3I33rf%33T I 53 3g:?ft3T 3313131 00»0>5 33

5105 331 331 I 4W 300 t»« 3TC qfi;f3q 0t03H0lf30335f0V(I

531013* f03f?3H0 51t3515';t:K10401015303a;3% 0'fI3r335'?f55I

3 IT?5t0t3 0S(001003[?3i?;?33t33I53S(3tl3il0it30fVtt0t

3^13335tfi0 31513 I 3131 01030lTJt03I 3r|fi!|0jfNl3 3

13513iliaqni!33:i§3^3:i3Ilf5^ 0103310lf33ilf5i!i 010=0^(310

3^3f53f^3 515105 31335 31^3113 JZV3I#t0f?0 3(€t 35^3! I

Plate VII.

353W%153 fJlf513%315^5f^3fV3%35§ I 0^133i0f0

5J3 35^133f3^% 1 33^f; 5f55I#5 3.351313153 I 31

5S53333I tl 3553f3 3l(03 I 05015^131 510 35531

15133 I 0(501 35501 31 3(313^ 3f3f^3 I Wlff 3f333i 4

^ 31313 $3^13133 I 3(301 35501 31 3> 313151 I

0 f3«13i ®f3i£(31 f3Sf0: 0V 50% I f*t45 3!3i5 3^ ^^313^3331

f«3l I 3535(05? fv 015=0 % ^5f=0 33051 I 3133ii ^33^’ 31

i^50^3?J0 | V5350313tf% 3(331^3333: | 00Ulfq

Hcftwf: 3103(31 03*1(3(0: I 00^3 fv 03: 013 3

M -J \

0: 033 3i0f33 ( 515031: 353^5^3031 31 51

Nj N

151

18^5.] inscriptions of the King Nrsimha-deva.

qxaaa«a*ft >jfa «Xfa*i<JX: I ^ aiarapa HfllfflfflJT

aaxxxa fa^taal^fa^a Jjf£ l waxa; aaasat ax

a* aife^aftwag i artarexs jgxjx al xrg^fif fat a gnxxfa n ° u(‘)

g*x aag i ga aag i ga aag 11 xft aft aft u

The following is the grant in the B plates : —

L. 19, plate VI, obverse et seq.

aramaifcafaa atf aifa%a aa>a*X3taa'aga?a =a

^ ^ N \>

gi£*gaaxfaa^artfafaaaTa^fa<i5iaxa: ^tafteafa^a ’rtxfa: ^tct-

saar axfaaatir stfafan^T

%

«T% ftwt ^ aatxas?f ftaatax?! aiaHUtfa ai3% ^ftaW fftcR

aa^ ^snaatr + + + a?; fa

aa at«% ax’g a^rxam gjajxaxa arfVfaxTf^ar aT^iara arxxsrax

+ + ai'craxa xnataxar axfoifagft

at am gaaxaax arfafauffat xrm faitatT tax axsafrt? fafaata

aifgfaxrf?ax + f + ajax'arw aaa

v»

fefaa ’atatrurfxafara xrfxftaxqat xfHr axagxfaagaat aftf^a

+ + + aax^rraxaifa afa +

Plate VI. reverse.

aaa fa'^xa axahxftfaa gfa fataa axfxaa aatfaataxir fa^x

fofta ftauaaaf afjgaax

(1) The following additions in B end the grant (B. VII. 18-23) :—

f %«: ^q^TTfKH^f^rn^»fT^^n^ fqqspreTOfefhr ^Tfw i

surf: ^f^^rrfqq^wift'ffa

i

sft ( $ ? ) wjwt f^j fqft^kfsrfat ^>?t-

IFif JTT^t i

^txrf f^ki: ^ *3nB ^ vWlft?KsJ*|fqarcq\^T-

*nf*w ^fw*n: f

«ff?NT ^=5 ^nft^rfwTJ ^

II *JrT51?ra: II * II

152

M. M. Chakravarti — Two copper-plate [No. 2,

f 5pW«3r t?T^ JITSTSfS'SCtf^S

STKaftmT Wf^fT flfHl

fasrs amitsrr afTflara mfiattif?r facfmraiimaifwjft s^ift

aiftiff tr? aire svtfNmn

facial sjayffs 5# fy**nm*% ^regig

aitefsrnmre^ fmmt ansaft

qmK af«r(?)y^ mSwNt ?T!iT *T TTW Wren aift >jf»T

W Wife fat I muff ntJTeWTf'fi «B!I naiT

asft sifnsT^ nreuranp: a>5% ^nmn ^ar 3tire faaafff nttfayr

m«*t mnf mzretri nffanT

«j yifsfnnfcT gmtnrc: y-Tyfaari' an^min^ nrfyfsrcr? f*fcrc«Jgre

nmsft nrfyfasr?' art

^ amT/afr^r fafaanrefufaare ifhrt msyfmr nwftr

sfNftm HTf rare jRinre are nft-

man misi aia (u) fare mmi ftam ga% fn^sirerefc msre affre-

msmaft 'a (v:) -%x

w aft*Easi g^pa^f aim n^l »j,f« nyreft 'ggisatflT nrereTm-

sirenm

TT3T f 31 1 nftSfl;NfaaiH3ni «W ?ITS*fojm ftf^maSTn flm at ft:

tre «tit faf*re msre nrc ^ scNlarenr ffsmre jxi'fi-

^mnfnt; n

ff'rf (?) *r nfenreare nPtm arer srexiir nature 1 vniacftst:

Sirant; =g^ET-

ht atgx niJiftrefairet: ^aarfju xftsnfor tfttifo:

f%5im Hj|ifl%#JTT I 3

fitretm l mifftretaret: afmnt fafsfafs mfte mat: amit sra

m^re aiftt fag-

t#tift>re mynnfaaift aTTffffli aft at (? vr) j;t aim tfts ynni%

€tfiT I 1 ms

J895.]

inscriptions of the King Nrsimha-deva.

153

nwt wins: 'sr(q) ^Tsifaraft*: "nm nts wiff^fs: s^tfc iftft

sit^ixtc: qrrasu; sift t

5 f^misre iftqsr ^raq*piT% tffan i ^f^ar-

C\

*n*«wc fc^fe? ftq^re *ra!*rsc

fs <£\

Weis: qf €tm I Jit ug:

SatHT 56WTWr5fitlt%^ I Slfqq^FilJI fqf? STfqn sqq^isi Tligsfift

nf«T ( ? ) SwNh Siniq *T^T*fT

ir nstnmsn wn; ^ ^ntnr qramniir vwtns: qfftw i ms^ft

WIW< Tlf%W qiSffliftWT sift wvi

nts: wrffqif*: f^^t^fns: sonnet ^ist ^yqsr^% ntm i

wcrtsflm i f;rftsjfns: sspizt ^tst

c <ntj «nff qfifs: qiftirtsis wnrats; sftm I nfsanntni i fq^ra-

qis#t^s: sirens: qf nisjft sift nrei nts

C\

^urarsc ^ct^t *ftn*r ^ xr*j^%

ntnr I qf^rai ntw I JrtftsrraiT^ tresis; ^ar

e\

s ( ) WsrcfjqinremteTs qf%n jftqns mn qifitfinwr

sntT mm nts: qffi% WtWT || JU^:€t-

s»

nrenreisriwinqt l nfqnsnyi wsrersfqi’s fnftfn njqyfsqgqn

DHTW gffl fqST mfe $• srsttflT

sr^it smi swin qfntni niJifssrt wins: nfwn nrsiffstm ns:

^ Q

nnff«nfs nifannwins nn nsgre

artw^r nranfsn% sftnr I ^s«tm i nifnwiwin i?fwn

ft'fl^Tgl miffmft nTSTTt nft-

Plate VII, obverse.

g nrgqn^fi ntm i xr^wntm i fq(n)sregftijs sirensqs (?) aren't

nfts nrarets wiffqr ntm i

nfgmntflT i snretnitwTns sets securer gsgi % ntnr I nt

nrgintm nnwinTOTwqi 11

(1) The name of the river omitted and the space left blank.

J. i. 20

154 M. M. Cliakravarfci — Inscriptions of the King Nrsimha-d&va. [No. 2,

jit trmfafsifti ’giftre *t hit; 8 8£. gfn

(*r)

^g^flTSTirl *1*1*1 3"cT Tiei^ II ^mgfljffcnsr *pH%(^T)=rm sfinijj

sijww wi^w <*nw*reifN: *ft*ra:f*(T)

n**r ( ? ) nw

«t sraif%fJ5cr xtg:*ftflT *wisRT*rr *(s0*5J*rai5*wqTrr^1iT(*:)*5!j

^l"pfilfnSwff<T *!**> ?nn ^

f^rosresssftarm ^cjfraro^ 3n*pjn4n3f€tm* ar^ra n n

* N N J

iht**t^j Hi'ffcrgi

ciwifa^if?;^ *Ptf%ufi?^ i wTT5i(ir ) «tj?

^ *rw

V cTW%J§^- %TO%« *1*^ I

1895.] V. A. Smith & W. Hdey — Buddhist Statuettes. 155

Ancient Buddhist Statuettes and a Gandella Copper-plate from the Bftndd

District. — By Vincent A. Smith, I. C. S., and William Hoey,

D. Litt., I. 0. S.

(With five plates.)

[Read June 1895.]

Part 1.

The village on the south bank of the Jumna in the Pailani Talisil

of the Banda District in the North-Western Provinces, which is officially

known as Icchawar, and popularly as Nicchawar, marks the site of one

of the ancient towns of Bundelkhand.

The ruins on the west side of the modern village are known by the

name of Dhanesar Khera. Remains of a large building with a plastered

floor are here traceable, and an image is venerated as Dhansir Dai.

The statue is that of a bearded man, seated on a cushion, with one leg

drawn up, and wearing a cap and waistcloth, or short drawers. A sword

hangs by his side. The long, flowing hair is coiled up behind over the

shoulders. The ears are long, and adorned with earrings. The hands

are folded, and seem to hold a casket. The same name, Dhansir Dai,

is applied to a group of figures, one male, and three female, at Pardawa!

in the Mau Tahsil of the same district. PardawS, we may note in

passing, is an interesting site which would probably repay detailed

examination.

The mounds about a mile south-east of Icchawar are called Dhani

Khera. The buildings there originally surrounded a considerable lake

about thirty acres in extent, which is now dry. This lake is sometimes

called the Bahi Tal, and sometimes the Madan Sugar. The latter name,

which is also applied to the lake in the town of Malioba, and is there

a memorial of the powerful Candella king, Madana-varman, appears

at Icchawar to commemorate Madana-pala-^armman, the senapati , or

general, of king Paramarddi-deva, the grandson and successor of Madana-

varman. This seems to be the natural inference from the fact that

the copper-plate inscription recording the bestowal of the village

Nand ini-grama on the seuapati was found in the ruins near the dry lake

356 V. A, Smith & W. Hoey — Ancient Buddhist Statuettes [No. 2,

Tins inscription is recorded on two plates, which are now the pro¬

perty of Dr. Hoey. (Plate VII.) Each plate is about 13J inches long

by 10^ broad. The plates were formerly connected by a seal which has

been lost. A hole for the attachment of the seal is pierced at the bot¬

tom of the first, and at the top of the second plate, so that the plates

should lie back to back. Copper rivets, some of which still remain,

were also inserted in the edges of each plate. These seem to have been

intended to attach each plate separately td a wall, and were probably

inserted after the loss of the seal.

The inscription on the first plate consists of 17 lines, of which the

first four are interrupted in the middle by the insertion of a rude sketch

of the four-armed goddess Laksmi, with an elephant on each side

sprinkling her.1 The date occurs in the thirteenth line. The last two

lines are interrupted in the middle by the hole for the seal.

The inscription on the second plate consists of 18 lines, of which

the first two are interrupted in the middle by the hole for the seal.

The characters are those usual in the Candella inscriptions of the

period. The record, though not protected by raised edges to the plates,

is in good preservation, and every letter is legible.

The purpose of the inscription is to record the gift, on the usual

terms, of a village named Hand ini-gram a, in the district of Nandavana,

to the senapati, fri Madana-pala-^armman, who is described as a Bhatta

of Naugava ; a member of the Krsnatreya gotra , son of Thakkura (^rl

Malie^vara, grandson of Thakkura prl Bhonapala, and great grandson

of Thakkura fri Tihunapala. The gift is recited to have been made at

CrI Bilasa-pura on the fifteenth day of the bright half of the month

Sravana, at the time of an eclipse of the moon, in the year 1228 (Vikra-

ma), = A. D. 1177. The donor was Parama bhattdraka , mahdrdjddhirdja7

puramegvara, paramamahegvara Cri Kalanjarddhipati Crhnat Paramarddi-

deva , who was the successor of Madana-varmma-deva, who was the

successor of Prthivl-varmma-deva.

The modern village, Handan Deo, a few miles distant from DhanI

Khera where the copper- plates were found, probably represents the

Nandini-grama of the inscription. It is visited by pilgrims, but Dr.

Hoey had not an opportunity of inspecting the place and learning fur¬

ther particulars. Bilasa-pura, where the grant was made, has not been

identified.

The copper-plate now published is the fourth Candella inscription

on copper known to exist. Two plates found at Nunaura (Nanyaura)

%

1 The same device is inserted in the Augasi copper-plate of Madana-varman,

grandfather and immediate predecessor of Paramardi-deva (J. A. 8., B., Yol. XLV1I,

Pt. I, p. 73).

157

1895.] and a Candella Copper -plate from the Banda District.

in the Hamirpur District belong respectively to the reigns of Deva-

varmma-deva (S. 1107) and Dhanga (S. 1055). 1 The third plate is a

record of Madana-varmma-deva, dated S. 1190. 2

A fifth copper-plate inscription of the reign of Yira-varmman, dated

S. 1337, and known as the Dahi copper-plate, which belonged to

Colonel Ellis, was lost in the Mutiny.3

The numerous other inscriptions of the Candella kings are on

stone.

Several inscriptions of the reign of Paramarddi-deva are known.

A single line record on a pedestal at Mahoba, dated S. 1224, is

mentioned by Cunningham, and seems to have contained the king’s

name. This inscription has not been published, and the original seems

to have disappeared.4 *

The Mahoba inscription, dated S. 1240, certainly belongs to Para-

marddi-deva’s reign, though his name has been lost.6

The Kalanjar inscription, supposed to be dated in S. 1258, requires

re-editing. It certainly mentions Paramarddi-deva.

The Madanapur inscriptions record the fact of the conquest of

Paramarddi by PrthivI Raja Cahumana (Chauhan) in S. 1239,=

A.D. 1182.

An inscription at Khajuraho dated S. 1234, and two at Ajaygarh,

dated respectively 1237 and 1243, (Nos. 46 and 50 of Cunningham’s

list), belong to the reign of Paramarddi, though they do not seem to

mention his name.6

The only inscription mentioning Paramarddi by name, and recorded

during his reign, which has been properly edited, is the Bagrari stone

inscription.

“ The proper object of the inscription is to record (in verses 25-29)

that Sallaksana, the minister of the king Paramarddi-deva built a

temple of Visnu, and a temple of fiva at which the inscription was put

up ; and that this second temple was completed by Purusottama, the son

1 Y. A. Smith and Babu Prannath Pandit in J. As. Soc., Bengal , Yol. XLVI F,

Part I (1878), p. 80.

2 Rajendralala Mitra, A copper-plate grant from Banda; ibid. p. 73, PI. VI.

3 Cunningham, Archseol. Reports, Vol II, p. 455; Vol. XXI, No. 58, pp. 83, 87.

4 Cunningham, Reports, Yol. II, pp 447, 448; Vol. XXI, No 44, p. 82; V. A

Smith, History of Bundellchand, J. A. 8., B., Vol. L, Part I (1881), p. 21.

3 Ibid.; ibid.

6 Madanpur is in the Lalitpur Subdivision of the JhansI District of the North-

Western Provinces (Arch. Rep. Vol. X, p. 98, PI. XXXII ; Vol. XXI, p. 173).

The other inscriptions referred to are noticed in the works already cited.

The king’s name is written Paramarddi, or Paramardi. So the name Varma may

be written as Varmma, or in the stem form as Varman.

158 V. A, Smith & W. Hoey — Ancient Buddhist Statuettes [No. 2,

of Sallaksana and liis successor in the office of minister, after the death

of his i father.

And by way of introduction the inscription gives the genealogy

of the king, and (in verses 14-24) that of his ministers. All that we

learn regarding the former is that from Atri’s eye sprang the moon,

and from the moon the Candratreya princes ; that one of them was

Madana-varmau, whose son was Ya^-varman, whose son again was the

ruling prince Paramardi-deva.” 1

This record alone informs us that Paramarddi, the Parmal of tradi¬

tion, although the immediate successor of the famous king Madana-

varman, was yet the grandson, not the son, of that monarch. The

order of regnal succession was certainly Prthivi-varman, Madana-

varman, Paramarddi-varman, as given in the Icchawar plate and the

Ajaygarh stone inscription of Vlia-varman. The lost Dahi copper-plate

also gave the name of Madana-varman as that of Paramarddi-deva’s

predecessor. It is evident that Ya^o-varman never reigned.

The bardic lists (Arch. Rep. II, 449) all insert a Kirtti-varman

between Madana and Paramardi. The words Yago and Kirtti being

synonymous, the entry in the lists is probably due to a reminiscence

that Paramardi was the grandson of Madana-varman.

The latest known inscription of Madana-varman is dated S. 1220,

= A.D. 1163. The earliest inscription of Paramardi is dated S. 1224,

= A.D. 1167. It is, therefore safe to assume A.D. 1165 as the be¬

ginning of Paramardi's reign.

The- Icchawar inscription is dated S. 1228, = A.D 1171. The

reign of Paramardi ended in A.D. 1202, when he capitulated to Kutbu-

d-din Ibak, dying before the surrender was effected. He was succeed¬

ed by Trailokya-varman, who temporarily delivered his dominions from

the Muhammadan invaders.3 Dr. Hoey possesses a unique copper

coin of Trailokya-varman, which we hope to publish soon.

1 Kielhorn, Batesvar Stone Inscription of Paramardi-deva , (Epigr. Ind. Vol. I.

p. 20). In a note the editor points out that the label attributing the stone to

Bate<jvar in the Agra district seems to be wrong, and that the inscription is probab¬

ly No. 52 of Cunningham’s list (Arch. Rep. XXI. p. 82), which was found in two pieces

on the bank of the lake at Bagrari. There can be no doubt that the so called

Batecjvar inscription is really that found at Bagrari, which like it had 2-A lines, and

was in two pieces. A Candella stone inscription could not have been found near

Agra. Bagrari is a village, in Bundelkliand. We have failed to discover its exact

position.

2 “ Then the prince Traildkya-varman ruled the kingdom, a very creator in

providing strong places. Like Visnu, he was, in lifting up the earth, immerged in

the ocean formed by the streams of Turuskas.” 1. 5 of Ajaigarh Inscription of Vira-

varman (Epigr. Indica, Yol. I. p. 329). Professor Kielhorn’s excellent editions of

several of the Candella inscriptions throw much light on the history of Bundel-

khand, which requires to be revised.

159

1895 ] and a Gandella Copper-plate from the Banda District.

Part II.

i ^ . ...

Three early brass statuettes of the Buddha found in the ruins of

Dhanosar Khera to the west of Icchawar, and purchased by Dr. Hoey,

are of sufficient interest to deserve detailed description.

The material of the statuettes appears to be brass, though it may

be the special alloy known as aslitadhdtu , or ‘ the eight metals.’ “ Copper

was never very largely used in the fabrication of statuary, and bronze

never, that alloy being held impure. Brass is more readily melted ; it

has a more attractive colour; it takes a finer polish, and is firmer, more

malleable, less liable to rust, and more easily wrought than copper.

It has, therefore, been generally preferred as a material for orna¬

mental figures. In the formation of the statues of gods, it is also very

largely employed ; but in such cases it is alloyed with small quantities

of other metals, viz., gold, silver, iron, tin, lead, and mercury; making

with the copper and zinc of brass, eight ; which is esteemed the purest

alloy, and prized very highly as aslitadhdtu .” 1

The two larger statuettes (Nos I and II) are inscribed; the small¬

est one (No. Ill) has no inscription.

The standing figure No. I (Plate VIIT) is much the better executed

of the two larger images, and possesses some merit as a work of art.

It closely resembles many of the Gandhara sculptures, and, in our

judgment, shows distinct traces of Hellenistic influence. Buddha

stands in a preaching attitude, holding in his left hand a palm leaf or

birch bark scroll. His right hand is open, and raised in admonition.

His dress consists of a robe, open at the neck, covering both shoulders,

and of an under garment, which appears below. This under garment

appears to be a pair of wide drawers, such as are now called a “ divided

skirt,” though it may possibly be an undivided skirt. The feet are

bare. The head is covered with the hair arranged in a mat of conven¬

tional curls, gathered above into a top-knot. The earrings are long and

heavy. The drapery is well executed, and the form of the body is well

shown through the clothing. The hands are moulded with considerable

skill; a large circular aureole is attached to a projection at the back of

the head.

The figure stands on a well designed pedestal, which rests on four

claws.

The principal dimensions are as follows : —

Height (including pedestal) to surface of top-knot ... lo 62. >

Total height to top of aureole ... ... 14" 72 5

1 Rajendralala Mitra, Antiquities of Orissa, V ol. I, p. 67.

160 V. A. Smith & W. Hoey — Ancient Buddhist Statuettes [No. 2,

Height of figure, from surface of pedestal to surface

of top-knot ... ... ... ... 10"‘50

Diameter of aureole ... ... ... 5//#75

The inscription consists of a single line of ancient Nagari characters

incised on the convex moulding of the pedestal, and running round all

four sides. The characters are in some respects peculiar in form, and a

few of them are difficult to read, though well-preserved. They are of

an early type, and, we should think, not later than A.D. 300. The

facsimile, prepared from an inked estampage, (Plate IX) will enable

the reader to form his own opinion as to their age. The convexity of

the moulding, and the shallowness of the engraving cause some difficulty

in obtaining a copy of the inscription, which reads as follows : —

Deyadharmoyarh updsikd Bedi —

kdyd yadatra punyam

tad hhavatu mdtd pitro sarvva satvd —

narri anuttara jndnavdptaye.

“ This is the meritorious gift of the female worshipper Bedikaya ;

whatever religious merit there is in it, let it be for the attainment of

supreme knowledge by her father and mother, and by all sentient

beings.”

This formula, with some slight modifications, is found in three of

the later inscriptions in the caves at Kuda, forty-five miles south of

Bombay.

The earliest inscriptions at Kuda, which may perhaps date from

the first century B.C., are in the Pali language and simply record that

such and such an article is the gift (or “ meritorious gift ” ) of so and

so. The prayer that the merit of the gift may be for the attainment

of supreme knowledge by the donor’s parents and all sentient creatures

is wanting. That prayer is found in the later inscriptions, which, like

those on Dr. Hoey’s statuettes, are in the Sanskrit language. The

Buddhists of the earlier Hinayana sect used Pali. The members of

the later Mahayana sect used Sanskrit.

In order to show how closely the inscriptions on the statuettes

follow the Kuda pattern, we quote No. 7 of the Kuda inscriptions : —

Deyadharmoyam Catch yopa —

sikd Vydghratcdya yad atra

punyam tadhhavatu mdtdpitrpu —

rvvarjgamam tertvd sarwasatvanam anuttarajnd —

navdptaye.1

1 The Kuda inscriptions are discussed by Dr. Burgess (assisted by Dr. Biihler)

in Volume IV. of the Archeological Survey of Western India, ‘ Report on the Bud-

1895.] and a Candslla Gopper -plate from the Banda District. 161

The inscription of the statuette of the seated Buddha (No. II.)

includes (excepting the word krtva ) the portion of the formula which

has been omitted from the dedication of the standing image.

This second statuette, that of the seated Buddha (Plate X),

is almost destitute of merit as a work of art, and is an ordinary

Indian production of conventional pattern. Buddha is exhibited squat¬

ting, with the soles of his feet turned up, and holding the little finger

of his left hand between the first finger and thumb of the right hand.

The shoulders are square, and the general appearance of the image

resembles that of mediaeval .Tain statues. But, unlike the Jain images,

Buddha is not nude. He is clothed in close-fitting garments, the

existence of which is indicated only by the opening for the neck, and

the termination of the sleeves and drawers. No attempt is made to

express the folds of the clothing. The hands are stiffly and clumsily

moulded, and the face is expressionless. The aesthetic demerits of the

work are so striking that, if it were not inscribed, a late date might

be assigned to it. But the characters of the inscription, though some¬

what later in form than those on the pedestal of the standing figure,

are probably not later than A.D. 400, and certainly not later than

A.D. 500.

A rectangular plate, surmounted by a circular aureole, is attached

to a projection at the back of the head.

The principal dimensions are : —

Height, including pedestal, to surface of top-knot ... 12"*50

Total height to top of aureole ... ... ... 14"'00

Height of figure, from surface of pedestal to surface of

top-knot ... ... ... ... 9"*50

Diameter of aureole ... ... ... 5r/,40

The inscription is in two lines on the front moulding only of the

pedestal. (Plate IX.) Some of the letters are difficult to read, and

a few are to us doubtful. The record is as follows, subject, perhaps, to

some slight correction.

1 Deyadharmmoyam Guptavamgodita, Cri Hariddssya rajni Maha-

devydh yadatra punyam tad bhavatu.

2 Sarvva satvanam matd pitr purvdrjyamanam anuttarapada jndn -

dvdptaye.

dhist Cave Temples and their Inscriptions (London, 1883) pp. 12-14, 85, 86;

Plates XLY, XLYI. Nos. 7, 8, 9 of Plate XLY. resemble the dedications of the

statuettes in language, and to a large extent in alphabetical characters. They are

supposed to date from the fifth or sixth century A.D. The Mathura inscription of

the Gupta year 135 (A.D. 453) has the formula Deyadharmoyam viharasvaminyd

Devtdyd yadatra punyam tad bhavatu mdtapitroh sarvvasattvdndnca anuttara-

jndndptaye . {Fleet, p. 263.)

J. i. 21

162 V. A. Smith & W. Hoey — Buddhist Statuettes. [No. 2,

This seems to mean that the donor was MahadevI, the wife, or

queen, of CrI Haridasa of the Gupla race. The name Haridasa, with

the cerebral^, is curious, but it seems impossible to read the name

otherwise. Many of the characters, especially those in the second line,

are very rudely incised, and imperfectly formed.

The epithet Guptavamgodita, ‘ sprung from the Gupta race,’ or the

‘ race of Gupta,’ is interesting. It apparently means that the donor was

a member of the family of the sovereigns of the great Gupta dynasty.

The words Guptavamga are most naturally translated, ‘ the race of

Gupta,’ that is to say the race of which Gupta was the progenitor.

Sir Alexander Cunningham to the last {Goins of Med. India , p. 9) be¬

lieved that the word Gupta as a proper name could not stand alone,

because it was impossible that a past participle meaning ‘protected’

could itself be treated as a name without mention of the protecting

deity. The citation by Drs. Fleet and Biililer of the names Upagupta

and Upagupta failed to change Cunningham’s opinion. The dedication

on the statuette is a strong confirmation of the view that the name of

the progenitor of the famous dynasty was simply ‘Gupta,’ i.e ., ‘pro¬

tected ’ [by the gods], and not ‘ f ri Gupta,’ ‘ protected by Laksmi.’

Several of the published inscriptions use Gupta as a family name

in the phrase Guptanrpardjyabhuktau {Fleet, p. 102, etc.), ‘during the

enjoyment of sovereignty by the Gupta kings.’ So the Girnar inscrip¬

tion speaks of the ‘ Gupta era ’ ( Guptaprahala ), and the MorbI inscrip¬

tion uses the adjective Gaupta. (Biihler, on the Origin of the Gupta -

Valabhi Bra, pp. 6-9.)

The English phrases ‘ Gupta dynasty ’ and ‘ Gupta era ’ are thus

fully justified by Sanskrit precedent. The third statuette (No. Ill)

is very small, about 4| inches high, and has no pedestal. Probably a

pedestal existed, which has been lost. The stand shown in the photo¬

graph (Plate XI) is a wooden one made by the owner. The aureole,

of which the upper part is broken off, is arranged as an oval shield the

full length of the figure. The right hand is lost. The drapery is ar¬

ranged like that of the large standing figure No. I, though the attitude

slightlv differs. The artistic execution, though better than that of

No. II, is inferior to that of No. I.

1895.] A. S. Beveridge — Suggestions for Mr. Blochmann’s Ain.

163

A suggestion for the second edition of Mr. Blochmann’ s Ain. — By Annette

S. Beveridge ( Communicated by the Philological Secretary).

[Read, March 1895.]

Having had occasion to distinguish amongst the various Miraks of

Akbar’s time, I have, in Mr. Blochmann’s index, come across emenda?ida

under the head Mirak , which moreover, for clearness’ sake, render some

slight modifications in the text desirable. Mr. Beveridge has been so

kind, by reference to the Persian, as to verify the doubts which I had

gathered from the translations.

Amongst the seven entries of Mirak in the index, I find that three

seem to refer to the same man. One Mirak is omitted and him too, I

identify with the thrice-entered amir.

The three first named are : —

1. Mirak Khan Arghun. 475 1 2 (No. 208).

2. Mirak Khan, 439.

3. Mirak Khan Bahadur, 532,

The omission is : —

4. Mirak Khan Jinkjank (?) 531.

The first and third of these are separately entered by a mere slip,

for. they refer, respectively, to the biographical notice of Mirak Arghun

and to his name in the combined Tabaqdt and Ain lists of the amirs.

It is equally clear that the second and fourth names denote one in¬

dividual. Turning to page 439, we find Mr. Blochmann warning us

against confounding Rawazi Khan, Mirza Mirak “ with Mirak Khan or

with Mirak Bahadur (208).” He writes as follows : — (Mirak Khan)

“ an old grandee who died in 975.” (Tabaqdt.) 2

The words quoted are used in the original (Laklinau edition, 385)

about Mirak Khan Jinkjank (Kinhak or Kinjak). So far as we have

been able to trace, this is the only mention of Jinkjank or its approximate

readings. Apparently then, Mr. Blochmann’s Mirak Khan (p. 439) is

1 All references are to Mr. Blochmann’s Ain, unless otherwise assigned.

2 The word “ Tabaqat ” is quoted by me from Blochmann.

164 A, S. Beveridge — Suggestions for the second edition of [No 2,

the Jinkjank of Nizam’s list (No. 99). All that is needed to make this

clear in the text is to give the full name Mirak Khati Jinkjank (?) as

found at the place from which the quotation (“ an old grandee, etc.,”)

is taken.

The next point to which attention is to be given is the identification

of Jinkjank with Arahun.

We know that the former died in 975 H., the year of Citor. We

know that the latter was killed in 975 H., in an explosion before Citor

(Mr. Blochmann’s Ain, 532, n. 2). This fact is recorded of No. 208

both in the Tabaqat and by Abu-l-fazl. It would be a curious coinci¬

dence for two amirs named Mirak to die in the same year, but this might

be so. It is, however, improbable that one of these, being, as Nizamu-d-

din says, “ an old grandee ” should not be mentioned in the detailed

stories of any of the contemporary writers, beyond the bare record of

his death in the Tabaqat. This is the more improbable that he was a

man of position sufficient to bring him into Nizam’s list. Of Mirak

Arghun some facts as to service are set down in the biographical notice

and he is named honourably amongst the grandees told off to Malwa in

the sixth year.1

Now there is no mention of “ Jinkjank ” in the Ain list (531, No.

99), and curiously enough, the Lakhnau Tabaqat does not give Mr.

Blochmann’s No. 115, Mirak Khan Bahadur.”2 * * S Perhaps some one

having access to other editions of the Tabaqat would be so kind as to

look up this point and thus add to, or detract from the probability of

the identification which now seems reasonable, i.e., that of Jinkjank with

Arahun. It would also be useful and perhaps decisive if some under¬

standing could be arrived at as to the word Jinkjank to which Mr. Bloch -

mann appends a question mark and which the Lakhnau edition gives

as Kinliak or KinjakJ

Even with the knowledge available now, the identification appears

reasonable. A double entry is not unknown elsewhere in Nizam’s

list ; — Mr. Blochmann points out that of Mu. Qasim Khan.

Pending possible correction on the points, (1) the omission of

1 The record of Arghun’ s death has not yet found its legitimate place in his

biography bnt awaits, in a note, the second edition.

2 Similarly “ No. 116, Shah Mn. Qalati ” is not in the Lakhnau Tabaqat. The

omission of a man so distinguished as Qalati, points to a printing error, especially

as he is not to be found in duplicate in Nizam’s list.

S Since writing these notes, I have learned from Mr. Beveridge that the

British Museum MS., No. 29, 209, Yol. II, p. 52, fi. gives the word which in other

MS. or published editions has been read as Jinkjank, Kinhak, or Kinjak quite

^ 9

clearly as Jujak (Mirak Khan Jujak).

1895.]

Mr. Bloclimann’s Ain.

165

No. 115 in the Lakhnau Tabaqat , and (2) the meaning of Jinkjank, I

venture to suggest that the index may, under the head Mlrak , read in

a second edition of Mr. Blochmann’s Am , as follows : —

1. Mlrak Khan Bahadur Arghun (Jinkjank ?) 429, 439, 475 (No.

208), 531, 532.

N. B. — The references to pages 429 and 531 are omitted in the existing index.

2. Mlrak Jalair, 52J.

3. Mlrak Khwajah, 525.

4. Mlrak Khwajah, Chengiz Khan, 442.

5. Mlrak Mlrza, Rawazl Khan, 438 (No. 141).

If it is justifiable to identify Jinkjank with Arghun a slight change

will follow in the text, where at page 439 and in line 15, “ or with ”

should read “ that is.” The insertion of Arghun after the name Mlrak

on pages 429, 439, 531 and 532 would be useful to readers.

166

A. S. Beveridge — Khwdjah Muhammad Muqlm.

[No. 2,

Notes concerning Khwdjah Muhammad Muqlm Harawl , the father of

Ni^amu-d-din Ahmad Bakhshj. — By Annette S. Beveridge

(Communicated hy the Philological Secretary).

[Read, March 1895.]

As everything relating to the author of the Tabaqdt possesses

interest, 1 venture to ask permission to “ hang up ” in the critical air

of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, — for confirmation or

disproof, — a suggestion about the record of his father’s life which, if

verified, will be of use in a second edition of Mr. Blochmann’s Ain.

It appears to me that there is good ground for believing “ Khwdjah

Muqlm , the son of Mlrakl ” (525, No. 401), to be the father of Nizdmu-d-

dln, Khwdjah Muhammad Muqlm TlarawlJ

The considerations which seem to me to support my suggestion are

as follows : —

(a) Mr. Blochmann, basing his statement on the Akbarndmah, says

that Khwajah Muqlm (No. 401), the son of Miraki, was made a bakh¬

shl in 999 H.

Abii-1-fazl names Muqim of Khurasan in his list of bakhshls (528),

and Mr. Blochmann identifies this man with the “ son of Miraki ” by

prefixing “ No. 401 ” to his name, in this list.

Nizamu-d-din says when speaking of the appointment of the bakhshl

of 999 H. ( Tabaqdt , Lakhnau ed., 374) “ They appointed Khwajah Mu.

Muqim, an old family servant and who had been brought up in this

Court, ( khanazad ) to the office of bakhshl of the army.”

Of all the Muqims of this period, there is mentioned in the various

sources — so far as I have been able to trace — one man only who

answers to the description given by Abu-l-fazl and Nizamu-d-din Ahmad

of the bakhshl of 999 H., as being at once, a Khurasani, an old servant,

1 All page references are to Mr. Blochmann’ s Ain unless otherwise assigned.

For all the many references to the Persian which these notes have required.

I am indebted to Mr. Beveridge, as well as for counsel, and the multiform help

which comes from discussion of “ points.” For all errors, I only am responsible.

1895.] A. S. Beveridge — Khwdjah Muhammad Muqim. 1G7

a khdnazad , and as bearing the names Muhammad Muqim and the title

Khwdjah. This is the father of Nizam, — Khwajah Mu. Muqim

Harawi.1 2 3 * *

The various Muqims of this time are as follows : —

1. Shuja/at Khan, Muqim-i-‘Arab. A Turkistani, and died in 988 H.

2. Muqim Khan, son of Shuja£at Khan. A Turkistani and, early under Akbar,

a Commander of 500.

3. Mirza Mu. Muqim, the son of Mirza Zulniin, and by marriage a cousin of

the Emperor Babar.

4. Muqim Naqshbandi. Defeated and slain in Gujrat, in 983 H.

5. Muqim a “ Commander of Five Hundred, 100 horse ; ” — a relation of Asaf

Khan III. Ja£far Beg Qazwini (413', ( Pudi shahndmah. I, part 2, 328).

The word which Mr. Blochmann renders ££ relation ” is khwesh. I can

find nothing to decide whether Muqim was a blood-relation and therefore

perhaps a Qazwini, or a son-in-law of Ja£far Beg. So that on the ground

of descent there is, so far, nothing to prevent him from being No. 401.

He is called Shahjahani in Mr. Blochmann’s index. If this implies that

his best days were lived under Shahjahan, it makes, to some slight extent,

against his being the bakhshi of 9S9 H., the said baJchshj being an old

servant in 999 H. and the year of Shahjahan’s accession being 1037 H.

Very little, however, can be built on the consideration that No. 401

would have been an old man in 1037 H., for some of the amirs of these

days rivalled modern statesmen in their sustained capacity for holding

office. Perhaps some student of the sources for Shahjahan’s reign could

tell something about this Muqim.

6. Khwajah Muhammad Muqim Harawi (420, 421). A Khurasani, a servant

of Babar, Humayun and Akbar; — and possibly a khanazad* — at any rate

young in the service of Babar.

7. Khwajah Muhammad Muqim, the son of Miraki (525, No. 401). A Khurasani,

an old servant of the State in 999 H. — and a Mianazad. He was a Com¬

mander of Two Hundred.

(b) To entitle Muqim Bakhshi to be called an old servant of tba

State in 999 H., he must have been a contemporary of Harawi for, at

the least, the greater part of the 36 years of Akbar’s reign antecedent

to his appointment. If my suggestion that the Harawi of the earlier

chronicling is the Muqim Bakhshi of later record, be wrong, some

curious coincidences must be faced. Both these men (supposing they

were two), were Khurasanis ; — Muqim Bakhshi was a khdnazad, Harawi

was a dependent of Babar (Elliot V, 178) if not literally a khdnazad ; —

both bore the names Muhammad Muqim and the title Khwdjah .8

1 Harat was until recently, the capital of Khurasan. (Gazetteer of India.)

2 The grounds for this are briefly indicated later on, in these notes (para. (/).)

3 Mir Ma‘sum of Bhakkar calls Muqim Bakhshi indifferently Khwajah and Khan,

but I cannot find that the latter rank was ever bestowed on him. He seems to

have ended his career as a leader of Two Hundred.

108 A. S. Beveridge — Khwtijah Muhammad Muqlm. [No. 2,

Their records do not overlap and they never appear on the scene to¬

gether. Harawl vanishes from the record in 981 H., Mirakl appears

in 988 H. Moreover — and this is certainly a consideration of much

weight — both men filled similar or identical offices. Harawl was a

dlwdn , a vazir, an amln : the son of Mirakl an amln, a wdqi‘ah

nawls , a bakhshi and a dhvdn. That there should have been two

contemporaries, so alike in circumstance and whose character and

rank fitted them to fill the same class of appointments would certaiuly

be singular.

(c) Two questions present themselves which contribute something

in favour of my suggestion. The record of .the “ old servant,” Muqlm

Baldishi begins in 998 H. Wliat was his past ?

The most important office named as filled by Harawl under Akbar

was that of amln in Sindh, in 981 H. What were the “ high offices ”

which the Maasir tells us, he held under Akbar? (Elliot V, 178.

Madsir under Muqlm’s name.)

(d) I have emphasized the fact that the two men bore the same

names and title and it should now be noticed that more weight might

be due to the conjunction of “ Muhammad ” with “ Muqlm,” if any

other Muqlm of this time could be found bearing any other second

name than Muhammad! ‘Abu-1-fazl names them all, short, — Muqlm; —

Jahangir does the same ; so too Babar. Nizam1 2 gives the Muhammad

to three — those to whom I have given it.

(e) It is a slight contribution in favour of my suggestion, perhaps,

that the index to the A kbarndmah (Bib. Ind.) places all the incidents

which concern both Harawl and the “ son of Mlraki,” under the heading,

“ Muqlm Bakhshi.'" The maker of the index must have possessed some

guiding clue for this arrangement, as well as for the omission under this

heading, of scattered incidents which concern other Muqlms.

(/) A lengthened search has yielded no information about the

Mirakl who is set down as the father of Muqlm Bakhshi (525 ).3

Possibly the word Mirakl may not be a name, but may imply that

Muqlm’s father held a petty office. If so, this would give fuller mean¬

ing to the epithet “ khanazad” applied to the Bakhshi by Nizam

and might indicate that like Nizam (who speaks of himself as a

khanazad) the “ son of Mlraki ” was bom in the royal service. This

would — granting the correctness of my suggestion, — explain how

it was that Harawl entered Babar’s service so young and was called a

“ dependent.”

1 The passages in which he names his father in fall are to be found in the

Tabaqat (Lakhnau ed. preface, and at page 374).

2 The results of this search are published above, pp. 163 & £f.

1895.]

169

A. S. Beveridge — Khwajah Muhammad Muqim.

If my suggestion survives examination, the biographical notice of

No. 401 (525) should include, at least the following items: —

Khwajah Muhammad Muqim of Khurasan ( Harawi .) Son of Kh.

Miraki. Descendant of the great saint of Harat, Kh. ‘Abdullah

‘Ansari ( Tabaqat , Erskine’s MS., British Museum. Rieu’s Catalogue,

1,220). Brother-in-law of Sultan Ibrahim Aubahi. (435, 533.)

Father of Nizamu-d-din Ahmad, the author of the Tabaqat. Brought up

in Babar’s household ; — employed in the Tiivdni-i-buyutat of Babar ; —

instrumental in securing the succession to Humayuu by repeating to

Mir Khalifah, the threat uttered by Mahdi Khwajah against him, just

before the death of Babar ( Tabaqat , Lakhnau ed. 374) ; — vazlr to

‘Askari in Gfujrat 941 H. ; — at Chaunsa with ‘Askari, and one of the

few troopers who escaped with Humayun to Agra, 946 H. ; — at Kanauj

with ‘Askari, 947 H. ; — Nizam born about 953 H. ; — employed in “ Go¬

vernment ” business in Agra, 974 H. (Elliot V. 317) — an amin near

Bhakkar and counselling loyalty to the son of Mir Khalifah, Muhibb

‘All, 981 H. ; — with ‘Aziz Kokah in Bengal 988 H. ; — returns to Court

with ‘Aziz, 991 H. ; — in Bengal as amin and waqtfah navis and shut up

in Ghoraghat with Tahir Saifu-l-muluk 992 H. (Abu-l-fazl speaks of

him as a “ jewel of sagacity and courage” at this point); — bahhslij

to the armies of Sadiq Khan Harawi and Isma‘il Quli Khan in Multan,

994 H. ; — bakhslij to ‘Abdu-r-raliim Khan-ldianan in Sindh, 999 H. ; —

diwan of Multan and commissioned to forward to Court the reports of

his eleven colleagues — diivdns of the Empire, 1003 H. ; — death of

Nizam 1003 H.*

••

The term of life necessary to cover the events recapitulated in

this tentative biographical notice, is not beyond the bounds of pro¬

bability and is far from being unexampled amongst the contemporaries

of Muqim BaJchshi. ‘Aziz Kokali died at 84, having been made atdliq

to Prince Dawar Bakhsh when 83. Mihtar Khan lived to be 84 and

died holding a Command of Three Thousand. Miran Sadr Jahan Mufti

died in 1020 H., and was believed to be 120 years old. Jahangir pro¬

moted him to be a Chahar-liazari, twenty years or thereabouts before

his death. Muhibb ‘Ali was a fighting man under Babar and died in

989 H. Peshrau Khan was, according to Jahangir, an excellent servant

and smarter than many a young man, at the age of 90.

* Elliot says (Y. 178) that Harawi is spoken of in Babar’s Memoirs. If so, his

name has escaped a thrice-repeated search through the Memoirs. A Muqim figures

there frequently, but this is the son of Mirza Zulnun and son-in-law of Mirza Ulugh

Beg, Babar’s cousin. In a supplemental chapter (Memoirs of Babar, 428) Mr.

Erskine relates the story of Mahdi Khwajah and Muqim Harawi. It is interesting

to find that at the time he quoted the welcome passage, he did not know the

Tabaqat.

J. i. 22.

170

A. S. Beveridge — Khwajah Muhammad Muqim.

[No. 2,

The first fixed date in Muqim Harawi’s life is Jumdda I. 974 H.

(1530). Its last is 1003 H. (1594), a period of 64 years. Of the

date of his death, I know nothing; Nizam rarely names his father, as

such, and does not chronicle his own joys and sorrows, so that nothing

certain can be gathered from his silence.

There are indications — too slight to carry weight without a long

criticism of the story of Mahdl Khwajah’s threat against Mir Khalifah

— which point to Harawi’s being a young man at the time it concerns,

viz. 974H. If the story had been written down in or near 974 H., there

must have been set against these indications of youth, those of adult

wisdom contained in the advice offered by Harawl when he reported

to Mir Khalifah the threat against him which he had overheard from

the mouth of the Khwajah. But the record is of much later date, and

was made when Harawl and Nizam were both grave men. Possibly

the wisdom is a reflection of maturer years ; it was certainly not

needed as an argument against Mahdi’s succession by the man he

threatened and in whose power it lay to raise him to the throne or — as

was done — to pass him by. One doubts too, if any diwan-i-buyutat —

whatever the number of his years — would have ventured to argue with

the “ pillar of Babar’s Empire ” as to anything he had proposed to himself

to do, but even the youngest servant might have reported a speech

which betokened treachery to one of his master, Babar’s, most trusted

adherents.

Summing up the points as to Muqim Harawi’s age, it seems to me

that if he did not long survive 1003 H. and was a young man in 974 H.

his whole career may well have been one of under ninety years.

1895.]

C. J. Rodgers — Mogul Copper Coins.

171

Mogul Copper Coins. — By C. J. Rodgers, Honorary Numismatist to the

Government of India.

With twelve plates.

[Read July, 1895.]

I have already written three papers on the Copper Coins of Akbar,

two in this Journal and one in the Indian Antiquary. In the Indian

Museum are many coins of Akbar and of other Mogul Emperors.

There is a vast collection of Mogul Copper Coins in the Lahore Museum.

The catalogues of the coins in these two museums are ready and can be

studied.

Mr. Stanley Lane Poole in the preface to the British Museum

Catalogue of Mogul Coins says, “ The rarest of all Mogul Coins are those

of copper.” This sentence should read, “ The rarest of all Mogul Coins,

in the British Museum , are those of copper.” It was a mistake to regard

the British Museum Mogul Coins as a representative collection. It had

in it forty copper coins only. Now my papers should have given an

inkling as to the numbers of Mogul Copper Coins obtainable. My

catalogue of the Lahore Museum coins (purchased from me by the

Panjab Government) shows how numerous the copper coins of many

Mogul Emperors are. The truth is that these copper Mogul coins are

so uncouth in shape and the legends on them are so fragmentary, that

numismatists have neglected them and collectors have despised them.

But of late some kind and sensible correspondents of mine have paid

attention to them. I live in the Panjab, and as I get no pay I cannot

go about hunting for coins in other provinces. But the Rev. Geo.

P. Taylor, D.D., of Ahmadabad, R. F. Malabarwala, Esq., and C. E.

Kotwal, Esq., of Bombay, Major Adam Smith of Poonah, and the

Rev. J. E. Tracy, M.A., of Kodaikanal, Madura District, have kindly

sent up to me some of the results of their research, and the consequence

has been that with their aid and with the assistance of the Amritsar

bazaar, I have been able to put together the drawings in the accompany¬

ing twelve plates. The coins are therein arranged in no special order, but

172

C. J. Rodgers — Mogul Copper Corns.

[No. 2,

were drawn as they came into my hands. As some few copper of Jahangir

in the Lahore Museum seemed rare if not unique, I obtained permission

from the curator to draw them. Ten years ago in Simla, I drew two

coins of Shah Jalian that were in General Cunningham’s collection.

These are 22 and 23 of Plate XIII.

It will be seen that the coins of Ahmadabad are very fully shown.

Nearly all these are the results of Dr. Taylor’s research. One coin

No. 144 of PL XXIII, was obtained by me the day on which I finished

that plate. So that it will be seen the plates represent the result of

united labour. I heartily thank my fellow workers for their help.

Without it I could not possibly have produced this paper.

I will now go through the coins and transcribe, as far as I can, the

legends on them.

PLATE XII.

Alexander Cunningham : L. M. = Lahore Museum : A. S. B. = Asiatic Society of

Bengal ; C. J. R. = Author : TR. = Rev. J. E. Tracy, M.A.

1895.] C. J. Rodgers — Mogul Copper Coins. 173

[No. 2,

Balrat.

Qandahar

Fulus 1022.

Kabul

Fulus.

Aj mir

1024 H.

1895.]

175

C. J. Rodgers — Mogul Copper Coins.

[No. 2,

year -

Surat.

year -

Udaipur.

Ujain.

17 tli year.

lltli year.

Multan.

40th year.

3895.] 0. J. Rodgers — Mogul Copper Coins. 177

J. i. 23

1083

[No, 2

178

(58)

(59)

C. J. Rodgers — Mogul Copper Coins.

I _ i

(60)

(61)

(62)

(63)

(64)

(v-'j) <-&yl

,4>

U

v— o)

’^Vu

1 1 -p

as on (60)

Fulus of

Aurangzeb Shah

Parts of this

couplet only

1104 H.

,ib

(I l)ra

do., but year

in ?

Muhammad

Shah

Bad shah

1135 H.

f • <Um

() t— VO

<JtU»

J»r»

Surat

10th year.

The Blessed

Accession year ?

Year ?

The gate of

Victory Bijapur.

Fulus of

Elicpur

4th year.

As on (63), but no year

PLATE XVII.

179

1895.] C. J. Rodgers — Mogul Copper Coins.

PLATE XVIII.

( | |)P6

380

[No. 2,

C. J. Rodgers — Mogul Copper Coins.

1895.] C. J. Rodgers — Mogul Copper Coins. 181

[No. 2,

182 C. J. Rodgers — Mogul Copper Coins.

[No. 2,

184 0. J. Rodgers — Mogul Copper Coins.

PLATE XXII.

1893-J c. J. Rodgers— Mogul Copper Coins. 185

PLATE XXTTT.

(139)

[No. 2,

186 C. J. Rodgers — Mogul Copper Coins.

1895.]

187

C. J. Rodgers — Mogul Copper Coins.

In all tliis long list of Mogul Coins there is not one that has been

drawn before that I am aware of. Coins (1), (2), and (4) are four tanke

pieces of Akbar from the Ahmadabad mint. (3) is a two tanke piece of

Salim Shah and (4) a four tanke piece of the same prince. (6) is a

half tanka of Akbar, and (7) is a full tanka. Going by weights, (8) is

a quarter tanka, and (9) the 8th part of a tanka, (10) is another two

tanke piece of Akbar’s. What (11), (12) and (13) were intended for I

do not know. They look like novelties introduced by Jahangir in the

beginning of his reign. We know that he upset the value of mohurs

and rupees by increasing to Akbar’s system.

The coins on Plate XIII. show other vagaries of Jahangir. (14) and

(15) are struck on old Surl dams. ( 14) shows this a little, but (15) plainly.

(17) is a Qandahar coin and (18) is a Kabul one. Both have irregular

weights. (19) is a Rawan (20) is a Raij and (21) is a half raij, from the

Ajmlr, Agra and Dehll mints respectively. (14)-(21) are all from my

collection now in the Lahore Museum. (22) is a lovely fulus of Shall-

jahan of the Bairat mint. It is of the weight of a dam. (23) is also a

fulus of Shahjahan, but its irregular weight shows that changes had

commenced in the copper coinage. Both these coins were in the cabinet

of General Sir Alexander Cunningham when I drew them. (24) and

(25) are a Multan and a Lahdr fulus of Aurangzeb of various weights

(25) being half of (24).

On Plate XIV. (26) and (27) are dams of Shahjahan from the Ah¬

madabad mint. (28) and (30) are evidently half dams. All are styled

fulus on the coins themselves. (31) is a strange coin of Akbar II. with

the name of the Ahmadabad mint on it. I obtained one like this in the

Kangra Valley in 1886. (32) is a dam of Jahangir’s from the Surat

mint: (33) and (34) are dams from the same mint in the time of

Shah Jahan. (35) is evidently a fulus of Rafl‘u-d-darajat’s and (36)

one of Muhammad Shah’s from the same mint. Prom all this it is

evident that Mogul copper coins were not scarce either at Surat or

Ahmadabad. (37) is a dam of Jahangir’s from the Udaipur mint, (38)

is a copper coin of Shahjahan from the Ujain mint conforming to the

Malwa currency in shape and weight.

On Plate XV. all the coins are of Aurangzeb except the last, (52)

(39) and (40) are from the Shahjahanabad mint and exhibit dates,

(41)- (44) are from the mint at Multan, (45) and (46) are from

Narnol. I have a lot of these and all are without dates except two I

was fortunate enough to find while this paper was in progress. I give

them on Plate VIII. — (93) and (94). They are both dated. (47) and

(48) puzzle me. They are evidently Aurangzeb’s coins, but I cannot

read the mint ; (49) is a Surat coin, (50) one from Ilaidarabad, as is also

188 C. J. Rodgers — Mogul Copper Coins. [No. 2,

I think (51). The date on (52) makes it an Elicpur coin of Shah

‘Alam I.

Plate XVI. opens with a Sholapur ful us of Aurangzeb, which is

followed by (54) and (55) of the 5th year of Shah ‘Alam I. from the

same mint. (56) is an Aurangzeb fulus from the Kulburga mint, (57) —

(61) are our fulus of different styles and weights from the Surat mint

of Aurangzeb. It will be noticed that (59) comes up to the dam

standard and (60) is half a dam. The mint of (61 ) with its rupee

inscription I have not been able to read, but (62) is from the Bijapur

mint, (63) is a heavy coin of Muhammad Shah’s from the Elicpur

mint. It is nearly the weight of a dam, (64) is probably of the

same king and is from the same mint.

Plate XVII. deals also with the coins of Aurangzeb. (65) is of the

Lucknow mint while (66) is from Akbarabad (Agra), (67) and (68)

are from Surat, (69) is a small gold coin of Aurangzeb which came

into my hands for a day when I was drawing this plate, (70) to (73)

are all different varieties from the Lahor mint, (74) and (75) I assign

to Bairat, (76) is doubtful as to mint, and the mint name on (77)

I have not yet made out. There is no doubt about the king who struck

all these coins. The years tell us, and they help us to assign dateless

coins by showing us the peculiar style of Aurangzeb’s copper coins, —

the letters are mixed up strangely but only on the copper coins of

Aurangzeb in this style.

Plate XVIII. opens with four coins ( 78)— ( 81) of Farrukhsivar.

The mint of (81) may be Surat. They all came to me from my Bom¬

bay friends Messrs. Malabarwalla and Kotwal. (82) is an Elicpur coin,

but I don’t know of what king, (83) is a late modern coin from the

same mint, (84) is a Bairat coin of Ak bar’s but of irregular weight,

(85) comes from Mailapur, the name of a part of the city of Madras.

It is of the times of Aurangzeb. It belongs now to the Rev. J. E.

Tracey, M.A., (86) is a unique coin of Muhammad Shah from the

Shahjahanabad mint. It is singular that whereas mohurs and rupees

of this king from this mint are exceedingly common, this is the only

copper coin of this king I have seen from this mint. From this I infer

that the copper coinage of the Empire was so abundant there was no

need for any more to be struck. (87) is a Kabul coin of Muhammad

Shah : (88) is of the same king but from the Multan mint. The speci¬

men I made this drawing from is the most beautiful and perfectly

finished Mogul copper coin I know. (89) is from the Cuttack mint and

is of the time of ‘Alamgir Aurangzeb.

On Plate XIX. (90) is of the Hafizabad mint and is dated the 6th

year of ‘Alamgir, but which of the ‘Alamglrs I don’t know. Of (91)

1895.]

C. J. Rodgers — Mogul Copper Coins .

189

there is no doubt that it was struck at the end of the reign of Aurang-

zeb in Patna when the name had been changed to ‘Azlmabad. ( 92) is

a Kabul coin of the same Emperor, (93) and (94) are the two dated

coins from the Narnol mint. (95) is a Bairat coin of Shah Jahan bearing

not his name but his title, Sahib-i-Qiran Sam. (96) is also a fulus of

Shah Jahan, with a date, but not with the mint name on it. (97) must

be a coin of Ahmad Shah Durrani struck in Multan: but I think (98)

is one of the Delhi king Ahmad Shah, struck in Peshawur. (99) and

(100) are two coins from the Lahor mint of ‘Alamglr II, while (101)

and (102) are from the Shahjahanabad mint of the same Emperor as is

seen from the dates they bear.

Plate XX. is the first plate of coins I drew for this paper which I

intended should deal only with the copper coins of Shah ‘Alam II. All

the coins in this plate are of his time. Helpless though he was, the

glamour of his name and titles was such that they were used not only

by the East India Company on their issues from the Murshidabad,

Benares, Surat and Farrukhabad mints, but by Native States all over

Northern India. Small mints were established in out-of-the-way places.

Hence copper coins bearing fragments of the name and titles of Shah

‘Alam II are exceedingly numerous. There are many with no mint

name on them. I give some of these. Most of those I have drawn are

given by reason of the mint names on them. (103) is from Jhansi.

(104) is from Damla, a place not given in Hunter’s Gazetteer of India.

It is, however, in Fullarton’s Gazetteer of the world stated to be “on

the canal of ‘All Mardan Khan, 25 miles W. N. W. of Saharanpur.”

This was confirmed by A. Phelan, Esq., Executive Engineer, Western

Jumna Canal, who in answer to a note of mine most courteously informed

me that “ Damla is a large ancient village lying on the right bank of the

Western Jumna Canal” and that “Damla contains many Pathan families.”

I have seen one other copper coin from this Damla mint : (305) comes

from the Nahan mint. I have seen other coins from this mint. On

one was the name of Bahadur Shah, Mulzim (servant) of Girvanyodh,

Maharaja of Nepal. This was struck during the Gurkha occupation of

Nahan. Another bears the name of a raja of Sirmur, the state of

which Nahan is capital. This coin ( 105) differs from both those I have

mentioned. I don’t know what to make out of the mint on (106), but

(107) is certainly from the Farrukhnagar mint and 108 is from

Husainabad, (109) is one type of Shah ‘Ham’s Akbarabad copper coins.

On (103), (104) and (105) there is a figure to the r. or l. We see from

this Akbarabad coin that a fish is intended by it. The fish standard

was an emblem of royalty ; hence coins bear the sign of the fisli to show

190

[No. 2,

C. J. Rodgers — Mogul Copper Coins.

tlieir connexion with the Central Government.1 It seems strange that

the fish is found only on the coins of Shah ‘Alam and in the arms of the

kings of Lncknow. (110) is of the Islamabad mint. This name belongs

to several towns in India. I do not believe that this coin came from

Chittagong, but from some town in the N.-W. Provinces. We read

“ Muttra changed its name to Islamabad and was thus called in all

official documents, as well as by the people.” Elliot Yol. VII. p. 26.

(Ill) is a strange coin. It is of Akbarabad and has on it J. W. H.

John William Hessing was Commander of the Fort of Agra. He died

in 1803, the year the English took the Fort. He had been a soldier

of fortune. There is a very good sketch of bis life in Compton’s book

on Military Adventurers in India. (112) I took this coin to be one of

Monghir, but I fancy I am mistaken. From the Najlbabad mints both

(113) and (114) were issued. On the smaller size the fish is often

represented as standing up and not as here lying to the r.

Plate XXI. — (1 15 )— ( 1 18) are coins of two sizes from the Saharanpur

mint in the latter part of the reign of Shah ‘Alam II. (119) was produced

in the Mominabad mint, but I cannot say what the mint name is on ( 120).

Coins (121)-(126) are of Akbar II. (121) has the name of the

Akbarabad mint on it and the pistol. (122) was struck in Gwallar.

The sword, with its point over the ^ of is a peculiarity of this

coin. Coins with the sword in that position are very common, but coins

bearing the mint name are very rare. (123)-(126) were struck

in Shahjahanabad. They are about the same in weight as the rupees

of Akbar II. (125) is peculiar since it has an English letter S instead

of the Arabic word on it for year. (126) reverts to the use of .

Plate XXII. — The upper half of this plate contains six coins of Shah

‘Alam II all from the Shahjahanabad mint. All have the fish on them

except (127), (130) has a date on it | which must be intended for I I vp

as the regnal year is 1. I think | and v have been inadvertently joined

together. The date on (131) is certainly 1125 though the regnal year

is 33. 1125 would make the coin one of Farrukhsivar. Pistol pice of

Shah ‘Alam II, are shown in coins ( 133 )—( 135), the two first being from

the Akbarabad mint. ( 136) is a fine specimen of a coin of Shah ‘Alam

II from the Bindraban mint. There is a different specimen with a fish

on it, in Plate XII (147) from the same mint. There is no mint at all

on (137) but we cannot be far wrong if we assign it to Bhartpur, the

symbol of that place being the kitar whicli occupies the field of the

reverse. The symbols on (138) a trisul and standing fish, belong to

t

1 [It may be worth mentioning that the sign manual of the great Darblianga

Raj is a fish ( mahi ). Ed.]

1895.]

C. J. Rodgers — Mogul Copper Coins.

391

some town I am not acquainted with. Both (137) and (338) are coins

of Shah ‘Alam II.

Plate XXIII. — The coins on this plate are a miscellaneous lotwrith

which I became acquainted during the time I was drawing the other plates.

(139) is an early dam of Akbar’s from the Alwar mint. (140) is the only

dam of the Kalanaur mint that I have ever seen.1 I got it in Ludiana.

Kalanaur was one of Akbar’s copper mints and it was the place where he

was crowned. ( 141 ) is a rare dam of Shah Jahan from the Lucknow mint.

Lucknow was a mint of Sher Shah’s, Akbar’s and other Mogul Emperors.

(142) is the smallest copper coin I have seen from the Fathpur Sikrl

mint. It is the eighth of a dam of Akbar. I do not know what to

make out of (143). It is a Calcutta mint one-anna piece. It seems to

bear the date 1100 H. but the two dots may belong to the lA of Shah.

It was struck by the East India Company. It is the only one I have

ever seen and is in the Society’s own collection. I obtained (344), a

fine coin of Jahandar Shah from the Kabul mint, at the beginning of

this month. (145) is a good specimen of the coins from the Elicpur

mint in the time of Muhammad Shah. One of the most curious coins

in this paper is (146). It has on it fragments of the couplet on Sikh

rupees on one side, and on the other the name of the Xajibabad mint,

with its standing fish and the year of the reign of Shah ‘Alam II. It

must have been struck when the Sikhs were in power in the Duab. I

have one with the same Sikh fragments on but struck in Jaipur. The

legends on (148) are not full enough to enable me to give the mint.

They only tell us that the coin is one of Shah ‘Alam II. The use of

in a circle is peculiar. I have a second specimen half the weight

of this. (149) has been a puzzle to me for a long time. The date on

it is SIP* This confirms my reading of on the other side. I make

out the mint to be Nagar but I know nothing about it. As I have

no coin of Babar in this paper on Mogul copper coins, I thought I would

finish off with ( 150) which is a fine specimen from the mint in the Fort

of Agra in 936 H. I ought to have given on a thirteenth plate the

coins in bronze of Humayun. They are from the Agra mint as Daru-1-

khilafat, Daru-l-aman, Daru-l-‘adl and Qila-i-Agra Daru-z-zarb :

from the Daru-l-mulk Hazrat Delhi mint; Daru-l-khilafat Lahor ;

Mandu; Shahr-i-Mukarram Campanir, and Daru-z-zarb Khitta-i-Mut-

abarrak Jaunpur mints. But some of these have already been edited and

drawn.

One thing has been prominently brought before us, the thorough

jumble in which the copper coinage of the Moguls was. It must be

1 Dr. Yost says lie has another.

192

C. J. Rodgers — Mogul Copper Coins.

[No. 2,

remembered that before the advent of tlie copper coinage of the East

India Company, the coins we have been describing were current in

the country. But besides these there were what are now called Mansur!

pice also current. These are still to the fore in many Native towns.

They are simply uncoined lumps of copper. It was time one great

power rose in India to give the Empire a uniform coinage, one that

would enable India to be an empire where extensive commerce could

be carried on.

We have not seen the names of many mints. We will put them

down all together here : — Ahmad abad, Agra, Bairat, Qandahar, Kabul,

Ajmir, Dehll, Patna, Multan, Labor, Surat, Udaipur, Ujain, Shahjaha-

nabad, Narnol, Haidarabad, Sholapur, Kulburga, Bijapur, Elicpur,

Lucknow, Akbarabad, Mailapur, Cuttack, Hafizabad, ‘Azimabad, Pesha-

wur, Jhansi, Damla, Nahan, Farrukhnagar, Husainabad, Najibad, Saha-

ranpur, Mominabad, Gwaliyar, Bindraban, Bhartpur, Alwar, Kalanaur,

Fathpur, Calcutta and Nagar. These are 42 in number. There were

several I could not make out. These raise the numbers to about 50.

We know from catalogues lately published that there are many other

copper coins of the Moguls from other mints. These mints show that

during the time of the Mogul Empire Copper Coins were struck all

over India from Cuttack and Calcutta in the East to Kabul and Qanda¬

har in the West, from Peshawur in the north to Haidarabad, Sholapur

and Mailapur in the South.

Of course the subject of the Copper Coins of the Moguls has not

been a matter of study for a long time. My paper on Copper Coins of

Akbar, published in this Journal in 1880, drew attention to it. Mr. E. E.

Oliver followed with an excellent paper on coins from one odd find

made by him in one of his official tours. In 1885 I gave “ Some more

Copper Coins of Akbar ” in this Journal. In 1890 I wrote a paper

for the Indian Antiquary on “ Rare Copper Coins of Akbar.” In the

“ Catalogue of Mogul and Surl coins purchased by the Panjab Govern¬

ment from me, and now in the Lahore Museum,” I gave 485 Mogul

Copper Coins. There are unfortunately no plates in that catalogue.

I have not indented on the coins in the Lahore Museum extensively in

order to give the coins in this paper. Some of Jahangir, Muhammad

Shah and ‘Alamglr I and II and of Akbar II, I wanted to give and I

obtained the loan of them.

There is still an open field for the numismatic student. The

bazars of India can now be reached by railway. The exertions of my

esteemed correspondents in Ahmadabad, Bombay and Poona have shown

me that in Western India alone we have an enormous field open to us.

In a letter from my friend Dr. Yost, he says that he has made several

1895.]

C. J. Rodgers — Mogul Copper Coins.

discoveries of new tilings of Akbar’s. The conviction is borne upon

me that Akbar coined so very extensively that there was not much

need for his successors to do much towards supplying a copper currency.

We h ave seen however that coins of Jahangir, Shah jahan, Aurangzeb, Shah

‘Alam I, Jahandar Shah, Farrukhsiyar, Rafl‘u-d-darajat, Muhammad

Shah, Ahmad Shah, ‘Alamgir II, Shah ‘Alam II, and Akbar II, are

known. Jahangir’s copper coins are very plentiful in Ahmadabad,

Aurangzeb’s abound in the Panjab .bazars. Of such kings as Jahandar

Shah and Rafi‘n-d-darajat we cannot expect many coins in copper. But

I know that my esteemed friend Mr. King of Peshawar has a beautiful

duplicate of Jahandar from the Kabul mint and one of Rafl‘u-d-

darajat from the Elicpur mint.

Now that Indian numismatists have begun to work at the Copper

Coins of the Mogul Empire, they will, I doubt not, bearing in mind

that the copper coins were the currency of the masses, accumulate

much information. I am a fixture in Amritsar, too poor to travel and

hence my discoveries are nil. But I am certain that as yet we are only

on the shore of the ocean. There is much more In store for us than

what we have found cast up on the strand. We must dive deep down

and we shall be rewarded far beyond what we have as yet dreamt of.

I commend the subject to my fellow workers.

In conclusion I must apologize for the utter want of order in the

coins given in the plates. I cannot get coins to come to me in order.

One friend sends me one lot, another a second : I go to the bazar and

perhaps fish up one or two more. A dealer drops in and I obtain from

him at a ruinous price a specimen or two. When the coins are in my

hands I draw them. My time is pretty fully occupied and I cannot

redraw them. Hence I am compelled to give the coins in the order in

which I obtain them. It is gratifying to me to know that my past

efforts have been appreciated. I trust that with all its faults this paper

may be of some use and at any rate help to deepen the interest felt in

the subject of the Copper Coinage of the Moguls— the coinage in use

by the masses of a vast Empire for about three centuries.

J. !. 25

194

H. Beveridge — The Khursh.td Jahdn Numa of

[No. 3,

The Khurshtd Jahdn Numa of Sayyad Ildhl Bakhsh al Husaini

Angrezabadl. — By H. Beveridge, I.C.S. (Retired).

(Read, December 1894.)

Introduction.

On the 20tli May, 1889, Mr. Pargiter reported to oar Society that

a Muhammadan schoolmaster, in the district of Maldah, liad written an

historical work in Persian, and suggested that it should be examined in

order to ascertain if it was worth publishing. In consequence of this,

the author, whose name was Ilahl Bakhsh, was invited to send his MS.

for inspection ; but the old man was so attached to his book, that he

refused to let it out of his sight, and as he could not afford to come

with it to Calcutta, nothing further was done at that time. Subse¬

quently I visited Maldah, and had one or two interviews with the author.

I found that the book was a History of the World from the days of

Adam, and that in all probability it was not worth publishing in its

entirety. I thought, however, that the account of Maldah, especially

that of the ruins of Graur and Pandua, might be valuable, and sug¬

gested to the author that he should extract this portion of his work,

and submit it for examination. He accepted this proposal, and after

some difficulty in finding an amanuensis, for Ilahl Bakhsh was too old

and feeble to make the extract himself, the portion of the work which

related to Bengal was copied out and sent to me in England, in 1891.

I had not then time or knowledge enough to examine the extract fully,

and so I sent it out to Calcutta to our Society, with some remarks.

There it was received and partially analysed by Maulvi Abdul Hak

Abid, 2nd Master of the Calcutta Madrasah, and eventually it was

at my request, returned to me this year. I have now read the whole of

it, and proceed to give an analysis of it, and a translation of such

portions as appear interesting. 1 I feel that the book has been left to

1 I desire to acknowledge my obligations to M. ‘Abdu-s-salam, M.A., Deputy

Magistrate, for bis kindness in correcting my translation and in explaining the Arabic

inscriptions, &c.

195

1895.] Sayyad Ildhl Bakhsh cil Husaini AngrBzdbddl.

me as a sort of legacy by tlie author, who died in 1892 not long after he

sent it to me.

The extract forms a quarto volume of 498 pages. It contains not

only a description of Maldah and its antiquities, but also a history of

Bengal from the earliest times down to 1863. It also contains the

preface to the whole work, and a chapter giving some account of the

author. From this T take the following particulars : —

Memoir.

Sayyad Ilahi Bakhsh was born in 1240 A.H., or 1824 A.D-, at English

Bazar, in the district of Maldah. 1 The family came originally from the

Upper Provinces, and members of it had held high office under the kings of

Bengal. Eventually, on account of old age, or for some other reason, they

retired to the town of Maldah, where they settled in a quarter known as the

Berozgar Tola, or quarter of the unemployed — apparently because it was

chiefly occupied by persons out of employ. This quarter was in the neigh¬

bourhood of Mughal Tola, and the well-known mosque of Ma‘sum Saudagar.

Then the family moved into another old quarter of Maldah called Sanak

Mahan,2 and eventually they came to English Bazar. The author’s grand¬

father, Mihru-llah, is buried at Old Maldah; but he appears to have lived at

English Bazar, and in the service of the English Government, for the

author’s father, ‘All Bakhsh was born there, as was also the author. His

birth-place, he tell us, was in the quarter known as Cak Sayyad Anbia.

He spent all his life in English Bazar, and died there on 2nd March, 1892.

In his latter days he was Persian teacher in the District School.

Ilahi Bakhsh was a man of great simplicity of mind, and an enthusiastic

student of history : perhaps, he acquired this taste from his friend and

teacher Munshi ‘Abdu-l-karim, who in his turn was the pupil of Ghulam

Husain Salim, the author of the Biyazu-s-salatln. Perhaps, too, he became

interested in Gaur from the fact that he inherited from his paternal aunt,

some rent-free land in Hazratnagar, otherwise Qazlgao, which is near the

shrine of Makhdum Akin Siraju-d-din. He also speaks at page 144, of

visiting the tomb of an ancestor of his, named Mir Karhan, who died at

Maldah in 1199 A.H. (1784 A.D.).

I now proceed to give an account of his book.

Analysis.

Ilahi Bakhsh entitled his book the Khurshid Jahan Numa, or the World-

displaying Sun. The title is a chronogram, and yields the date 1270 A.H.,

or 1 853 A.D., this being the time when the book was begun. He was occu-

1 It is the head-quarters of the district and is often called Maldah, or New

Maldah. Maldah, properly so called, is about five miles north of English Bazar, and

is on the other, or eastern, side of the Mahananda, opposite to its junction with the

KalindrI.

2 Perhaps Shank Mohan.

196

H. Beveridge — The Khurshtd Julian Numa of

[No. 3,

pied with it, more or less, for the rest of his life ; but he appears to have

finished the history of Bengal in 1280 A.H., or 1863 A.D., for this is the

date to which he has brought down his narration of events. Continuing the

fancy of the title, he divided his book into twelve Burj, or signs of the

Zodiac. The first contained an account of the world, and the next five des¬

cribed America, Africa, Europe, Asia, Australia, and Polynesia, and the

various races and religions of men. The 7th dealt with Prophets, the 8th

with Philosophers, the 9th with Saints and Poets, the 10th with Teachers

and Pupils, i.e., I presume, Education, the 11th with Buildings, &c., and the

1 2th with an Account of the Author.

As usual, the work begins with praises of God and of Muhammad.

Then it proceeds to pronounce an eulogium on Munshi ‘Abdu-1-karlm, the

friend and instructor of the author. We are told that ‘Abdu-1-karlm was

originally an inhabitant of Barh, in the district of Patna, that he came to

Maldah and entered into the service of Ghulam Husain, the author of the

Riyazu-s-salatin, and who was at the time Dak Munshi, or Postmaster, under

Mr. George Udny. ‘Abdu-l-karim was for a time Bakhshl, or Assistant, to

the Nazir, or Sheriff, and afterwards became a Mukhtar. He appears to

have been a good Persian scholar, and one or two inscriptions for mosques

which he composed, have been quoted by Ilahl Bakhsh.

In the portion of the Khurshld Jahan Numa with which we are con¬

cerned, the first date given is that of the Deluge. The author tells us that

this took place 2971 years before the era of the Hijra, a computation which

gives us the same date as that assigned by Christian writers, for 2971 — 622=

2349 B.C. The reason that he comes to mention this date is that he, in

accord with the Riyazu-s-salatin, derives the name of Bengal from Bang,

the son of Hind, and the word al meaning an embankment. The latter part

of this derivation is also that adopted by Abu-l-fazl. According to Ghulam

Husain and Ilahl Bakhsh, Bang was the second son of Hind, who was the

eldest of the six sons of Ham, and consequently a grandson of Noah.

After this, the author proceeds to describe Bengal and the Bengalis, and

to give an account of each district. Much of this part is taken from the

Riyaz and the Araish-i-Mahfil, and except for the account of Maldah, is not

worth printing. It may be noticed here that Ghulam Husain was a native

of Zaidpur in Oude, and that neither he nor Ilahl Bakhsh seem to have con¬

sidered themselves to be Bengalis. Both are rather severe on the Bengali

character and customs, but Ilahl Bakhsh has considerably softened Ghulam

Husain’s remarks. The account of Maldah begins at page 111. The follow¬

ing are the only novelties which I noticed in the account of the other

districts.

In the account of Calcutta, we have a list of the mosques and copies of

the inscriptions on them. None of them, however, is old, and it is unne¬

cessary to print them. Then at page 20, we have a Persian verse containing

a pun on the name of Sir John Shore (Lord Teigiimouth). Shor means

salt or brackish in Persian, and so we are told in allusion to the climate and

water, and to the name of the Governor-General.

1895.] Sayyad Ilahl Bakhsh al Husctirii Av grBzahddl. 197

1 3 jr* vf

^IxJY iS^JJ t Jj***

•»

“ The water is salt, and the land is altogether salt (shor).

And salt (Shore) is the ruler of Calcutta.”

In the account of Murshidabad (page 44) the tomb of Shah MartazI

Anand, now washed away by the Bhaglrathi, is noticed, and we are told the

interesting fact, that the wife of this Muhammadan saint was a Brahman’s

daughter, and named Anandl. She and their son were buried beside him,

and probably her name forms part of the word Mortousahanadi, which is

given as a stage in the itinerary from Bengal to Lhassa, to be found in

Tieffenthaler, Yol. Ill, p. 206. We are also told that the saint Shah MartazI

was a contemporary of Shah Nkmatu-llah Matwali Flrdzpiirl who was

the spiritual guide of Sultan Shuja‘ and of whom the author gives a

biography at page 204, in his account of Gaur. Shah Nihnat was a native of

Karnaul, but died at Flrozpur, a quarter of Gaur, in 1080 A.H., or 1669 A.D.

In the account of Cuttack, the dates of the erection of some buildings

are given (pp. 47-49), but they are probably well known. Ilahl Bakhsh also

mentions, what I do not remember to have read elsewhere, that Kala Pahar,

the famous general of Sulaiman KararanI, was a Brahman’s son and became

a Muhammadan owing to a princess of Gaur having fallen in love with him

and having married him. That he was originally a Hindu appears probable

from Mr. Blochmann’s statement, that his real name was Raju.2

The account of Maldah begins as I have stated, at page 111. This is the

really valuable part of the book. The author had a great deal of local

knowledge and he gives some inscriptions and many particulars which are

not to be found in Ravenshaw’s Gaur, or in Cunningham’s Archasolo-

gical Reports, or anywhere else, so far as I know. The praise which

Major Stewart has bestowed on Ghulam Husain, viz., that he took consider¬

able pains to ascertain the dates of the inscriptions on buildings, is still

more deserved by Ilahl Bakhsh. He must have worked very hard, and paid

many visits to Gaur and Pandua, for he not only gives numerous inscrip¬

tions, but he also states the dimensions of the various buildings, and such

traditions as he could collect about their origin, &c. No doubt it was some

1 Ilahi Bakhsh has given only two lines. Some other lines from the same poet

(probably Ghalib), who wrote a skit on Calcutta Society, may be here quoted : —

^\jj jl

••

^A A - *A (^1 * 3 3J^3i- ;

••

(Translation).

Calcutta was built on a portion of the region of hell. The gifts of Calcutta are

itch, ringworm, dysentery and diarrhcea, and its gentry consist of butlers and

butchers.

2 J. A. S. B., Yol. xliv., p- 303.

198

H. Beveridge — The Khurshld Jahan Nurnd of

[No. 3,

advantage to him to come after Ghulam Husain, but he had the greater

advantage of being born and bred in Maldah, whereas Ghulam Husain seems

only to have come there in the latter days of his life. Unfortunately for

Ilalii Bakhsh, many of the inscriptions which were unknown when he copied

them, have been published in our Journal and in Ravenshaw’s Gaur,

&c., owing to the labours of Mr. Blochmann, Dr. Wise, Mr. Westmacott,

Mr. Bourke, Mr. Heeley, General Cunningham, and others. I have endea¬

voured to separate the new from the old, and have given those which have

been already published only when there is some difference of reading, &c.

Ilahi Bakhsh praises the climate of Maldah, which, he says, is the best

in Bengal. It was made a Joint-Magistracy, he tells us, in 1228 A.H. (1813),

and the first Magistrate was Mr. William Braddon. He gives many statistics,

and notices the inscription by Mr. Thomas Henchman, at the cutcherries

in English Bazar, dated 1771. I do not think, however, that there is any¬

thing new till we come to page 129, where he tells us of a tomb in English

Bazar called Gliora Shahid. It is near the old silk factory known as the

Barah Khana, and the people of Maldah worship and make offerings there.

However, Munshl ‘Abdu-l-karim told the author that it was really the tomb

of some (English ?) official of the Factory.

Noticing the Charitable Dispensary, the author observes that here used

to be the house of Ghulam Husain. Near here in front of a mosque, was

placed “ some years ago,” a stone containing the important inscription

of Husain Shah, dated 1st Ramzan 907 (10th March 1502), which records the

building of a Madrasa. This is one of the inscriptions which Mr. West¬

macott sent to Blochmann. See J. A. S. B., XLII, p. 303, and Ravenshaw’s

Gaur, p. 80. Ilahi Bakhsh gives the inscription, but it need not be repub¬

lished. It is situated at a mosque near the Police Station, and in the quar¬

ter known as Firozpur Imll tola. He also notices, page 133, an inscription

set up in an Imambarah in Cak Anbia, and bearing the date 913 (1507)

This I believe to be a new inscription. It is as follows : —

<x'jAd| j ajU aA,

M

“ The builder of this mosque was the Majlisu-l-majalis, the excellent

Majlis, in the year of the Flight 913.”

It was in this quarter that the author was born. In the quarter known

as Cak Qarban All is the tomb of Ghulam Husain, author of the Riyazu-s-

salatin, who died in 1233 A.H. or 1817. The chronogram, composed by

‘Abdu-l-karim is (1233) Jle j “ The Munshi left the world.”

» H

At page 137 the places of interest near English Bazar are noticed. The

first is Ghaishpur, about two miles north north-west of the cutcherries. It

is the residence of a family of Gosains, who came from Khurdha in Orissa.

The author gives a genealogical tree of the family apd speaks of one Ahil

Bihari as a distinguished member of it.

At page 138, Nima Sara! and its tower or minaret are noticed, and then

the town of Maldah is described. At page 130, there is a description of

1895.]

199

Sayyad Ildhi Ba/chsh al Husairii Angrezabadl.

Ma'sum Saudagar’s mosque, in Mughal- tola. The inscription with the date

974 (1566) is mentioned, but it is to be found in Ravenshaw, page 144. A

shrine called Shah Gada is mentioned, where there is an inscription, dated

911 (1505) which has been removed from some mosque. This inscription is

given in J. A. S. B., XLII, p. 294, No. 27.

At page 140 the Katrah is noticed, and the author follows the author of

the Riyaz in considering this to be the Sarai of the Emperor Flroz Shall.

He encamped at Maldah in 754 (1353) when he came to make war on Shamsu-

d-dln Ilyas, and so the quarter is called Flrozpur to this day (See the Riyaz,

page 96).

Phuti Mas j id. This is the mosque called in Ravenshaw, page 44, the

Fauti or Burial mosque. The real name, however, appears to be Phuti, i.e.,

the cracked or broken mosque. The inscription on it is given in Ravenshaw,

page 780, or J. A. S. B., XLIII, p. 302, but Ilahl Bakhsh reads it somewhat

differently from Mr. Blochmann. According to the former, the name of the

builder is the Khan Ma‘zam Alagh Sher Dil Khan, and the date is 20th

Shawwal 900 (14th July, 1495). Near it is a tomb, which is probably that of

the builder.

Sir Bari or Cut-head. This is a shrine north of the Katrah, and west

of the high road. People call it the shrine of the Plr of Maldah and give

the name of Maldah specially to this place. Some say it is the shrine of a

martyr, and some say that when Hazrat Anwar, the son of Nur Qutb, was

put to death at Sonargao by order of Rajah Kans (Ganesh), his head

arrived at this place.

Mahalla Shank Mohan. In this quarter and west of the high road, there

is a mosque built by Shaikh Faqlr Muhammad and his son Shaikh Bhlkah.'

Over the door is an inscription, which must have formerly belonged to a

mosque built in 876 (1471), in the reign of Yusuf Shah. This inscription is

given in J. A. S. B., XLIII, p. 298, and is referred to by Cunningham in his

Archaeological Report, XY, p. 78. But when Mr. Westmacott visited the

place, it was impossible to obtain a clear reading. He thought the date to

be 870. General Cunningham inclines to read it as 878.

Ilahl Bakhsh’s copy was made at an earlier date, and when the inscrip¬

tion was in better order. His reading is as follows

. j? ^

absq ^ aJ ai.li ^b ah ^b aAc ahf J'i

i — bjb jSdaA] jjg] aRxj

(some words are illegible), alilal a£lo ah | aiA^lkJLJf

The Prophet of God (Blessing and peace be upon him) has said, £ Who¬

ever builds a mosque for God, God similarly builds a palace for him in

Paradise.’ Under order of the sovereign who is sun of the world and of

religion, Abu-l-muzaffar Yusuf Shah son of Barbak Shah son of Mahmud

Shah (may God preserve his empire) this mosque was built on 1st Jamadiu-1-

awwal, 870 A.H.

200

[No. 3,

H. Beveridge — The Khurshtd Jahan Numa of

The inscription is an important one, for according to the usual chrono¬

logy Yusuf did not succeed his father Barbak till 879. Ilahi Bakhsh

remarks that his date of 876 1 disagrees with the chronology of Yusuf’s reign.

Blochmann suggests that Yusuf built it when he was prince.

The author now proceeds to Pandua. This is an important part of his

book. His account of the two shrines there — that of Jalalu-d-din Tabriz!,

The Twenty-two Thousand, and that of Nur Qutb, or the Six Thousand, is

very full, and has some interesting features. I have, therefore, translated

nearly the whole of it.

Pandua was a large city in old times, and is situated twelve miles

north of Angrezabad (English Bazar). It used to be well peopled,

and from the beginning of the reign of Shamsu-d-din Ilyas Shah to the

end of the reign of Rajah Kans six kings ruled there for the period of

fifty-two years.2 In 795 A.H. (1392) Jalalu-d-din, the son of Rajah

Kans, removed the seat of sovereignty to Gaur. It appears that in his

father’s time many idol-temples were erected, and that these fell into

decay on Jalalu-d-din’s3 accession. Yet the city was still populous

during his reign. Now it is full of jungle and the abode of wild

animals All that is left are the houses occupied by the keepers of the

shrines of the saints Shah Jalal of Tabriz and Nur Qutb ‘Alam. The

climate too of the city is now very bad. Although there are remains of

many old buildings in the jungle, the following are the most important

and those which are in a state of preservation.

I.

The buildings of the Bari Dargah or Great Shrine.

These consist of the Arba‘in Khana4 * or Quadragesimal House and

other buildings of Hazrat6 Shah Jalal Tabriz!. The original shrine

1 Though the copy of the inscription gives 870, the author states the date to

be 876.

8 From 743-795, but the author might perhaps have included ‘All Mubarak, the

predecessor of Shamsu-d-din, and who reigned according to one account for a year

and five months, and according to another for five years. His reign is supposed to

have begun in 741 (1340) and from the tenor of Ghulam Husain’s narrative, viz.,

the story about the building of the shrine of Jalalu-d-din, and the statement that

Shamsu-d-din Ilyas arrived at Pandua, it would appear that ‘All Mubarak had his

capital at Pandua. Mr. Blochmann also calls Pandua ‘All Shah’s capital, J. A. S. B.,

XLII, 254.

8 Jalalu-d-din received this name from Nur Qutb, his original name having

been Jadu. Probably he was called Jalalu-d-din in allusion to the saint. It is inter¬

esting to find that there is a village in Maldah near Bholanath, called Jadunagar.

See M. S., p. 181.

4 Arb£ain Khana and Makan Arb‘ain are synonyms for Cillakliana and

mean the house or cell occupied by Muhammadan saints during their Lent.

8 I suspect that Pandua is called Hazrat on account of the saints and not of

the Sultans.

1895.]

201

Sayijad Halil Bakhsh al Husaini Angrezabcidi.

was erected by Sultan ‘All Mubarak at the instance of the saint in 742

A.H. (1341), and is now so destroyed that no trace of it remains.1

Some of the existing buildings were put up by Shah hTi'matu-llah

Mat wall of Firozpur (in Gaur), and some by other persons. The list is

as follows : —

I. — The large Arba'In Khana. This quadragesimal cell of the

saint is a spacious building, facing the east, and was erected by Shah

Ni‘matu-llah Matwall, in 1075 A.H. (1664). This date is engraved

on the east of the building, at the left hand side in the following chrono¬

gram : 2 —

cu>L| ci jjU* (Jb: (^»t

«*

- XwjY

When this grand building was completed, the date was - .

“ Bright be the Shrine.”

And in another place it is written. 3

Cl d>)U^ (*^»f

&JJ| ■ ** • t * 1 2$ (A ci

“ This is the building of the holy Shah Jalal. The holy Shah

Ni‘matu-llali repaired it.”

The silver water vessels, which the Nawab Siraju-d-daula pre¬

sented, still exist in the Arba‘In Khana. Mr. U. C. Batabya linforms me

that the gift was really a Katra or silver railing, and that it has dis¬

appeared.

II. — The Lakkhan Sen! Dalan. This building was also erected by

Shah Ni‘matu-llah. It is on the edge of the tank inside the Bari

Dargali. There is an inscription on a stone on the west wall of this

building which runs as follows.

jl - jijV ^h.A/0

^11| C/Mi # J &->Aj i . m

s'0 - bj) 5 Cljji^

•• •# •• ••

r P I; £l; cl^? J f'j f'j (?) ^^1 j* -

# vV i I M ***• c3.[!ajC I l rt*

1 Ghulam Husain, writing in 1786, speaks of there still being traces of the

building (text, page 95).

2 The inscription is in Ravenshaw, page 45. But I give it, because the word

shrine is there translated “ Mausoleum.” This gives a wrong impression, for the

inscription says nothing about a tomb, and in fact Jalalu-d-dln is not buried in

Pandua.

3 This is not in Ravenshaw, &c.

J. i. 26

202 H. Beveridge — The Khurshid Jahan Numci of [No. 3,

The shrine of Shall Jalal Tabriz was built by Sayyad Shah Ni‘matu-

llah. As the south-side wall of it was not strong, so during the time

when Haibatu-llah was Mutwalli, the building was shaken considerably.

Muhammad ‘All, of Barji, being appointed manager, he set Ram Ram son

of Bikal Raj (this is not quite legible) to repair it. On the 22nd Rajab

1134 A.H., corresponding to 1119 Bengali, the shrine was re-built.

It would be interesting to know how the building came to be

known as the house of Lakkhan Sen, i.e., Laksmana Sena.

III. — The Bhandar Khana or Storehouse. This is a building

facing the south, and was erected by Cand Khan in 1084 (1673).. The

inscription is as follows (See Ravensliaw’s Gaur, page 45).

IY. — The Tanur Khana, or House of the Oven. There is an oven

in this house, which the saint is said to have put on his head and

broiled meat in for his teacher. God knows if this is true. On the

south side of one of the buildings there is an inscription recording that

it was built by Sa‘du-llah in 1093 (1682). The inscription is as

follows (not reproduced as it is in liavenshaw, pages 45 and 46).

Some account of Hazrat Jalalu-d-dIn.

• •

He was born at Tabriz in Persia, and was a pupil of Shaikh Abu

Sayyad of that city. After his teacher’s death, he became the servant

of Shaikh Shihabu-d-dln SuhrawardI, and performed offices for him

such as no other saint’s pupil ever did. It is said that Shaikh Shihabu-

d-dln used to make the pilgrimage to Mecca every year, but that, being

old and feeble, he could not digest the food that was provided for the

journey. So Shaikh Jalalu-d-dm put a deghdani (a stove L) on his head

and a pot in that, and always kept the stove alight, so that, whenever

the Shaikh called for food, he could give him a hot meal. Shaikh Jala¬

lu-d-dln was on friendly terms with Khwfija Qutbu-d-din and Shaikh

Bahau-d-din Zakarya and came to Delhi in the time of the Khwaja.

Shaikh Najamu-d-din Saghrl Shaikhu-l-islam, whose tomb is beside

that of Barhanu-d-din of Balkh, was on bad terms with Jalalu-d-dln,

and brought an odious charge against him, and so troubled him, that lie

had to leave Delhi and go to Bengal.1 2 3 When he came there he sat

down by some water and then got up and performed his ablutions, and .

1 The utensil is still at Pandua, but is covered over with clay, and the original

metal (copper) is not discernible,

2 Abu-1-fazl says that Jalalu-d-dln was saved from the charge by the damangiri

of Bahau-d-din Zakarya. This phrase probably only means support or assistance.

See the story at length in the Siyaru-l-Arifin of Hamid commonly called Darvish

Jamah. Bahau-d-din made the woman confess that she had been suborned by

Najamu-d-din, and that Jalalu-d-dln was purer than the water of life.

1895.]

Sayyad llahl Bdkhsh cil Husdini Angrezdbadh

203

said to tliose about him that lie was saying prayers for the Shaikhu-1-

islam as he had just died. And so it turned out. After prayers he

said to those present : As the Shaikhu-l-islam sent me out of Delhi, so

has my Shaikh Mulla-bhai sent him out of the world,1

The saint acquired property in Bengal and bequeathed it to faqirs

and the poor. So the property is under the control of the shrine, and

is known as the ‘ Twenty-two Thousand.’ The Fatiha of the saint has

from of old been held in the month of Rajab, and faqirs of all sorts,

and many laymen assemble from the beginning to the 22nd of the

month. And on the day of the Fatiha, i.e., the 22nd, 22 cattle, 22

sheep, 22 maunds of rice, and other things in the same proportion are

expended. And besides this, food is distributed to travellers through¬

out tlie year. The relics of the saint, viz., his oven and a book in

Nagari2 characters, containing an account of his acts are preserved to

the present day in the endowment. His tomb is in the port of Deo

Mahal in Bengal. His death occurred in 738 A. H. (1337). The date

is expressed in the words —

&Uf (JlA

“ Jalalu-d-dln was the glory ( jaldl ) of God, and the glory of

saints.”3

But some people say that this is the date when he went away from

Pandua, and did not come back again.

The ChotI Dargah.

“ The shrine of Hazrat ISIur Qutb is north-west of the Bari Dargah

and less than half-a-mile from it. Here the saint and many other

holy men are laid at rest. His family too is buried here, their graves

being west and north of his, and though they have been injured by time,

the gate-way and the well still exist.

The Makan Arb‘aln or Cillakhana. This is close to his tomb and

on the west side of it. Although this building is old, the roof, &c., are

]gew. On the east side there are three doors, and over each there is an

inscription, which formerly belonged to some other building. The right

1 According to the Siyaru-l-Arifin of Jarali Kambu, this instance of second sight

took place at Badaon. The same author mentions that Sultan Altamsh deposed

Najamu-d-din when the falsehood of his charge was discovered, and appointed

Bahau-d-din in his room,

2 Mr. Batabyal informs me that the hook is not in Nagari characters. It is

Sanskrit, and is said to have been written by Hiilayudha the minister of Laksmana-

sena. It ought to be published.

8 The letters appear to me to yield the date 737 and not 738. This chrono¬

gram has not, I believe, been published before.

204

H. Beveridge — The Khurshld Jahdn Numa of

[No. 3,

hand one had belonged to a mosque built in 915 (1509) in the regn of

Husain Shah. The one on the left hand had belonged to a mosque

built in the time of Nasru-d-dln Muhammad Shah, Neither of these

inscriptions is very legible.

The middle inscription belonged to the Sufi Khana of the saint,

and is in small letters. The wording is as follows r — (See Ravenshaw’s

Gaur, p. 77 ).1 It appears from this inscription that the Sufi IQiaiia

was built in 898 (1493). The Muhammad Ghaus mentioned in it

was a descendant of Hazrat Nur Qutb.2

IT. — The Sijda Gall, or Praying Station. This is a wall close to

the Makan Arba‘in on the north side. On the top of this wall I saw

the following long inscription. (Ravenshaw, pp. 50 and 74) .3 It is

clear that this inscription originally belonged to a mosque built in 884

(1479) in the reign of Yusuf Shah.

III. — Masjid Qazl Nur. This is a brick mosque with three cupolas

near the tomb of Makhdum Alau-l-haqq. The length from north to

south is 36 cubits, and its breadth 16 cubits. There is no inscription.

The people of Pandua say Qazl Nur is a different person from Nur Qutb.

IV. — The Mitha Talao or Sweet Tank.4 Near the terrace of Nur

Qutb’s tomb, on the east side, there is an old masonry tank, that was

dug in the time of Alau-l-haqq. On the east ghat of this tank, at the

right hand side, I saw an inscription that had formerly belonged to

some mosque. It is as follows : —

ijkjf jt> e/f

O'.

if

p - iax/o j LSJ$

1 The inscription is also given in J. A. 8. B., XLIT, 289, and in Cunningham.

Arch. R., XY, 84. In Ravenshaw, and in J. A. 8. B., the inscription is wrongly

described as coming from Gaur.

2 His name appears in the genealogical tree in Ilahi Bakhsh’s MS., p. 161.

Apparently he was the grandson of Nur Qntb’s eldest son Rafi‘u-d-din.

3 See also Cunningham, 1. c., 85 and J. A. S. B., LII, 276. The mosque was

erected by an officer called the Majlisu-l-majalis. The same person built a mosque

at Pandua in Hooghly, in 882, and another at Sylhet. He perhaps also built the

Maldah mosque of 876.

4 I am not sure, if Mitha here means sweet. It is curious that there is a tank

of this name in Yikrampur, Dacca, in the centre of Balal Bari. See Taylor’s Topo¬

graphy of Dacca, 102. There is a tank too of that name in Rangpur. It was the

scene of the last prank of Rajah Bhava candra, and the explanation of the name

given to me was, that it was the tank of the final settlement or conclusion. May

not the word be connected with Mithila, the old name of Tirhoot ?

205

1895.] Sayyad Ildhl B a Wish al Husainl Avgr&zabadt.

Cand, the son of Darya Khan who was a subordinate of the King

built a moon-like mosque. Grenius whispered for the date, ‘ Say publicly

Makan Ma‘zam Jah, ( 1170=1756). 1

I have heal’d that Cand Khan and his father Darya Khan held

high offices, in Bengal, in the reign of Aurangzeb, and I also heard

that Cand Khan had come to Pandua on behalf of the Nazim of Dacca.

- • • ••

Besides the Bhandar Khana connected with the shrine of Hazrat Shah

Jalal Tabriz! at Pandua, Cand Khan built a mosque there in 1170 A.H.,

as is evident from the former inscription. At present this mosque has

been destroyed. It is also probable that it is his father Darya Khan is

the same whose tomb is in the jungle east of Shah pur and who wrote

the book called Kitab Sariri. ‘ The Book of the Thrones.’ (See p. 178

of MS., where the author describes the grave as a large tomb made of

Sangmahak, i.e touchstone or black basalt, and says that the Kitgb

Sariri is a translation of the Simliasan BattlsI, or 82 Tales of a Throne).2

V. — The Copper Drums. In the shrine of Hazrat Nur Qutb there

are two large copper drums which apparently were presented by Nawab

Qasim Khan Nazim of Bengal, as his name appears on their edge.

It appears that one of the descendants of Nur Qutb, was Sharif

Sarifu-d-din, the son of Nizamu-d-din, and that some Sultan, probably

Husain Shah, presented him with 47 villages rent-free for the support

of the endowment. In course of time the documents became decayed

and were shown by Shaikh Kabir, the Superintendent for the time

being, to Sultan Shujak The latter made a fresh grant to Shaikh

Kabir, dated 25th Sha‘ban in the 22nd year of the reign (of Shah

Jahan) corresponding to 1058 (1648). This grant with Sultan Shuja‘’s

signature on it is still in the possession of the descendants of Nur Qutb.

The older one has disappeared.”

Ilahl Bakhsh then gives details about Alau-l-haqq, the father of Niir

Qutb, and about the saint himself, These seem to be taken from books, and

not from local traditions, and contain little of importance in addition to the

biographies given by Mr. Blochmann, J. A. S. B., XLII, 261 and 262. How¬

ever, I subjoin his account of Alau-l-haqq.

1 The inscription is not given iu Ravenshaw, &c. The date must be wrong, if

Cand Khan belonged to Aurangzeb’s reign, and Ilahi Bakhsh seems to have for¬

gotten that the date of the Bhandar Khana in the Bari Dargah is 1084 or nearly a

hundred years earlier. Perhaps the chronogram should only begin with Ma‘zam.

If so, the date would be 1059 (1649).

2 Darya Khan’s translation is in our Library. See Catalogue of Persian MSS.

p. 34, No. of Fasciculus I. It does not contain any notice of the author. The

214

date given in the preface is 1084 (1674).

4

206

[No. 3,'

H. Beveridge — The Khurshid Julian Niimd of

Shaikh Alau-l-haqq wa ad-din.

He was the son of Asa‘d of Lahore, father of Nur Qutb, and the

spiritual successor of Shaikh Siraju-d-dra Usman, otherwise Akin

Siraju-d-din. He belonged to the wealthy and powerful classes,

and they say that when Shaikh Akhi Siraj obtained the khalifat

(successorsliip) from Nizamu-d-din Auliya and departed for Ben¬

gal, he represented that a man of knowledge and rank lived there,

and asked how he should manage with him. Nizamu-d-din re¬

plied, “ Do not be anxious, he will be your servant, (Khadim).”

And so it turned out. They say that Shaikh Siraju-d-din used to be car¬

ried about 1 the country, and that cooked food used to be taken along

with him, and that his servants would put a hot pot on Shaikh Alau-

1-haqq’s head, so that his hair got all burnt off. And he had to

pass in this guise before the houses of his relations who were kings’

ministers.

Shaikh Alau-l-haqq spent much. The king of the country was

jealous, and said “ my treasury is in the hands of the Shaikh’s father,

he gives to the Shaikh.” So he ordered that the Shaikh be turned out of

the city, and sent to Sonargao. He was there for two years, but told his

servant2 (Khadim) to spend every day twice as much as before. He did

so, and so the Shaikh spent very much, and yet no source of income was

apparent. He had two gardens from his ancestors, of which the income

was 8,000 tankhas , but some one seized them, and he made no remon¬

strance. He made presents without end, and used to say “ I don’t spend

a tenth part of what my Makh d um ( Shaikh Akhi otherwise Shaikh

Siraju-d-din) possesses.” 3

He died in 800 (1398), but in a book in the possession of the

1 The word is suwari, and may mean horseback, or a litter.

2 I presume that this was an instruction to the servants left behind at Panclua.

3 I am not sure, if I have translated this sentence correctly. According to

Ferishta, 1. c , II., p 748, three lines from foot, it was Nasiru-d-din Audhi, commonly

known as the Lamp of Delhi, who comforted Shaikh Akhi. Ferishta says that, though

Shaikh Aklii was deputed to Bengal by Nizamu-d-din Auliya, he returned to Delhi

after Nizamu-d-din’s death, and received his inyestiture and the khalifat of Bengal

from Nasiru-d-din. Shaikh Akhi, whom Ferishta calls Shaikh Akhi Siraj Parwana,

represented to Nasiru-d-din his difficulty about Alau-l-haqq, and Nasiru-d-din said

to him in Hindi “ Turn u'par , we tal, i. e., you are superior, he is inferior.” And

then Ferishta tells how, when Shaikh Akhi returned to Bengal, Alau-l-haqq at first

treated him with disdain, but afterwards repented and humbled himself. It may

be worth noting that Nasiru-d-din and Shaikh Akhi were fellow-countrymen, both

coming from Oudh.

The date 800 is given as that of Alau-l-haqq’s death in the Riyazu-l-auliya of

Bakhtawar Khan, Brit. Mus. Catalogue, &c. 1745, p. 975.

1895.]

Sayyad Ilalu Bakhsh al Husainl Ancjrezdbddi .

207

Kliadim of tlie shrine, I saw that his death was on 25 Rajab 786 (1384),

and that the chronogram was

Alau-l-haqq, has attained God!

His Fatiha also is celebrated on 25 Rajab.

In the account of Mur Qutb we are told that the saint in obedience

to his father’s wishes used to draw water from the tank, and that at

the present day the faqirs and others carry pots of water from the Mitlia

Talao on his Fatiha, which is on the Shab-i-Barat. This custom is known

by the name of Pan-bharl = “ Pani-bhari, i.e., water-carrying.”

He also quotes from some letters written by Nur Qutb. These are

I suppose, the letters to which Abu-1-fazl refers in his memoir of the saint

(Ain, Jarrett’s translation III, 371.)

C hronologists have differed as to the date of the saint’s death.

Some say he died in 808, and some say, in 848, and some say, in 813.

and some say, in 851. The chronogram for the last is Shamsu-I-

hidayat.1 2 In the book of the custodian of the shrine, it is written

that he died on the 9tli Zu-l-qa‘da 818 ( 1415) and the chronogram is

“ Light went to Light.” 3

But the author saw a small stone over the door of the kitchen in

Mur Qutb’s shrine with an inscription which probably relates to the

death of the saint, and may have fallen down from his tomb and been

placed where it now is.

The author then gives the inscription which is to be found in Ravenshaw,

pp. 52 and 72, in Cunningham 1. c., 33, and in J. A. S. B., 271. But he gives

the date as 18th Zu-l-hijja 833, instead of 28th Zil-l-hijja 863, as given by

Blochmann. Ilahi Bakhsh, however, must be wrong, for the king, Masiru-d-

din Abu-l-muzaffar Muhammad Shah, whose name is mentioned in the

inscription, did not begin to reign till 845. 863 is, I think, an impossible

date for the death of a man who was a contemporary and fellow-student 3 of

1 “ Sun of Guidance.” This is the chronogram accepted by Blochmann,

J. A. S. B., XLII, 262. Ravenshaw gives yet another date, viz., 828.

2 It is interesting to find that in the Riyazu-l-auliya of Bakhtawar Khan, which

was written in 1019 A.H., or 1679, the date of Nur Qutb’s death is given as 818, and

the day of the month is apparently 19th Zu-l-qa‘cla (p. 175). As Abu-1-fazl seems to

have copied his accounts of the saint from the Riyazu-l-auliya, his 808 is probably

a clerical error for 818. This last I look upon as the true date.

8 ilahi Bakhsh says they were both pupils of Hamidu-d-dm Ganj nishm Nagori.

Abu-1-fazl, Ain III, 367 (Jarrett’s translation), mentions two Hamldu-d-dins of

Nagor, but both belong to the 7th century A.H. Ferishta mentions that Khwaja

Qutbu-d-din Kaki died in 634 (1236) with his head on Hamidu-d-din Nagori’s knees.

208

H. Beveridge — The Khiirshid Jahdn Numd of

[No. 3,

Sultan Ghayasu-d-din and whose father died (after the son was grown up) in

786, or at latest in 800. 833 and 851 are also, I think, too late, especially as

N ur Qutb’s brother A‘zam Khan is said to have been the Wazir of Muhammad

Tughluk who died in 752.1 There is, however, a way of explaining the

inscription which is compatible with chronology, and with the suggestion

that it belongs to N ur Qutb’s tomb. This is to take the date 863, as refer¬

ring to the erection of the tomb by Latif Khan, and not to that of the death

of the saint. This is how Sir Alexander Cunningham, 1. c., p. 85, has under¬

stood it, though he seems to have overlooked the fact that Blochmann’s

translation, which he has accepted, makes 863 the date of the death.

Apparently it is only a question of punctuation. A little alteration in this

will make the date refer to the erection of the tomb, and this is perhaps

which we should naturally expect to be the case. For the object of the

inscription seems to be to moralise on the inevitableness of death. This is

enforced by the fact that the Sun of the Faith, &c., also tasted death.

Possibly this Sun of the Faith, &c., may be Nur Qutb, though one might have

looked for a clearer reference to his name or title, viz., the Pole Star. It

may mean the Prophet Muhammad.

Ilahi Bakhsh mentions that on one of the pillars of Nur Qutb’s tomb,

on the right hand side, there is an inscription which says that the

pillars were presented by Pirzad Khan in the year 1000 (1592). I do not

find that this inscription has been published anywhere, though Cunningham

says 2 that the fifth pillar at the head of the sarcophagus has a Persian

inscription. The poetry is illegible.

Ilahi Bakhsh then proceeds to give notices of Shaikh Rafaqu-d-din and

Shaikh Anwar, the eldest and younger sons of N ur Qutb.

Rafaqu-d-dln was celebrated for his humility, and used to say that

he was of less account than a market-dog. His tomb is beside his

father’s. Shaikh Anwar is said to have died a martyr at Sonargafi at

the hands of Rajah Kans. He was famous for his generosity and used

to have sheep fattened and killed for tbe faqirs, though he did not

touch the meat himself. His tomb is near his father and brother.

The author has already referred to him in his account of the place in

Maldah called Sir Bari.

Between the tombs of the two sons, there are two graves which the

custodians say are those of two brothers, who were devoted servants of

Nur Qutb. One was called Ma‘inu-l-islam and the other Ainu-l-islam.

It appears from the Riyazu-s-salatln (110) that a Shaikh Ma‘inu-l-islam

Abas was the father of Badaru-l-islam. Perhaps this is his tomb.

Shaikh Zahid was the son of Rafaqu-d-din and grandson of Nur

Qutb. He had ten sons. His death was 17th Rabi‘u-l-awwal 860

9

(1455). The chronogram is (860)

1 See Bloohmann, 1. c. He admits the difficulty caused by this circumstance.

2 I, 1. c., 83.

1895.]

209

Sayyad Ilahi Bakhsh al Husainl Angrezdbadi.

“ He regarded the world as of no account.”

His tomb is beside his father’s on the south side, and his prayer-

stone lies just to the west. Shaikh A£zam Shah commonly known as

Khan A£zam, was the elder brother of Nur Qutb, and was a King’s

Vizier. As‘ad of Lahore was the father of Alau-l-haqq and grand¬

father of Nur Qutb. He was a King’s Treasurer. Adam Saudagar

was the father-in-law (?) of Nur Qutb. His grave is near Alau-l-

haqq’ s on the south side, and near it lies the inscription of Adam Sau¬

dagar. The tomb of Shah Ikram is outside of the enclosure of Nur

Qutb’s tomb and on the east side. It is 8|- cubits long and a little less

than 5 cubits broad. When I asked who he was, one of the custodians

said that he was a superintendant of the endowment. Hear the tomb

of Alau-l-haqq are the tombs of his wife and daughter, and of his

wife’s sister.

The genealogical tree of Nur Qutb is as follows : —

It is not of sufficient importance to be published. The author men¬

tions that descendants of Nur Qutb are still living in the village of EklakkhT,

in the district of Burdwan. I do not know if this name is a reminiscence

of the Eklakkhi mosque. 1

The author notices the tomb of a child, the son of a prince of Subza-

war in Khurasan named *Inayatu-llah. He gives the inscription, but it is in

Ravenshaw, p. 53. The child died on 1st Ramzan 1017 (1608). The people

call it the tomb of the Kala Plr. The tomb is of black basalt, and near

Alau-l-haqq. Here too is the tomb of Sher Khan, a soldier in the service

of the prince of Subzawar. The inscription is “ Sher Khan, son of Johar

Khan.”

The Qutb Shah! Mosque.

“ This is near the shrine and lies north-east of it, in the jungle. It

is built entirely of stone. The roof has fallen in, but the walls, &c.,

and pulpit are standing. Its length from north to south is 50 cubits and

breadth 28 cubits, and it has ten cupolas. From the inscription it

appears that it was begun by Makhdum Shaikh, son of Muhammadu-1-

khalidl, in 990 (.1582), and was finished in four years. It also

appears that Makhdum was a descendant of Nur Qutb.

The following inscription in Tughra characters is in two lines over

the doorway.”

Sir Alexander Cunningham observes, 1. 87. “ There are three inscrip¬

tions belonging to this mosque, and that they are all in situ .

Imperfect copies of the first and last have been given by Ravenshaw, who

does not, however, notice the pulpit.”

1 The property of the Twenty-two Thousand endowment is in the Burdwan

district, and perhaps Nur Qutb’s is there also.

J. i. 27

210

[No. 3,

H. Beveridge — The Khurshjd Johan Numa of

As Ilalu Bakhsh has given all three, they are now printed from his MS.

*3^ LS^ J-

•#

s?

Al All) UiA| I As***0 ^b &Ac APf^!^ ^xiJl Jli

J 0>ST'*s-^f |Afc ^b Aa-st^I \j+as

ill I <3»c yy* |-okb k^kii (jw[) ^tkii^/j »— da.5 ^(.Ao |d&/0

pjd^'0 - - ^cfclA k_Ja3 |Al> ^+~..*.}| „ J^kf aB| <5tJ ^Lcf j ilk

* L5^l; * — ***

(Over the doorway.)

The Prophet (may the blessing and peace of God be upon him )

has said, whoever in this world has erected a mosque for God, God wdll

bnild for him in Paradise seventy palaces. This mosqne was built

by Makhdum Shaikh, son of Muhammadu-1-kha.lidi, who was of sainfly

virtue, leader of the pious, and servant of Shaikh Nur (May his shadow

continue). This mosque is called the Qutb Shald mosque and its date is

Makhdum ‘Abaid Raji (990 A. Id.) = Makhdum who is the humble

servant, hopeful of God’s mercy.

fysjK j*3 y. ^j| y

A*ki>

^y kx/0 f— q^lv* y — X/0 ^ y

q ^ f* &X*a»

^y'0

(In front of the pulpit.)

See well this bird always a-field and in want ; perhaps it adds

melody with its throat (lit. beak) to the breeze of faith. This date wras

fixed by liberality accepted for it. y ^Lb

993 A. H.

. ^ pybs* yjWf ^b esr^^f vb |A*

fJCys:'0 CjT^a ^ yji A^AJf *U~*> ^tAo ^lU

. C| sr Abu, . ±s:~'0 vk 0J1 Ssijlj . aUl^JM ^JU

The gate of this mosque was built by the faqir Makhdum Shaikh

son of Muhammadu-l-khalidi, who was a saint of high rank, sun of

religion, and the moon of truth, shower of the way to hopes (May God

illuminate his grave). Date 993 A.H.1

1 The words are illegible, and their meaning more or less unintelligible. As

given above, they do not yield the date 993. Perhaps the words should read in the

second line of the second couplet j ^y &Li) which yield 993.

1895.]

Sayyad IlUhl BaJchsh al Husainl Angrezfibadt. 231

The EklakkhI Mosque.

“ This is a brick building and has one lofty dome. Its length from

nortli to south is 50 cubits and its breadth 46 cubits, the height of the

wall is 17 cubits, and of the dome 27 cubits. There are four small

doors on each side of the building, and at the top of the south door

there is a small idol of stone, the face, &c., of which has been broken.

There is no writing. It appears from this that the lintel must have

belonged to some idol-temple. There are three graves inside and the

Riyazu-s-salatin says that one tomb is that of Jalalu-d-din, the son of

Rajah Kans, and that the other two belong to his wife and son. This

mosque is north-east of the Qutb Shahi mosque, and by the side of

the high road. I imagine that the western tomb, which is the highest,

is that of Sultan Jalalu-d-din, that the one to the east is that of his

son Sultan Ahmad Shah, and that the middle one is the tomb of his

wife.”

The Adina Mosque.

The author describes this mosque at some length, but I do not think

that his measurements, &c., need be given after the elaborate descriptions by

Ravenshaw and Cunningham, and in Yol. YII of the Historical Account of

Bengal. He notices a masonry tomb near the pulpit, at the fourth dome

and close to the well, which the Pandua people say, is that of a faqir who

lived in the mosque long ago.

He also describes the tomb1 2 of Sikandar Shah, the builder of the

mosque, and observes that the tomb proper, or sarcophagus, which is inside

of a square chamber, is 9 cubits long from north to south, and 7^ cubits

broad.

Ancient men of Maldah and Pandua say that Sikandar Shall was

of lofty stature, and that he measured four cubits according to the mea¬

surement of his own arm. Certainly they call him Iskandar Chota.3

It is worth observing that in front of the chaukatli (lintel) of the Adina

mosque, there was a broken and polished idol, and that under the steps,

near the pulpit, there was another broken idol, and that there were

other idols lying about. So it appears that, in fact, this mosque was

originally an idol-temple. Certainly Sikandar Shah, the son of Sharn-

su-d-din Ilyas Shah made a beautiful mosque. He built it in the month

of Rajab 776 (1374), and the building was not completed before the

founder was struck down by the spade of death. On the east side of

the high road, over the false (naqli) door, and behind the pulpit, there is

1 According to Dr. Taylor, Sikandar was buried in Goalpara, in the vicinity of

Jafarganj, 1. c., 109.

2 Perhaps this means Alexander the Younger, and not Alexander the Less.

2J2 H. Beveridge — The JDiurshid Johan Numd of [No. 3,

the following inscription very beautifully written in the Tughra charac¬

ter and in one line.

The text has already been published by Blochmann, J. A. S. B., XLII,

257. Bat as there is a word near the beginning which Mr. Blochmann left

doubtful, and as Ilahi Bakhsh reads the date differently from Mr. Blochmann,

I produce here the former’s copy, and also his note on the doubtful word.

He thinks it may be A1 jama£, i.e., the cathedral mosque.

\ ^3 &A!i &.3 11^. 0.1k ^IkXwJf jjlv# i^wklt }6-vs>

\ A?l

It was ordered to build this mosque in the reign of the illustrious

king, who is most learned, respected, and perfect amongst the kings of

‘Arabia and ‘Ajarn, who hopes for help from God, Abu-l-majahid

Sultan Sikandar Shah son of Ilyas Shah Sultan (May God preserve

his throne till doomsday). Date inscribed to commemorate the building,

776 A.H.i

As regards the date, I am unable to come to! any conclusion. Bucha¬

nan had it read to him as 704*, and this is no doubt what is on the stone.

That is, the Arabic word for the numeral is Sab£a (7) and not Sab£ain (70)

as the facsimile in Ravenshaw, p. 70, shows. Ilalii Bakhsh admitted this to

me when I saw him at Maldah, but remarked with truth that the date 707

was quite inconsistent with the chronology of Sikandar’s reign. There is

certainly a six in the inscription, but Blochmann has taken this to refer to

the month, and in this he seems supported by the words fiu-t-tdrikh, which

would lead us to expect to find the day, and not merely the month of

erection. On the other hand Ghulam Husain must have read the six as

relating to the year, for he gives the date as 766. He was obliged to make

it 766 instead of 776, because his idea was that Sikandar died in 769. It

may be remarked, too, that 776 is more consistent with Sikandar *s not having

been able to complete the mosque than 770, for it seems that he reigned up

to 792, though his latter years were troubled by his son Ghiyasu-d-din. As

the word in the inscription is Sab’a, i.e., 7, and not 70, might it not be that

the engraver wrote six, seven and seven hundred, i.e., 776 ? I suppose it

would be a grammatical error to write the date in this way, but then Mr.

Blochmann tells us that there are numerous such errors in the Bengal

1 Note by Ilahi Bakhsh : —

The word can read as t, and also may mean ‘to include,’ ‘ to

embrace.’

1895.] Sayijcid Ilahl Balchsh al Husainl Angrezalacli. 213

Arabic inscriptions. They often consist, he says,i of “ wrong constructions

of the Arabic numerals.” He does not say that they mis-spell them.

Sataisghaba.s

*

This is also described at some length, but the author has not been able

to add much to our knowledge of the origin of the place, &c. It was sur¬

rounded with jungle in his time.

He describes the remains of Baths at the place, and suggests that these

may be the Baths, or Hauz, which, according to the Riyaz, Shamsu-d-din

Ilyas constructed in imitation of the Hauz-i-ShamsI of Delhi.**

He also notices the beautiful tank at Sataisghara, and says it is known

by the name of Haslr Shah’s tank.1 2 * 4 This, I suppose, must be the Hasiru-

d-din Abu-l-muzaffar Muhammad Shah, who reigned from about 846-864,

and in whose time the inscription now in the kitchen of Hur Qutb’s shrine

was put up. He succeeded to the dynasty of Rajah Kans, and restored that

of Shamsu-d-din Ilyas Shah. If it was he who made the tank, then the

probability is increased that the Baths were made by his ancestor, for he

would naturally revert to the palace of his forefathers.

In connection with Sataisghar, Ilahi Bakhsh notices Makhdum Shaikh

Raja Biyaban! (King of the Wilds),5 who was a saint of great fame in the

time of Ilyas Shah. He says he died in 754 (1353), while the king was being

besieged by the Emperor Elroz Shah, and then, following the Riyaz, p. 97, 6 7

he tells how Ilyas Shah came out of his fort, disguised as a faqir, and paid

the last honours to the saint, and returned without the Emperor being

aware of it.

Ilahl Bakhsh throws no light on the situation of Ekdala, 7 only remark¬

ing at p. 256, and apparently without authority, that Ekdala was near Gaur.

See note, Appendix A., pp. 227 and ff. He intended to give particulars of

the site of Makhdum Shaikh’s tomb, but has left them blank in his MS. He

notices Devtola, but gives less information about it than Cunningham, 1. c., 94.

He only says that many saints- are buried there, and that a Cillakhana of

Jalalu-d-dln Tabriz! is there.

Among places of minor importance, are noticed, Kandarun, where is

the shrine of the saint Hur Jahan, Katlgaon, the original home of the

1 J. A. S. B., 1. c., 257 note.

2 The name is perhaps Sataish gliar, the 27 houses.

5 See the Riyazu-s-salatTn. Persian text. Bib. Ind , p. 96, and J. A. S. B.,

XLII, 255.

4 According to Ravenshaw, p. 67, the local tradition is that the tank was made

by Arjuna Pandava.

6 Such may be the meaning of the title, but more probably the name is con¬

nected with Rani Bahani, the foundress of Ekdala. See Taylor’s Topography of

Dacca, p. 115.

6 See Appendix A. Note on the site of Ekdfda.

7 It may be noted that the FIrdzpur mentioned in the Riyaz, p. 96, as the

place where the Emperor encamped, is a ward in Old Maldah,

214

H. Beveridge — The Khurshid Johan Numd of

[No. 3,

famous Gopalbhog mangoes, the Dargah of Pir Husain near Maldah1 where

there is a stone with an inscription of Husain Shah, dated 10th Zu-l-qa‘da

899 (13th August 1494). The author gives the inscription, but it has

already been published, being one of those discovered by Mr. Westmacott.

See J. A. S. B., XLIII, 301. At a place called Jaharpal (?) and also called

Baglahagl (?) and which is on the east bank of the Mahananda there are

two inscriptions, viz., one of 918 (1512) of Husain Shah’s time, and another

of 930 (1524) of Nasiru-d-din’s time. Both of these have been printed in

J. A. S. B., 1. c., pp. 305 and 308. The author says he saw them near the

house of Manglu Khan, deceased, who was a descendant of Ibrahim Adham

of Balkh, and that the bones of a saint named Shaikh Siraju-d-dm are there,

enclosed in a small box. Formerly the shrine of the saint was opposite

Manglu’s house in a place where the river now is, but the men of the neigh¬

bourhood were warned by the saint in a dream to taxe up his bones and put

them where they now are. The author gives both the inscriptions, but it is

unnecessary to republish them. Under the head of the Karbala, the

inscription from Khalf Khan’s mosque, dated 935 (1528-29) is noticed. See

J. A. S. B., 1. c., pp. 307 and 308. The stone is now on a tomb at the

Dargah of a saint called Lankapat (the Nankapat of the Journal). The

Husain Shah inscription of 914 (1508) (J. A. S. B., 1. c., 305) is also given.

He states that this inscription had belonged to a Jama mosque built by

Husain Shah. That mosque is now destroyed, but one Rahim Dalai built, in

1277 (1860) a small mosque on the site of the old one, and placed the old

inscription on it. The stone is on the right side of the door of the new

mosque. He gives the village of Shahmandi near Masjidbari as the site of

this mosque. He gives the inscription which is of the date 914 (1508), but

it has already been published, J. A. S. B., XLIII, 305, No. 13.

At page 178 he describes the tomb of Dariya Khan,2 which has already

been referred to, and on the next page he describes an inscription which he

found lying in some heavy jungle near another tomb in the neighbourhood.

He says that he read it quickly, but that the words were as follows

^ykhJf yiJkJf ^jf ^*J| ^

A$Xo <*1J| AlA J &IA ^ J| JLkfij ^Jf

Translation.

This strong gate was made with the help of the Sultan who is

ruler of this world and the next, Abu-l-muzaffar Mahmud Shah, son of

Husain Shah son of Sayyad Ashrafu-l-husainl, whose prayer is accept-

1 At Cak Bad ?

2 He also gives a genealogical tree of Dariya Khan’s family.

3895.] 8 ay y ad lldlu Bakhsh al Husain l Angrezabadl. 215

able to God, and wlio is commonly known as ‘Abd Shall and ‘Abdu-1-

badr (May God preserve his throne). Date 943 A. H.

The inscription is of the time of Ghiyasu-d-dm Abu-l-muzaffar Muham¬

mad Shah, and so far as I know has never been published before. The date

is 943 (1536), and it will be seen from BlochmamTs table, J. A. S. B., XLII,

310, that no inscriptions of this king of later date than 941 have been

published.

At page 180 the Golabari inscription of 910 (1503-4) published, J. A. S.

B., XLIII, 304, is given.

Under the head of Goamaltl,1 page 183, a place about six miles south

of English Bazar, and which was the residence of Mr. Creighton, a very

early inscription is referred to, which, I believe, has never been noticed

before. It belongs to the year 711 (1311). Unfortunately, Ilahl Bakhsh

does not give a copy of the inscription. His words are —

“Hear the (abandoned) indigo factory of Goamaltl, and to the

east of it, there is a minar2 * * in good order, and a ruined mosque.

The mosque was built in the time of Saltan Bahadur Khan as the

inscription shows, which is now lying at the factory.

Near the same mosque, at the east side there Avas a Kliairat Khana

(Poor-house) of Avhich the remains still exist. North of the Factory at

the distance of ten or twelve rassies (5 or 600 yards) on the west side of

the high road there is a stone sarcophagus. Probably this belonged to*

some saint or king, and the English, who dig up tombs Avith large

stones, may have thrown it here. There is nothing written. In that

neighbourhood there are also many other remains of old buildings and

marks of former populousness.

At Lakhipur, on the west bank of the Pagla, there is a tomb of

Sayyad Ahmad of Maltipur, Avho was a great saint, and of whom

many Avonderful tales are told. His wife is buried beside him, and near

at hand is the tomb of his barber.

Khaspiir, otherwise Tanda, was a toAvn in old times. In 972 (1564)

Sulalman Kararani abandoned Gaur on account of its climate, and

1 The only Gdamalti insci’iption hitherto knoAvn appears to he one of 894,

(1489), and belonging to the reign of Firdz Shah II. It was discovered by Mr.

Westmacott, J. A. S. B., XLIII, 299. It is just possible that the inscription to

which Ilahl Bakhsh refers is that upon bricks now in the Indian Museum, described

by Cunningham, 1. c., 72. Bahadur Shah was called Ghiyasu-d-dm as well as was

the son of Sikandar. But Ilahl Bakhsh speaks of the inscription as being on a

stone.

2 I suppose that this is the minaret mentioned by Francklin, and the

“ pinnacle 5 ’ of Mr. Westmacott’s description. Bahadur Khan, or Shah, reigned for

3S years, according to the Riyaz, p. 90. According to Mr. Blochmann, J. A. S. B.

XLIII, pp. 288-290, he reigned from 13 LI (711), if not earlier, till about 731 (1331),

and was called Ghiyasu-d-dln.

216 H. Beveridge — The Khurshld Julian Numa of [No. 3,

made Tanda the seat of government. It quickly became full of build¬

ings, but in 983 (1575) Man'am Khan Khanan went back to Gaur on

account of tlie mosques, &c., there. About 1242 (1826) the place was

destroyed by floods, and disappeared into the river. Now-a-days it lies

as a heap of dust about a mile from Lakhipur. Tanda used to be

famous for Khaj akhas (ladles ?).”

The City of Gaur.

The introduction to the account of the antiquities of Gaur is mainly

taken from the Riyazu-s-salatln, page 28, but there are some differences.

I shall, therefore, allow the author to use his own words.

The city of Gaur is one of the oldest of cities, and was once the

seat of government. Now it is in decay. It lies south of English

Bazar at a distance of twelve miles, on the east bank of the Bhaglratln.

They say when Firoz Rai, the king of India was routed by Rustam, he

fled to the hills of Jhar Khand and died there. Rustam, who was

wearied out by his pursuit of Firoz, bestowed the sovereignty of India

on a Hindu named Suraj. Suraj became a great monarch and ruled

over the Deccan and Bengal, and he is the same as the Suraj who

planted Kanauj. After him, his son Bharaj became king, but in his

lime disturbances arose. At last a Brahman by name Gandar,1 marched

from the Sivaliks and became victorious. Then in the end of his reign

one Singaldip marched from Koch Bihar and conquered the whole of

Bengal and Bihar and founded the city of Gaur, about 1017 years before

the Hijra era.2 And as this was the name of the capital, so it became

the name of the whole of Bengal. Then, after a lapse of years, in

450 A.H. ( 1058) Rajah Lakkhnn Sen or Lakman Sen obtained the

sovereignty of Bengal, and embellished Gaur, so that it became known

by his name and was called Lakhuautl. But still this name had less

currency. Then in 945 ( L 538) Humayun, the son of Babar, came to

Bengal and rejecting the name of Gaur on account of its semblance

to the word for a grave, called the city Jannatabad. But this name too,

did not last long. Then in 983 (1575), when 2000 years had elapsed

since the founding of the city (1017 + 983), in the time of Man‘am

Khan Khanan, the Nazim of Bengal, in the reign of Akbar, such a

terrible pestilence befel the city that thousands died daily. At last

the living were wearied of burying the dead and flung them into the river,

and such a stench arose that no one could remain in the city. In short,

in the space of a year, the city became deserted, and full of jungle.

Then in 1049 (1639) the river Ganges which from of old had flowed

1 The Riyaz calls him Kaidar.

2 About 395 B.C.

1895.]

Sayyad Ildhi BaMish al Husainl Angrez&bftdt.

217

under the city diverged towards Rajmahal, and the city which for 66

(1049 — 983) years had ceased to be a capital, now became altogether

jungle and has remained deserted up till now. '

j

%•

is* J J J

“ Where there were rose gardens and dwellings, now I see a wilder¬

ness and leopards, apes, and foxes.”

Alas for the ancient city of Graur, which was so great a city of

India, and had lofty ramparts and had an area, it is said, of fourteen

kos, and had many great buildings, and was a seat of sovereignty, and

the residence of powerful kings. But the revolutions of fate are for

our warning. In the course of one year,1 it fell from its state of popu¬

lousness and all this rose-like land is now the abode of monkeys and

tigers. Only a few buildings which were of stone and exceptionally

strong still exist, while the others which were of brick and plaster have

fallen down. Their materials too, have been used for the construction

of Maldah, English Bazar, Murshidabad, &c. The following is the list

of the buildings, of which traces still exist.

The Qadam Rasul.

This is a square one-domed building in the enclosure of the Fort.

Its length from east to west is 24 cubits, and its breadth is the same.

The Bhagirathl flows to the west of it at a distance of thirty rassies

(about 1,500 yards). This building was erected by Sultan Nasrat Shah,

the son of Sultan Husain Shah in 937 (1530). There is a Tughra

inscription in three lines over the doorway.2

Inside the mosque,3 under the dome there is a footprint of the holy

apostle (may blessings be upon him), on a piece of stone. They say

that this stone was formerly at Pandua in the Cillakhana of Shah

Jalalu-d-din Tabriz!, and that it was removed by Husain Shah. The

stone must have been brought from Arabia by the saint, or by some

other holy personage. There is an inscribed stone on the south4 side

of the enclosing wall of the mosque, which must have been brought

4 Alluding to the pestilence of 1575, but the city was partially occupied again

after that.

8 The author gives the inscription, but it appears in Ravenshaw, p. 20, and in

Cunningham.

3 When I was at Gaur, I found that the stone had been stolen.

4 Cunningham corrects Ravenshaw’s “ northern.” He supposes, Archaeological

Report, XY, 61, that the inscription formerly belonged to the Tantipara mosque.

I regret that in my paper on Francklin, J. A, S. B., Yol. LXIIT, p. 89 this has

been printed CantTpara.

J. i. 28

218

[No. 3,

H. Beveridge — The Khurshtd Johan Numa of

from another mosque built in 885 (1480). The inscription is as fol¬

lows : — (It occurs in Ravenshaw, p. 22, and in J, A. S. B., XL1I, 277,

but "“is produced here because the author was apparently able to read

some words which Blochmann found illegible).

At At)| <slJ f«^srvv/'3 i

i *>*+**> opf /Ahl-Jf ^UxLJl ^9 v I I (jij | ^3

^ y*m0' V w

tJbjb gl£ v-SUo^J jkb+'l ^J^Jl J I Ail I

^Icf ^jb| |Afc

» Ajl+> j j ^yA.^^. &y.vj (^[jb/o jjU

Translation.

The prophet (may the blessing and mercy of God be upon him)

has said, ‘ Whoever builds a mosque for God, God builds for him 70

palaces in paradise.’ This mosque was built in the reign of Yusuf

Shah Sultan, son of Barbak Shall Sultan, son of Mahmud Shah by the

illustrious Khan Mirsad Khan on the 18th Ramazan 885 A. H.

Behind the dome of the Qadam Rasul mosque, at the west side,

there is a building of which the roof and some of the walls have fallen

down. Inside are some masonry tombs in a ruined state. It is probable

that these are the tombs of princes, or of high officers of Husain Shah

and Nasrat Shah. West of the Qadam Rasul there is a tank which is

perhaps a remain of Sultan Jalalu»d-din. Certainly it is known by the

name of the Jalali tank.1

The Tomb of Fath Khan.

This is outside of (the enclosure of the Qadam Rasul inside of a

building which has been much destroyed, and has no inscription. They

say that when Aurangzeb ‘Alamgir, the king of Delhi, suspected Shah

Ni‘matu-llah of having instigated his pupil Sultan Shnja4 to go to

war, he deputed one of his soldiers, Diler Khan, a man who used to

fight with a raging elephant, to cut off the saint’s head, although in

fact the latter had never advised Sultan Shuja4 to go to war, but on the

contrary had several times advised him against doing so. When Diler

Khan with his two sons arrived in Gaur, one of the latter, whose name

was Fath Khan, spat blood two or three times, and then gave up the

ghost. The sorrowing father buried the body .and prostrated himself

before the saint. The event was reported to Aurangzeb, who after that

placed confidence in the saint.

1 The Riyaz, p. 116, mentions the JaTall faith as one of Jalalu-d-dm’s works.

1895.] Sayyad Ilahl Bakhsh al Husainl Angrezabadi. 219

Shahu-llah Sahib,

Tliis saint was a contemporary of Nur Qutbu-d-dm of Panidna.

His slirine is opposite tlie Qadam Rasul, on the south side.

The Cika Mosque.

This is 2 or 3 rassies south of the Qadam Rasul and very old. The

dome is large, and it is always inhabited by tigers. The common

people call it the Cika Masjid, and I heard from them that the place

has been known from of old as the jail, and that it is also known by

the name of the Corkhana. Near it there was another very small

building. Probably the so-called mosque was not one, but was an

office, or women’s apartments, for what necessity was there for having

small and big mosques close together ? But as there is no inscription

we cannot tell the real fact.

# # # # # #

Luka Cub,i (?).

This is a large two-storied building in the middle of the enclosure

of the fort, and south-east of the Qadam Rasul. This building is a

gateway and very handsome, and is ornamented as if it were the Roval

•/

Entrance. On each side there are places for guards, and above them

was a Naqarkhana (place for beating drums). Probably it was erected

by Husain Shah or his son.1

The BaIs GazI (22 yards) Wall.

This is a lofty wall, west of the Qadam Rasul and about 10 rassies

off. The common people call it the Bais GazI, and also the Ghor Daur

• •

(the Race-course). Those parts which are standing are about 44 cubits

high.

The Khazanci.

This is west by north from the Qadam Rasul and about 20 rassies

off. It is inside of the Bais Gazi Wall. There is a plot of ground

(tabaqa) here which the people of Gaur called the Khazanci (Treasurer).

In the middle of this plot there is a large tank,8 and west of this

tank there is a large terrace which bears marks of having been dug up.

Probably it was the king’s treasury. It is also known as the king’s

harem (Mahal Saral).

1 This is the “ Eastern Gate ” of Kavenshaw, p. 26, and which Mr. King calls

the Lakklia Chhippi Gate. Perhaps the word is the Hindi Lauka, meaning brilliant,

or illuminated.

8 Locally known as the Taksal Dighi, or Mint-tank,

220

H. Beveridge — The Khurshtd Jahan Numd of [No. 3,

The Gumbaz Ghusal Gah (the dome op the bath).

It is a small square building with a lofty dome. It is on the west

side of the tomb. It probably was a women’s bath.

Banglakot.

It is about 5 rassies from the Treasury and north-east of it, and

about 15 rassies north-west from the Qadam Rasiil. The people of

Mahiu-d-dinpur alias Mahdlpur call it Banglakot. There is a tank

there under the fort, and I saw fallen pillars and signs of stones having

been dug up, &c. South-east of it there is a large tamarind tree,

and about eight cubits from it, on the south, there are two masonry

graves which have been excavated. From old people of Mahdlpur

and from the Khadim of Qadam Rasul, I heard that these were the

graves of Husain Shah and his wife. They also said that the large

sarcophagus which is lying near the village of Khari, was inside of

the tomb of Husain Shah, and had been lifted and thrown where it

now is. About eight cubits south of the tombs there was a square

enclosure, the walls of which were of variously coloured bricks. Inside

of the enclosure, which was about 16 cubits square, there were several

masonry tombs composed of coloured bricks, and about two spans in

height. In my childhood I saw these tombs and the enclosure, and

though somewhat decayed they were in a manner entire. In about

1263 (1816) these tombs and the enclosure were destroyed, and now

hardly a trace of them is to be seen. This illustrious Banglakot,

with its trees and bamboos, & c., was from of old in the possession of

the ancestors of Mir Doman, an inhabitant of Mahdlpur, who gave

himself out to be a descendant of Husain Shah. He (shame on him)

and his sons dug up the inscribed stones, and the coloured bricks and

sold them, and thereby displayed their baseness.

u A good daughter is better than a bad son.”

In 1281 (1863) I saw in the possession of Mir Hansa, the grandson

of Mir Doman, a paper signed by the Nawab Mu‘zam Khan, dated 1070

(1659) whereby 50 bighas rent-free in the village of Banglakot were by

order of Aurangzeb granted to Sayyad Ambla, the grandson of Sayyad

Sultan, for the purpose of lighting the tombs of the kings of Gaur.

And the lands are still in the possession of the family under this grant.

Mir Hansa also pointed out a place north of Husain Shah’s tomb and

said that in Banglakot, in that place, there were more than a hundred

tombs of kings and their relations, but which were now in disrepair.

Only here and there were holes marking where the graves had been.

1895.] Sayyad Ilahi BaJchsh al Husaini Angrezabadi. 221

The Minar,

In the neighbourhood it is also known by the name of the Tir Asa

Mandlr,1 it is north north-east of the Qadam Rasul and at a distance of

about 25 rassies , and opposite Banglakot, and outside of the fort. It

was built by Sultan Flroz Shah, the Abyssinian. The inscription and

the lower stones have been dug up and stolen. The height of the

Minar is about 50 cubits and its circumference about 54 cubits. On the

east there is a tank which probably was also made by Flroz Shah, who

was reigning in 893 (1487).

The Gate of the Fort, or the Dakhil Gate.

This is a large gateway north by west of the Qadam Rasul, and

about a mile away. It appears from the Riyaz that this lofty gateway

was made by Husain Shah. Near it, on the north, is a tank and from

the latter an dbglr (aqueduct) comes out on the east side and goes

south a long way, and above it there are battlements. And from this

gate on the west side, at a distance of about twenty rassies, near the

Bhaglrathi on the roadside, there is a large sarcophagus of black basalt,

which is twisted to the west, and is in three fragments. There is no

inscription. Some say that it is the tomb of Husain Shah, and the

Khadim of the Qadam Rasul said that the tomb of Husain Shah had

been brought here from Banglakot. South of it I saw another sarco¬

phagus of hard stone.

The KotwalI Gate.

Also called the Salami Gate. It is near Mahiu-d-dinpur or Mahdi-

pur, to the east, or the high road. To the south of it, at a distance of

about twenty rassies is Balwa Dighi 2 (tank). There are battlements,

east and west of the gateway, and on each side there are apertures for

firearms. North of this gateway, at a distance of about lialf-a-mile,

close to the old bridge, on the east side of the road, I saw a large stone

with an inscription in unknown (harf khafl) characters. Although it

could not be clearly made out, so much I read that Sultan Mahmud in

862 A.H. (1457) had built the gate of the fort.

(This is the inscription which Cunningham says he found, p. 57, and

which Blochmann has translated, J. A. 8. B., XLI V , 289. It refers to the

building of the bridge. Francklin speaks of two pillars with Sanskrit

inscriptions in this neighbourhood).

1 Such is the reading in the MS., but probably Tir is a clerical error for Pir.

I was told on the spot that the name of the column was Pir ‘Asa Minar. ‘Asa means

a staff in Arabic and Persian, and perhaps is used here as equivalent to the Lath

of Firoz Shah of Delhi.

* The Ballo Digbi of Ravenshaw, p. 36.

222 H. Beveridge — The Khurshid Johan Numd of [No. 3,

The Gunmat Mosque.

This is about a mile north by west of the Kotwali Gate, and near

Mahdipur, on the east side, and iti thick jungle. Its length from north

to south is 72 cubits, and its breadth 36 cubits. It had seven domes, all

of which have fallen down.

The Mosque of RajbIbi.

It is south-east of the Kotwali Gate, east of the high road, between

two tanks, one of which is called Baliya (P)Dighi, and the other

Kahania Dighi. It is a small mosque; the people of Gaur call it

Rajbibi’s mosque. It is 37 cubits long from east to west, and 29 cubits

broad. There is a large dome, and on the east side three small ones.

The Mosque of DIn Cak.

It has three domes. Near this mosque, on the north side, I saw a

very small ruined building. Perhaps it was the tomb of the builder of

the mosque and of his family.

The PIthawali’s Mosque.

This was near the Kotwali Gate, and north by west of it. It was

a small mosque, and people called it the mosque of the Pithawali (the

mosque of the flour-grinding woman). In about 1278 (1861), it was

dug up, and now no trace of it is left.

The Begh Muhammad Mosque.

About thirty rassies north of the Gunmat Mosque, there was a small

mosque of this name, and in front of it was a terrace of coloured bricks.

Now the dome, &c?1 have fallen down. Opposite the mosque are the

tombs of Begh Muhammad and others.

The Daras Mosque.

Between Mahdipur and Firozpur there is a piece of ground which

the people call Darasbari (the Lecture Room). In that place I saw a

large mosque built of brick, with stone pillars. Its length from north

to south was 65 cubits, and its breadth 38 cubits. Prom north to south

there were seven rows, and from east to west 4 — altogether 28

cupolas. Out of these, some towards the north were broken.

When in 1293 (J876) the jungle about this mosque was cleared in

the presence of the author, a large inscription was found under a heap

of rubbish. Its wording was as follows : —

abt ^6J| J15 j jccA ifj all ^L.Jj ^ alif j i

. •. .. i ^ ^

|o.a c>3 dJlbo <xhsrl \j+a-3 Aj AlJf a!) fl>s:'~v0 ^xj ,^,/c ^1*, ^ AxU

1895.] Sayyad Ildhl BaTchsh al Husaini Angrezahadl . 223

y tSlil/o S]l | ^(jaJLvJl £x>ls^f

C — ^ ^ * p ^jUs.1a**J| $fw V_Aa.o^J | jjj ^,J.xif ^ l-V3iXj| ^ y+>+ vc

A\a« t| ^bc ^ ,^-fl ^UIaA<*» ^ A£bo <jli | txl^. $[**»

* &-' Up j

Translation.

God has said, He is proprietor of all mosques, so do not mention any

name with God’s name. And the prophet has said, whoever builds a mosque

for God, God will build for him similarly a palace in paradise. This

mosque was built by the righteous and great King, who is Sun of this

world and the next, Abu-l-muzaffar Yusuf Shah, son of Barbak Shah, son

of Mahmud Shall (May God preserve his throne, and may his generosity

reach the whole world). Hate 884 A.H.

(The inscription is referred to at page 76 of Cunningham’s Archaeological

Report, Yol. XV., and a plate of it is given. But I am not aware if a reading

and translation have been published).

The Kumbhir Pir, or Alligator Saint.

North-east of the Qadam Rasul, there is a large masonry tomb, and

near it there are other tombs. Some of these have so decayed that the

bones of the dead may be seen inside of them. Here there is a large

tank, the water of which is very clear, and which is inhabited by

alligators.1 From of old some people of the neighbourhood have

believed that these alligators are the equipage of the saint, and some

even hold that a large alligator there is the Pir Sahib himself. When

a goat or a cock is presented as an offering, the Khcidim rolls up the

bones and skin into a mess, which they call a pinda, and flings it into the

tank, at the same time crying out ‘ Babu Shah Khizr, take the pinda.’

Thereupon a large alligator comes up from under the water to the bank,

takes the mess and goes back again. Sometimes, though often called,

he does not come, or if he conies, does not take the pinda, even though

intreated, and then the donor suspects that it is from some fault of his

that the offering is not received. *#^*****#J asked

the Khadim, what was the name of the Pir, and he said ‘ Babu Shah

Khizr (Elias)’.

The Tantipara Mosque. The author gives the dimensions of this

mosque, &c., and says that the people of Gaur state that it was built by one

‘Umar QazT, and that of two graves there, one is his, and the other his

brother Zu-l-Qaran’s. Then after noticing the Chamkati Mosque, he notices

a place which is called the residence of Hhanpat Saudagar, or Cand

Saudagar. The LattonkI Masjid is also noticed, and the tradition mentioned

that it was built by a dancing Girl.

1 See Ravenshaw, p. 13.

224

H. Beveridge — The Khzirshid Jahan Numa of

[No. 3,

The Ghari Khana or Gong-house is mentioned. This was inside the Fort

enclosures, and south of the Dakhil Darwaza. The gong was removed to the

cutclierries at English Bazar, and was broken in 1272 (1855). The author

heard it struck from a distance of six miles, viz., from the high bank of the

Sagar Digln.

At page 204 we have a biography of Sayyad Shah Ni‘matu-llah. He

was a native of Karnaul, in the province of Delhi, and was a great traveller.

In the course of his wanderings he came to Rajmahal, where he was much

honoured by Sultan Shuja‘. At last he settled in the Flrozpur quarter of

Gaur where he died, according to one account, in 1075 (1664), and according

to another, in 1080 (1669). At his shrine there is an inscription of Husain

Shah, dated 918 (1512). This is the inscription quoted in Ravenshaw, p. 88,

Cunningham, p. 52, and J. A. S. B., XLII, p. 295. We now know where it is

to be found. In the same compound there is another inscription, the date

of which is given by the author as 10th Zu-l-hijja 870 (1465), but which is

given in Ravenshaw as 1st Zu-l-hijja 970 (22nd July 1563). It records the

building of a gateway by Khan Jahan. The inscription as given by Ilahl

Bakhsh is as follows : —

ajlif

j | ^d| ^ ad b ^/o iij\ l*jf J'i

I At 'if+c - alLo aisr'i Ujj aj alJ| alJ fosr** * ^ <5qic alJ(

iXx.v# «Xg£ ^9 (J.S*'* |

^jA| t j oUK ^U/o 0UL-J| j

ldJ| ^JLJi j J aJJt aALk

^ alJ| , tkl-wl | ,j yj | ^

»-4:lsr^| y\ &1J| ^ylc AU^Lo Lais'0 LaIIA £xls:^|

a^;b ^ J bj«d| alj| Lr^s:'°

) ah** . aild ^ ByxS alJt j** u'0 ^

jAj b ta|J asr^j a<v*o a^ t ad yi

God has said, no one builds a mosque for God except he who has faith in

God and in the day of resurrection, and who says his prayer and gives alms,

and who fears not any one except God ; so that these are righteous people.

And the Prophet has said, whoever builds a mosque for the sake of God

1895,]

225

Sayyad Ilahl Ba Ichsh al Husairii AngrezUbadi.

God builds similarly a palace for him in paradise. This mosque was built

in the time of the pious and generous King Abu-bmuzaffar Husain Shah.

The mosque was built by Abu Muhammad son of Aba ‘All, styled Majlisu-1-

majalis (May God make him prosper both in this world and the next).

The date of building is 14th Raj jab year — (The year is not given, as the

portion of the inscription stone which contained the date is broken.)

“The word of God is that mosques belong to God. The builder of this

gateway was Khan Jahan, 10th Zu-l-hijja 870.”

There was a Khan Jahan in Akbar’s time, but 970 (1563) seems too early

for his being in Gaur, nor does one see why he should build a mosque or a

gate there.1- See Blochmann’s Ain, No. 24, p. 330. Perhaps the 870 of

Ilahl Bakhsh is right. We find the title Khwajah Jahan in an inscription of

■863. See Blochmann, J. A. S. B., XLI, p. 108.

The Jami‘ Masjid, i.e., the Small Golden Mosque of Ravenshaw, is des¬

cribed, and we are told that it is also called the Khwajah’s mosque, and that

the tradition is that it was built by a eunuch. The author gives the inscrip¬

tion, and notices that the corner which contained the year has been broken

,away. See Cunningham, 1. c., 75. He also notices two stone tombs opposite

the mosque which may be those of the builder of the mosque and some

relative, but which the country people say are fictitious (naql) tombs. He

gives the inscriptions on the tombs', but they appear to be only extracts

from the Quran. See Cunningham, 1. c., 76.

The tomb of a merchant named Asalat Khan Haft Qalml is noticed.

It is said that he lived in the time of Sultan Shuja‘ and Nawab Jafar Khan,

and that he could write in seven different characters.

The Golden Mosque of Nasrat Shah is noticed. The inscription is now

gone, but its date was 932 (1526).

In noticing the place called Ramkhel, the author says that he has given

an account of Sonaton in his Tazkirah (autobiography ?).

The account of Gaur closes at page 211 with a plan of the ruins.

At page 214 we have an account of Makhdum Shaikh Akin Siraju-d-

<dln.2 We are told that he was the first Hindustani who was nominated as

a saint by Nizamu-d-dln Auliya of Delhi. He came to Gaur as his mother

lived there, but he was originally from Oude. Mr. Blochmann says he died

in 758 or 1357, s but according to Ilahl Bakhsh he died on 1st Shawwal 743

(1342). The chronogram of his death is —

1 The inscription is in the Taghra character. I am not aware if this was used

in Akbar’s time.

2 Cunningham says I. c., p. 72, that this saint is best known by the name of

Purana Pir, or the ‘ old saint,’ but the title given to him by Ilahl Bakhsh, p. 219, is

Piranpir (equal to Pir-PIranan) or saint of saints, in allusion to the fact that Alau-1-

haqq and others were taught by him. Ferishta gives him the title of Parwana

(Inspector ?).

3 J. A. S. B., XLII, 260.

J. I 29

226

H. Beveridge — The Khurshid JclIi an Ntima of

[No. 3,

“ Say quickly, ’Twas ‘Idu-l-fitr day.” 1 2

The letters of the four last words give 743.

According to Ferishta_, Bombay, ed. II, 737, four lines from top and

743, 5 lines from bottom, Akhi Siraju-d-dln was the grandfather 2 of Nur

Qutb, but perhaps he was only the spiritual father. Ferishta tells us that

lie came to Delhi young and ignorant, and that Fakhru-d-dln Iradi (perhaps

Zaradl), took him in hand and instructed him.

According to Ilahl Bakhsh, the saint did not leave Delhi till three years

after Nizamu-d-dln’s death, and consequently in 728 (1327),

The two inscriptions of 916 referred to by Cunningham, 1. c. 71, are

noticed by Ilahl Bakhsh.

At page 217 the Jami‘ Masjid is described. This is the Jan Jan Miyan

Mosque of Bavenshaw, 10. The author reads the inscription differently

from Blochmann.3 His interpretation says nothing about the builder being

a lady.

tolaS

&bs^| &lJf ^b ill lo.sr'*''"0 <_$b ^.lv> j <dJt

j UaJI ^Jt ^iaJUf d** £*1^1 |*A <^b - HLc

j ^t«/c <UJ| j (some words illegible left out.)

- ( f ) - Jj L**/**J

Translation.

The prophet (may the blessing and peace of God be upon him) has

said, whoever builds a mosque for God, God will build for him similarly a

palace in paradise. This mosque was built in the time of the King Abu-1-

muzaffar Mahmud Shah son of Husain Shah (may God always preserve his

rank) in 941 A.H.

At page 222 we have a notice of Bahral where Nawab Siraju-d-dln

daula was arrested through the instrumentality of Dan Shah, a faqlr. Dan

Shah’s resting place or takiya, is there, and his tomb is a mile away, on the

river bank.

Ganga Rampur. This lies north-west from English Bazar at a distance

of eight miles. It was a city in old times, and there are still traces of build¬

ings there. Hazrat Makhdum Shah Jalalu-d-dln Tabriz! had his Takiya

there. The people there narrate to the effect that Rajah Laksmana Sena,

the last Hindu King of Bengal, had his capital here. (This appears to be

the Gangarampur mentioned by Cunningham, Archaeological Reports, Yol.

1 This is an ingenious chronogram for it gives the day and month as well as

the year of death, the ‘Idu-l-fitr occurring on 1st Shawwal immediately after the

Ramzan.

2 At page 85, 1. c., Cunningham incorrectly quotes Blochmann as saying that

‘Alau-d-din was the son of Shaikh Akhi. See J. A 8. B., XLII, 261.

3 J. A. S. B., XLI, 339.

1895.]

227

Sctyyad Ilahl Bukhsh al Husciini Angrezabddl.

XY, 45, and described as a small village south of Maldali. General Cun¬

ningham found there an inscription dated 647 (1249) ),

The rest of the volume from pages 226 to 495 is occupied with a history

of Bengal, but I do not think that it contains anything new or valuable.

It seems to be in great measure compiled from the Biya^u-s-salatTn, the

Siyaru-1-mutakhkharin, and Marshman’s History of India. The only things

I noticed in it was a reference at page 246 to rupis of Taghral Shah being

occasionally picked up in Gaur, an account and representation at pages 285,

and 286 of Sikkas of Mahmud Shah which the author had seen, and which

bore the date 944 (1537), and a copy at page 327, of Sultan Shuja‘’s seal.

Conclusion.

I have now finished my analysis of the Bengal portion of the

IOiurshld Jalian Numa. It will be seen that, so far as publication is

concerned, Ilahi Bakhsh has been anticipated with regard to most of the

inscriptions. Apparently the only entirely new inscriptions are five in

number, viz ., one of 913 at page 133 of MS., one of 1170 (qr. 1059) at

page 153, one of 1000 at page 158, one of 943 at page 179, and one of

711 at page 183. At page 206 we have an inscription which is not new,

but of which the date is given as 870 instead of 970, as in Ravenshaw.

The dates of the saints’ deaths, &c., viz., 738 for Jalalu-d-din

Tabriz!, 786 for £Alau-l-haqq, and 818 for Nuru-l-haqq are new, and so

are the chronograms which express them. Much of the information too

about the saints and their shrines is new. At page 246 we have a

reference to coins of Taghral Shah, and at page 286 we have a descrip¬

tion of a coin of Muhammad Shall, dated 944, which seems to be new.

On the whole, I think, we must say that Ilahl Bakhsh has done

well, and that he deserves to be held in remembrance along with

Ghulam Husain, Creighton, Francklin, Ravenshaw and Blochmann.

APPENDIX A.

Note on the Site op Ekdala.

In J. A. S. B., XLIIT, 244, there is a note by Mr. Westmacott,

accompanied by a map, in which he endeavours to show that the

Ekdala of Bengal history was a place of that name in Dinajpur. But

Mr. Westmacott did not actually see the spot, and after weighing the

evidence it seems to me that there can be no reasonable doubt that the

Ekdala of history is the well-known place of that name in the district of

Dacca. This Ekdala is marked in Rennell’s map, No. 6, of the Low

Countries beyond the Ganges, under the name of Ekdala, as lying about

25 miles north-north-east of Dacca, on the west side of the Banar, near

its confluence with the Laksmia. The situation of this Ekdala corre-

228 H. Beveridge — The Khurshid Jahan Numd of [No.

sponds with the accounts of the historians, for it has a river on one side

and the Bbawal jungles on the other. Apparently the old fort stood at

a place now called Durduria, eight miles above the modern village of

Ekdala, for it is mentioned in the Statistical Account of Bengal, V, 73>

that there are the remains of a strong fort there. The fullest account

of the place is to be found in the valuable book of Dr. Taylor on the

Topography of Dacca, now unfortunately out of print. He shows both

Ekdala and Durduria on his map, and at pages 112-15, we have a

detailed account of the place and of the traditions connected with it.

He tells us that Durduria is on the opposite side of the river from

Ekdala, and that there are the remains of a fort there, and opposite to-

it (i.e„ on the Ekdala, or west side), there are the foundations of a town

said to have been built by the Bunea Rajahs. They are also said to-

have built the fort. He gives a description of the works, and notices the

remains of a mosque known by the name of Shaikh ‘Ala’s, and which

was probably erected by Sultan ‘Alau-d-din ( i.e ^ Husain Shah). The

fort is known by the name of Rani Bari, and is said to have belonged to

Rani Bhabani. Dr. Taylor adds, “ From the depth of the river, and of

the moats that surrounded it, this fort must have been a place of con¬

siderable strength,, and in all probability it was the one in which Ilyas;

Shamsu-d-dln, the Second (? the Third), independent king of Bengal,

was besieged by the Emperor Firoz in 1353.” He then tells- the story

of Ilyas Shah’s coming out of the fort to attend the funeral of Rajah

BlyabanI, and suggests that this saint was a descendant of Rani

Bhabani. This seems a valuable suggestion. The title of Rajah is a

curious one for a Muhammadan saint, and in all probability points to-

the fact, that he was a converted Hindu. BiyabanI, means wild, or desert

in Persian, but it closely resembles the name of the Rani, and it is

likely that the two words are identical.

According to Ferishta, Bombay Ed. I, 2G2, and the Riyazu-s-salatln,

p. 97, the river to which Firoz Shah made his feigned retreat was the

Ganges, but the Ganges is not near the Dinajpur Ekdala, whereas in

Dacca we have the river known as the Burlga.nga.

The description1 by Ziyahu-d-dln BaranI of the flooded nature of

the country about Ekdala, and his reference to the large mosquitoes,,

which it was thought by Ilyas and the Bengalis would prevent the

Imperial Army from encamping, agree better with Dacca than Dinajpur.

But I should think that the mere fact that Shams i ‘Aflf, in his history

of Firoz Shah, p. 112, speaks of the islands of Ekdala

1 Bib. Inch, Ed. 589.

2 The proper spelling appears to be Akdala. The first syllable reminds ns of

Akmahal, the old name of Kajmahal, and the two words may be connected. But the-

Ak of Akmahal is written Ak.

3895.] Sayyad Ildhi Bukhsh al Husainl AngrBzahddi. 229

is sufficient to show that the place was in Eastern Bengal. We know, too

that the kings of Bengal, from the days of Laksmana Sena, used, like

the Egyptians of old, to retreat to the marshes whenever they were in

difficulty, and for this purpose they went to Eastern Bengal.

The question about the site of Ekdala might be definitively settled

by finding the tomb of Makhdum Shaikh Raja Biyabani, for it was

probably very near Ekdala, seeing that Haji Ilyas came out of the fort

in disguise and attended the funeral, while he was besieged by Flroz

Shah. It is even said that he appeared before the Emperor, disguised

as a faqir, and saluted him, and returned, without being recognised. If,

as Dr. Taylor suggests, the saint was connected with Ran! Bhabani, his

tomb may perhaps be found near the Dacca Ekdala, or near Durduria,

if it has not been washed away by the river. If he was a noted saint?

it is curious that we hear nothing of his tomb being in Dinajpur or

Maldah. Evidently Ilalri Bakhsli did not know the site of this tomb, for

lie has left blanks in his MS. for the direction and distance. It would

also be of importance to find out if there is any place in Dacca or

Dinajpur known as Azadpur, which is said 1 to have been the name

substituted by Flroz Shah for Ekdala. Mr. Westmacott could not hear

of this name in Dinajpur,8 nor have I met with it in the list of parganas

in Dacca, though there is a place there called A‘zampur.3

The only objection to the Dacca Ekdala is that Ziyahu-d-dm

Barani, Bib. Ind., Ed. p. 588, speaks of Ekdala as being near Pandua.

But he wrote in his old age, at Delhi, and apparently he had never

visited Bengal and had no local knowledge. The vague expression

“ near Pandua ” is hardly appropriate to the Dinajpur village,, for that

is about twenty -three miles away. Husain Shah is said to have every

year gone on foot from Ekdala to Pandua, to visit the shrine of Nur

Qutb. This is quite consistent with his residence having been the Dacca

Ekdala, for Husain Shah was a good deal in Eastern Bengal. He built

a mosque at Sonarga5, J. A. S. B., XLII, 295, and Dr. Taylor tells us,

1. c. 115, that there are the remains of a mosque at Durduria which goes

by his name.

1 Shams Siraj ‘Aflf’s Tarikh FIroz-Shahi. Bib. Ind., Ed., p. 122.

2 The Dinajpur Ekdala is in pargana Dhanjar. The Dacca Ekdala is in Kapasia,

but I do not know the pargana.

3 See Grant’s Analysis, Fifth Report, 368.

230 H. Beveridge — The Khurskid Jahdn Nutria of [No. 3,

APPENDIX B.

Jalalu-d-din Tabriz!.

According to Bloclimann, J. A. S. B., XLIL, 260 and 281, Jalalu-d-

din Tabrizi died in 642 A.H. or 1244. He does not give his authority

for this statement, and I have not been able to find iu the Persian lives

of saints any mention of the date of Jalalu-d-din’s death.1 Indeed, it

seems that the exact date must be unknown, for Jalalu-d-din apparently

died in the Maidive Islands — far away from his friends and countrymen.

It has been seen that according to the guardians of the shrine, Jalalu-d-

din was in Pandua till 738 or 1337, and that according to some, he did not

die there, but went off to some other place. It would be singular if

tradition gave him a later date than the real one, for ordinarily it exag¬

gerates the antiquity of a saint or other great man. It is also clear

from Ibn Batutali that a Jalalu-d-din Tabrizi was living in Assam or

S}dhet, in the reign of Eakhru-d-din or between 739 and 750. I am

indebted for this important reference to Mr. Blochmann, who in his

turn got it from my dear friend Dr. Wise, J. A. S . B., XLII., 281.2

The reference there is to Lee’s translation of the fragment of Ibn

Batutah, and I have since then consulted the French translation by

Defrenery and Sanguinetti. Ibn Batutah’s account of his interview

1 I have since found the date 642 in the Khazmatu-l-asfiya of Ghulam

Sarwar of Lahore, I. 283 of Newal Kishor ed. Perhaps this was the source of Mr.

Blochmann’s statement. But Ghulam Sarwar is quite a modern author, as the

chronogram of his book’s title shows (1254 or 1839), and he gives no authority for

his statement. He is the same man who gives the wrong date for Nur Qutb’s

death, and evidently he does not know much about Jalalu-d-din, for he makes no

reference to his visit to the Maldives. The Siyaru-l-arifin was written in the time

of Humayun, and is apparently the source of Abu-l-fazl’s short notice in the Am

(Jarrett’s translation III. 366). The Siyaru-l-arifin is an account of thirteen saints

of the Chisti order and, as Dr. Rieu observes in his Catalogue, the notices are

arranged in chronological order. Jalalu-d-din is tenth on the list and after Bahau-

d-din and others. The writer evidently did not know the date of Jalalu-d-din’s

death for he does not give it, and only says that he left Bengal and went to the

port of Deo Mahal, (i.e., the Maldives). Abu-l-fazl makes a similar statement and

gives no date of death.

2 It is difficult to say if Jalalu-d-din Tabrizi is the same as Shah Jalal of Sylhet.

The location of the latter might agree with Ibn Batutah, and it is singular that

both accounts should mention a Burhanu-d-din. But the dates seem all confused.

If 591 A.H. had been Shah Jalal’s birth-day instead of the day of his death, he

might have been Ibn Batutah’s Jalalu-d-din, who lived for 150 years. In one place

Ibn Batutah calls Jalalu-d-dinu-sh-Shirazi, IV., 287, of French translation. This

is probably a clerical error, or a slip of Ibn Batuiah’s. Ibn Batutah’s book is unfor¬

tunately confused, and wanting in precision. He did not write it himself, but dic¬

tated it in after life to an African friend.

1895 ]

231

Sayyad Ilahl Bakhsh al Husaini AngrSzdbddl.

with Jalalu-d-din TabrizI begins at page 215 of Volume IV. of the first

edition of the French translation. He there tells us that after arriving

at Sadkawan, he set off for the mountains of Kamru, in order to see a

holy person who dwelt there, viz., Shaikh Jalalu-d-dinu-t-Tabrizi,

He then describes how he found him and stayed at his hermitage for

three days. He tells some wonderful stories about the Shaikh’s pre¬

science, and fasting powers, but omits to tell us what we should like to

know, viz., where he first heard about Jalalu-d-din, or the exact place

where he found him. He mixes up his narrative of what he saw with

what he afterwards heard from Jalalu-d-din’s disciples, and omits to tell

when and where he received these communications.

It is true that Ilahl Bakhsli’s account of Jalalu-d-din seems incon¬

sistent with his having been alive in the 8th century of the Hijra, for

he tells us that Jalalu-d-din came to Delhi in the time of Khwaja Qutbu-

d-din, and was a contemporary of Bahau-d-din Zakariya. How

IQiwaja Qutbu-d-din Bakhtiyar Kald, who is the person meant, died in

633 according to Abu-1-fazl, and in 634 according to Ferishta, and

Baliau-d-din died either in 665 or 666. Ferishta’s references to Jalalu-

d-din Tabriz! also imply that he flourished in the first half of the 7th

century of the Hijra, for he describes 1 him as the friend of Bahau-d-

din, and as obtaining leave from Shihabu-d-din, Suhrawardi, to accom¬

pany Bahau-d-din from Bagdad to India. However, he stopped on the

way at Khwarazan, while Bahau-d-din went on to Multan. He also

mentions, 1. c. p. 718, four lines from bottom that Jalalu-d-din Tabriz!

came to Bagdad for the second time from Khar as an, while IQiwaja

Qutbu-d-din was there, and gave him news of Ma‘unu-d-din Cishti. The

two then went together to Multan, and eventually Qutbu-d-din pro¬

ceeded to Delhi whilst Jalalu-d-din went ofl to Ghazni. This must

have been subsequent to the time when Jalalu-d-din set out with Bahau-

d-din from Bagdad, for when he and Qutbu-d-din came to Multan, they

found Bahau-d-diu established there. It may be noted that Ferishta

does not say that Jalalu-d-din was at Delhi with Qutbu-d-din. Ferishta

also says 1. c., p. 742, six lines from foot, that Hizamu-d-din Auliya read,

when he was twelve years old, with one Maulana ‘Alau-d-din who had

received his investiture from Jalalu-d-din Tabrizi, and that in after life

he again fell in with this Maulana and greatly honoured him. The

Shaikhu-l-islam Hijamu-d-din Saghri, too, who according to Abu-1-fazl

and Ilahl Bakhsh. had a quarrel with Jalalu-d-din was, according to

Ferishta2, a contemporary of IQiwaja Qutbu-d-din, and was on bad terms

1 Bombay, Ed. by General Briggs, II., 760, nine lines from foot.

2 L. C. 760.

232 H. Beveridge — The Khurshid Jahdn Numd of [No. 3,

with him. On the other hand, Mr. Blochmann’s date of 642 seems

too early, as Shihabu-d-din, Suhrawardi, the aged preceptor of Jalalu-d-

dln, lived till 632. It is noteworthy that neither Ferishta nor Abu-1-

fazl gives the date of Jalalu-d-diu’s death, and that the latter puts him

in his list not only after Bahau-d-din, but after his son and grandson,

and also after Nizamu-d-dm Auliya, who died in 725 A.H.1 Abu-1-

fazl’s list2 appears to be in chronological order, so far as the saints of

the Suhrawardi order are concerned, beginning with Bahau-d-din Zaka-

riya. Of course all difficulties are removed, if we accept Ibn Batutak’s

statement that Jalalu-d-dln lived to the age of 150. There can be no

doubt, I think, that the Jalalu-d-dln whom he saw was the Pandua

Jalfilu-d-din. He told Ibn Batutali that he was in Bagdad when the

last of the Abbasides A1 Musta‘sim Billah was killed, and this oc¬

curred on 20tli February 1258 or 14th Safar 656.3 He must there¬

fore have been at least between 80 and 90 when Ibn Batutah saw

him. He describes him as being then very old, but he does not tell us

when or where he died. He only says that afterwards his disciples told

him that he had died at the age of 150. He also says that long after

his interview with Jalalu-d-dln, Barhanu-d-dln told him in China that

the saint was dead. The fullest account of Jalalu-d-dln that I have

seen is in the Siyaru-1-arifln of Hamid Bin Fazlu-llali, commonly known

as Darvisli Jamall, Brit. Mus., Catalogue, Or., I. 215, p. 354u. But

he too, does not give the date of his death.4 On the whole I am inclined

to think that the date 642 A.H. is wrong. It is possible that Jalalu-d-

din has been confounded with another saint of Tabriz named Shams-i-

Tabriz, who according to one account died in 615, and according to

another, in 643. Curiously enough, Shams-i- Tabriz had a pupil — the

famous Sufi poet, named Jalalu-d-din Rum! — and he took Shams-i-

Tabriz’s name as his takliallus or nom de plume. Dr. Rieu mentions

in his catalogue that Shamsu-d-din Tabriz was the constant companion

of Jalalu-d-din Rumi from 642 to his death in 615. Jalalu-d-din him¬

self died in Iconium in 672 A.H. See the Majalisu-l-‘ushshaq, Brit.

1 Ain Akbari Text, II., 216.

2 Abu-1-fazl seems to have consulted the Riyazu-l-auliya of Bakhtavar Khan,

who wrote in the time of Humayun. BaWitavar’s list is also in chronological order.

3 The date is given in Gibbon, &c.

4 He calls him Hazrat Shaikh Jalalu-d-din Abu-I-qasim Tabrizi, and devotes

ten pages to him. The account begins at 1836 of Or. 215. Brit. Mus. Catalogue,

p. 354a. It is curious that the converted Hindu milk-man of Badaon took the name

of cAli and wanted to go with Jalalu-d-din into Bengal. But I do not suppose he is

the man who afterwards became ‘Ali Shah and indeed we are told that the milk-man

remained at Badaon and became a great saint there.

1895 ] Sayyad Ildlil Bakhsh al Husairii Angrezab ddi. 233

Mus. Catalogue, I., 352. Sliaras is No. 25, in the biographies in the

Majalis and the account begins at p, 826.

The story of how ‘All Mubarak came to erect the shrine of Jalalu-

d-dln is told in the Riyazu-s-salatin, pp. 94 and 95, and also in Ilahl

Bakhsh, pp. 253 to 255. It has been translated by Blochmann, J. A. $. B.,

XL 1 1, pp. 252 and 253. The substance of Ghularn Husain’s account is

as follows : —

‘All Mubarak, the second of the independent kings of Bengal,

was originally a servant of Malik Flroz, the nephew of the Emperor

Ghiyasu-d-din Taghlaq Shah, and consequently the cousin of Juna

Khan Muhammad Shah. When the latter became Emperor (725) he

made Malik Flroz his Lieutenant-Governor. Haji Ilyas, the foster

brother of ‘All Mubarak, was “ wanted ” for some fault which he had

committed, and ‘All Mubarak was called upon to produce him. ‘All

Mubarak could not do so, and reported that he had absconded. Malik

Flroz blamed him for the disappearance and bade him leave Delhi. ‘All

Mubarak went oft towards Bengal, and on the way had an interview

wTith Hazrat Jalalu-d-din and implored his assistance. The saint was

pleased and said, “We have given you the province of Bengal, but

build a shrine for us.” ‘All Mubarak agreed, but asked where he should

build it. The saint replied, “ In the city of Pandua, in a place where

you will find three bricks, one over the other,1 and under them, a fresh

hundred-leaved rose.” s When he came to Bengal ‘All Mubarak entered

the service of Qadr Khan, and eventually became his General. Fakh-

ru-d-din revolted against Qadr Khan and killed him, but ‘All Mubarak

thereupon assumed the title of Sultan and marching against Fakhru-d-

din, defeated him and put him to death in requital of his having slain

his benefactor. ‘All Mubarak now struck coins, &c., under the style of

‘Alau-d-din, and in the intoxication of prosperity forgot his promise to

the saint. The saint now appeared to him in a dream and said “ ‘Alau-

d-din, you have become Sultan of Bengal, but you have forgotten my

order.” Next day search was made and the bricks, &c., were found

just as the saint had said. So the shrine was erected there in the very

place where its traces now remain.

In the Riyaz, the first interview with the saint is said to have taken

place Gp and certainly this means in a vision or dream. But

if, as the Pandua story is, Jalalu-d-din lived there till 738, the

necessity for a miraculous vision does not appear. It seems to me that

1 Probably what is meant is that the three bricks were set on end and leaning

against one another.

2 Though Gul sadbardk means hundred-leaved rose, Dr. King tells me it is

the Bussorali or Damascene rose, and not the rose Rosa centifolia of Linnaeus.

J. i 30

234

[No. 3,

H. Beveridge — The Khurshid Jahdn Nuiud of

perhaps the words ‘ aim roya may merely mean that ‘All Mubarak had

an interview with the saint, or Grhulara Husain may have made a

mistake, or used an incorrect expression, for the Bibliotheca Indica text

shows that there is a grammatical error in the passage. The subsequent

vision is intelligible, for by that time ( 741), the saint had left Pandua.

Mr. Blochmann translates here “one night Jalalu-d-din again appeared

to him,” but the word again is not in the original. If we suppose

that there was an actual interview, and that the Shaikhu-l-islam. who

turned Jalalu-d-din out of Delhi was Nizamu-d-din Auliya, the whole

story might hang very well together.1 For it was in the first year

of his reign that Muhammad Shah appointed Malik Firoz as his Naib,

and this was just after Nizamu-d-din’s death, viz., 725.

Mr. Blochmann has represented the Riyaz as saying that ‘All

Mubarak killed his benefactor Qadr Khan and then killed Fakhrn-d-din

in revenge for this. But whatever the sentence may mean grammati¬

cally, I think that Ghulam Husain meant to say that it was Fakhru-d-

din, who killed Qadr Khan, and this is how Ilahi Bakhsh has understood

the passage.

The statement in Abu-1-fazl that Jalalu-d-din’s tomb was in the

port of Dev Mahal puzzled me for a good while. Then I found in

Ravenshaw’s Gaur, p. 46, a statement that according to some people, the

saint died on one of the Maldives. And I also found Blochmann, J. A.

S- B., XLIL, 260, referring to the passage and saying that Bandar Din

Mahall was either the Maldives or Din in Gujarat. Ilahi Bakhsh’s

statement that Dev Mehal is in Bengal is evidently merely a guess, and

there can be no doubt that the Maldives are the place meant, Dev Mehal

being merely a corruption of Mahaldiv, or Mahaldib, which is the native

name for the islands. The Maldives lie south south-west of India and

not far from Cape Comorin.

Though we do not find that the name of Jalalu-d-din is known there,

yet we find that the name of his country is known, and that the natives

ascribe their conversion to a saint who came from Tabriz in Persia.

This seems strong confirmation of the story that Jalalu-d-din’s tomb is

in the Maldives.

The following extract from Messrs. Young and Christopher’s

account of the Maidive islands will be fotond interesting. I give it the

more readily because the early volumes of the transactions of the

1 But of course this is opposed to the authorities, and if Jalalu-d-din was excep¬

tionally long-lived, as Ibn Batutah says, there is no difficulty in the chronology, and

the Shaikhu-l-islam may have been Najmu-d-din Saghra. We do not know when

this man died, but he is said to have been deposed by Shamsu-d-din Altamsh.

Apparently then Jalalu-d-din left Delhi for Badaon and Bengal not later than 633,

(1236 for Altamsh died in that year).

235

1895.] Sayyad Ilahl BaJchsh al J^usainl Angrezabadi.

Bombay Geographical Society are rather scarce. They are not to bo

found in the British Museum or the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society,1

but are in the India Office Library.

Extract from Transactions of the Bombay Geographical Society.2

“ They (the islanders) have a tradition that about 400 years ago, the

Muhammadan religion was introduced amongst them by a man whose name

was Tabriz, or whose country was so-called. The probability is, that the

latter was the case.

“ The tomb of this person, which is pointed out in Male, is held in great

veneration, and always kept in goodlrepair. Some time afterwards, Chris¬

tians (doubtless the Portuguese) came there, and propagated the tenets of

their faith, but they were soon expelled by one of their own chiefs, who

belonged to Attol Zilla Don Matee, and who re-established Muhammadanism

amongst them, on a secure footing. Tabriz, they say, came from Persia ;

and they state that shortly after his death, some of his countrymen, who

came in search of him, remained, and when they died, were buried on the

south-east point of the island. From the Persians, the islanders learned

many songs in the language of that people, which are still sung, although not

understood. The tambourine, it was also said, was brought there by them.

We visited the graves of the Persians, and counted about sixty, only two of

which had inscriptions *that were legible, and bearing date 994th year of

the Hijra, which would make them 257 years old.3 One of these being in

appearance less old than the other graves, it seemed probable that it was not

the depository of the remains of any of the first settlers, but of those of

one of their descendants. The Fandiarhee 4 has many Persian manuscripts,

but only one could be procured by us.”

Mr. Gray in his translation of the voyage of Pyrard of Laval has

given an abstract of Young and Christopher’s account, but he has adopted

the faulty date of J677, and has made some incorrect inferences there-

§

1 The volume has since been found in the R. A. S. Library.

2 Memoir on the inhabitants of the Maldiva Islands by Lieutenant J. A. Young,

and Mr. W. Christopher, I, p. 54.

3 Messrs. Young and Christopher were on the island in 1834-35. Their figures

are nearly right, for 994 A. H. is 1586 and 1834-257 corresponds to 1577. Mr. Gray

seems inadvertently to have read 157 for 257, for he gives the English date as 1677.

4 The Fandiarhee is an officer next in authority to the Sultan, and who shares

with him in the respect and veneration of the people. In him are united the two

offices of head of the Church and Chief Magistrate. The reverence with which he

is regarded, indicates the sincerity in them of the Muhammadan tenets. His deci¬

sions as Magistrate are always received with deference, and the natives in general

shew that they entertain a high sense of the importance of his duties, particularly

that of interpreter of the Koran, he being the only person amongst them who has

a competent knowledge of the Arabic for a purpose considered so necessary (p. 70).

(Ibn Batutah calls this officer Famaldari. Perhaps the word comes from fahm ,

intelligence, but it seems more likely that it is a corruption of Faujdar. It may also

be ‘Amildar).

236 H. Beveridge — The Khurahtd Jafian Numd of Ildhi Bafchsh. [No. 3,

from. I, however, quote Pyrard’s words: “ Some sepulchres they hold

sacred, and at them keep many lamps burning continually.” To this

Mr. Gray adds from Young and Christopher’s account: A remarkable

object on the island 1 is a tomb erected over the remains of a person

who is regarded by the natives as the most eminent of their saints.

The building, which is surmounted by a cupola and a short spire, is thirty

feet high ; the gate, over which a lantern is placed, is of copper network

(T. Bo. Geo. Soc., I, 63).”

Ibn Batutah does not mention Jalalu-d-din in connection with the

Maldives. According to him, Muhammadanism was introduced into the

island by a Muhammadan from Barbary named Abu- 1-bark at, and he

tells a romantic and interesting story of how the conversion of the

islanders was brought about. He also says that he saw an inscription

on a mosque, which stated that the Sultan had embraced Muhamma¬

danism at the hands of Abu-l-barkat. Ibn Batutah was twice at the

Maldives, but both occasions were before he visited Bengal and saw Jalalu-

d-din. As Jalalu-d-din asked him about his travels, it may be that it

was Ibn Batutah’s account of the Maldives that induced Jalalu-d-din to

go there. He may, however, have done so simply on his way to Mecca,

which it is said he used to visit every year.

There is a curious similarity between Ibn Batutah’s narrative about

Abu-l-barkat, and the accouut of Jalalu-d-dln’s success in the Maldives

in the Siyaru-l-arifin. The latter tells that Jalalu-d-din broke down the

idol temple, and that one-half of the customs (Bandar) was assigned

for the support of his langarkhana there. Ibn Batutah tells us that

one-third of the customs (Bandar, which he explains by an Arabic phrase

rendered by his French translators entrepot de la douane) is given to

travellers in gratitude for Abu-l-barkat’s delivering the island from the

power of a demon. It is unfortunate that the exact date when Ibn

Batutah visited Bengal is not known. He left Tangiers on 2nd Rajjab

725 (14th June, 1325) and arrived in Bengal apparently about 741 (1341)

when disputes were going on between Fakhru-d-dln and ‘All Shah. In

all probability the Sadkawan where Ibn Batutah landed is not Chitta¬

gong, but Satgaon, the Jamuna which he refers to being one of the

streams into which the Ganges separates at Tribenl.

Though Ibn Batutah is a confused and credulous writer, yet, I think,

it cannot be doubted that he saw a man in Bengal or Assam, who was

called Jalalu-d-din Tabriz!. In his account of Delhi, Ibn Batutah says

that he devoted himself for five months to the service of a saint named

Kamalu-d-dln ‘Abdu-llah Algliarl. Perhaps this is the Kamalu-d-dln

Jaffarl mentioned in the Siyaru-l-arifln as a friend of Jalalu-d-din.

1 This is Male or King’s island (so called from the residence there of the Sultan).

It is the principal atoll or island of the group, and lies at their southern extremity.

1895.] E. A. Gait — Note on some Goins of the Koch Kings.

237

Note on some Coins of the Koch Kings. — By E. A. Gait, I.C.S.

(With Plate XXIY.)

[Read July, 1895.]

Several new coins of the Koch dynasty have recently come to

light, and as very little is generally known regarding these coins, I

propose to describe briefly the different specimens which I have seen.

Marsden describes coins of Laksmi Narayana and Prana Narayana only

(MCCIII and MCCV), the dates on which he reads as paka 1649 and

1666 respectively. The symbol read by Marsden as a six is a curious

figure closely resembling the English figure 5, and strangely enough,

there can be no possible doubt that it is used to represent 5 on the

coins-under reference. The symbol in question is a common one, not

only on Koch coins, but also on the coins of the Ahom, Jaintia and

Tippera kings. It is not a six, as it often appears in conjunction with

the usual symbol for that figure, e.g. on the coin of piva Simha

given in Marsden (MCLIII), who in this case correctly reads it as a 5,

and on a coin of Yijaya Narayana of Tippera. Again in the case of

many Ahom coins, where we have a very accurate chronology apart

from the testimony of coins, the dates on the coins agree perfectly

with those recorded in the Buranjis if the symbol is read as 5, but not

otherwise. So with the two Koch coins under discussion. The

approximate dates of Laksmi Narayana are 1584—1622 A. D. and of

Prana Narayana 1627-1666 A. D. Now if the symbol be read as 6,

the dates given above will utterly disagree with those on the coins,

whereas if it be read as 5, the dates on the coins will be 1549 and

1555 paka, or 1627 and 1633 A. D. In this case, the latter will fall

within the period during which the king whose name it bears reigned,

while in the case of the former there is only a slight discrepancy which

may be explained either by assuming a small error in the date assigned

by tradition as marking the close of Laksmi Naray ana’s reign, or by a

mistake in the reading of the third figure. The latter is, I think, more

likely for the reason given below.

238 E. A. Gait — Note on some Goins of the Koch Kings. [No. 3,

There is a coin of LaksmI-narayana in the possession of the

Society, 1 the date on which is 1509 paka, and another coin of the

same date has been described in the Arunodai (an Assamese Vernacu¬

lar Magazine) of March 1851. I have in my possession a third coin,

also dated P'aka 1509. It will be noticed that the third figure in the

specimen reproduced by Marsden is somewhat blurred, and I am in¬

clined to think that the real date of this coin also is 1509 paka. There

must in any case be some mistake about the date reported by Marsden

to be on another coin of Lnksml-narayana (No. MCCIV) which unfor¬

tunately has not been reproduced by him. He gives the date of the

coin in question as paka 1659. Allowing for the misreading of the

second figure this would be 1559, whereas the coin of Prana-narayana

already referred to bears date 1555. Most probably, the true date

on tliis coin also is paka 1509.

An earlier coin than either of the above was found some years ago

in the Garo Hills, and described in the Journal , Asiatic Society of

Bengal, XLIV, page 306. This is a coin of Nara-naraynna, the second

and greatest Koch King, and is dated paka 1477 (Plate XXIV, 1).

I have procured two more specimens of this king’s coins, both bearing

the same date, but differing in the shape of the letters, while one of

them has the word Bhupdlasya inserted after Narayana (Plate XXIV, 2).

A careful search for coins of this dynasty has been in progress for

some time past, but it has only resulted in the discovery of one new

full coin, which has been presented to the Society by the owner,

Babu Tanuram, Mauzadar of Hastinapur in Barpeta. The reading of

this coin is : —

Obverse. — Cr Cr Raghu-deva-ndrdyana-pdlasya Cake 1510.

Reverse. — Cr Cr Uara-gauri-carana-kamala-madhuicarasya.

Particular interest attaches to this coin, because while the others

all belong to Nara-narayana or his descendants who ruled in the

Western Koch Kingdom, this is the first specimen which has come to

light which bears the name of a king of the Eastern Kingdom. 2

Ragliu-deva or Raghu Rai as he is called in the Vamgavall of Raja

1 Procured for me two years ago by Babu Madhav-candra Bardalai, Sub-

Divisional officer of Barpeta, vide Proceedings, August 1893, page 146. [The date

shown in the Proceedings (1069) is a misprint],

2 For the genealogy of these kings, see my paper on the Koch Kings of

Kamarupa, Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, LXII page 305. I take this oppor¬

tunity to correct a misprint on the page in question ; the date in the sixth line from

the bottom should be 1658 A. D. and not 1558 A. D. The coin here referred to was

exhibited to the Society in May 1895, vide Proceedings for that month.

239

1895.] E, A. Gait — Note on some Corns of the Koch Kings.

Laksmi-narayana, 1 came to the throne in 1583 A. D. So the coin was

minted five years after his accession, and one year later than the coins

issued by his contemporary, Laksmhnarayana, .the ruler of the Western

Kingdom. ... .. .

I now come to the half coins of the Koch Kings, regarding

which there has been much misconception amongst numismatists.

Only one such coin is mentioned by Marsden who attributes it, on

the authority of Tavernier, to a Raja named Maton Shall, whose

territory is said to be situated “ beyond the first range of mountains

bordering Hindustan to the north.”,.

Another specimen is given in Prinsep’s Indian Antiquities, Vol.

II, page XLV (No. 6), where it is described as a Cachar Coin of

£?r Gir^a-candra-narayana. . .

Several specimens of these half coins were procured for me by

Babu Madhav-candra Bardalai two years ago, and noticed briefly in

the Proceedings for August 1893 (page 146). When touring in the

Eastern Duars last January, I found that some varieties of these coins

are still common and succeeded in getting a few useful specimens from

the villagers.

The difficulty which has hitherto been felt in identifying these

half coins lies in the fact that the legends on them are incomplete, — the

method of manufacture adopted being apparently to strike a full coin

and then to make half coins by stamping out the centre. It is thus

impossible to read the legend on any individual coin without some

clue, but starting with the assumption that they are coins of the Koch

Kings and knowing the legends which are usually found on the full

coins, it is no longer difficult to see that the reading of all the half

coins is as follows : —

Obverse. — Cr Cr mat ( name of king) -ndrdyanasya Cake (date).

Reverse. — Cr Cr Civa-carana-kamala-madhukarasya.

No half coin contains the whole of this legeud, but as the portion

stamped out is seldom the exact centre of the coin, a comparison

of one coin with another shows that the above is undoubtedly the

correct reading of these coins. Unfortunately the names of the kings

in whose reigns they were minted are nearly always incomplete, and it

is seldom that more can be read from them than the last two or three

letters. We can however identify some of them by comparing the

terminal letters with those of the Koch rulers of the western kingdom,

1 He is called Raghu-deva in the inscription in the temple of Hayagriva at

Hajo, which is quoted in the paper mentioned in the last footnote, and which

bears date Qaka 1505.

240

E. A. Gait — Note on some Coins of the Koch Kings. [No. 3,

of whom a list is given in Hunter’s

They are : —

Nara-narayana

Laksmi-narayana .

Vlra-narayana

Prana-narayana

Mada-narayana

Va sude v a- n aray ana

Mahendr a-narayana

Rupa-narayana

U pendr a- nar ayan a

Dev endra-narayana

Dhairy endra-narayana

Raj endra-narayana

Darendra-narayana

Dhairyendra-narayana ( again )

Harendra-narayana

pi v endra-narayana

Statistic Account of Koch Bihar.

1534-

1584-

1622-

1627-

1666-

1681-

1683-

1695-

1715-

1764-

1766-

1771-

1773-

1780-

1783-

1839-

-1584

■1622

-1627

-1666

•1681

■1683

1695

1715

•1764

■1766

1771

1773

•1780

1783

1839

•1847

A. D.

With these data, it would in any case seem probable that the coins

(Nos. 3 and 4) referred to in the Proceedings for August 1893, were

minted in the reign of Prana-narayana, and I have now procured

another similar coin which places the matter beyond doubt, as the

whole name (£Tt«!) is perfectly legible on it (Plate XXIV, 3).

The coin in the Society’s Collection on which the termination of

the king’s name is is clearly a coin of Upendra-narayana (Plate

XXIV, 4).

There remain a number of coins which show the termination of

the king’s name to be as, or As there are several kings

whose names end with these letters, it is difficult to identify these coins

with any degree of certainty, and it is not improbable that some were

minted by one king and others by another. I have recently procured a

coin on which the whole name ^ivendra-narayana can be clearly read

(Plate XXIV, 5), and anotherin which the letter preceding the ^ seems

to be r and not r,1 so that it must be a coin of either Darendra-narayana

or Harendra-narayana (Plate XXIV, 6).

Lastly there is a coin on which the termination of the name seems

to be dndra , which does not fit in with any of the names of Koch

Kings quoted above (Plate XXIV, 7). Another peculiarity about this

1 The letter is similar to the Assamese r, in which the sign distinguishing this

letter from v is a bar across the triangle and not a dot below it, as is the case in

Bengali.

1895.] E. A. Gait — Note on some Coins of the Koch Kings . 241

coin is that there is a small letter s above the ndra , the meaning of

which is not very clear.

The above coins are all of silver, but I have also seen some copper

coins ; brass coins are also not unknown.

When commencing the discussion of these half coins, their identity

with Koch coins, was referred to as ‘assumed.’ There can however be

no doubt that they really are Koch coins, for apart from the fact that

their langnage, character and legends are identical with those of the

full coins of the Koch dynasty, we have seen that two of them bear

the full names of Koch Kings (Prana-narayana and Qivendra-

narayana). As already stated, they are still common in the Eastern

Dears where the}7 are well known as “ Ndrdyanl rupees.”

It will be seen that the above account of the coinage of the Koch

Kings is not very complete but it contains a notice of all the coins

which I have hitherto met with. The search for other coins of this

dynasty is still being continued, and it is hoped that in course of time

more may come to light.

Postscript.

Since the above note was written, I have had an opportunity of

examining the collection of Koch Coins in the British Museum, which

includes those described in Marsden’s work.

There are in all, five coins of Laksml-narayana, and there is no

doubt that the date on all of them is 1509 faka, although in one or

two cases the third figure is somewhat defective.

There is, I find, a coin of Raghu-deva in the Museum, similar in

all respects to that noticed in the Society’s proceedings for May last.

The collection includes three full coins of Prana-narayana, two of

which bear date 1555 paka ; the date on the third coin is not decipher¬

able.

The half coins of the Koch Kings are kept in a separate tray,

which was originally labelled “Bhotan,” but this was subsequently

altered to “ Kachar,” presumably on the authority of Prinsep (Ind.

Antiq. Vol. II. p. XLV). This tray contains several half coins not

mentioned in the above note, viz., of Mada-narayana, RCipa-narayana and

Dhairyendra-narayana. There are several coins in the collection with

“ andra” on the termination of the King’s name, and it is noted against

one of them that it is reported by Jenkins (General Jenkins) to be a

Bhotia forgery.

I4ith August , 1895.

E. A. G.

242

E. A. Gait — Some Notes on Jaintia History.

[No. 3,

Some Notes on Jaintia History . — By E. A. Gait, I.C.S,

(With Plate XXIY)

[Read July, 1895.]

Although Jaintia was an independent state up to 1835 A.D., its

past history is almost a blank, and we know nothing of the causes

which united the Syntengs under one ruler, while their neighbours and

close congeners, the Khasis, preserved a democratic constitution, and

remained split up into numerous petty states, nor of how the kings came

under Hindu influence and eventually left the hills and settled down

at Jaintiapur in the plains tract north of the Surma river. Neither

is it known how the tract in question, which contains a numerous

Musalman population and extends to within a few miles of Sylhet town,

came into their possession.

This piece of country, which is now known as the Jaintia parganas

and forms part of the Sylhet district, is at the present time being re¬

settled under my supervision, and the opportunity has been taken to

piece together the few items of information regarding its ancient his¬

tory which could be collected.

The materials which have been gathered are, however, very scanty ;

they consist of (1) traditions, (2) inscriptions on coins, (3) inscrip¬

tions on copper-plates (land grants), and (4) references in the buranjis

of the Ahoms and in the Varrigavali of Laksmi-narayana.1 The infor¬

mation under the first three heads has been obtained chiefly by Babu

Giris Candra Das, Assistant Settlement Officer, who has shown much

industry and perseverance in pursuing his enquiries in the directions

indicated to him.

Coins.

That the kings of Jaintia had a mint at an early date is shown by

the statement in the Vamgdvall of Laksmi-narayana to the effect that

1 Bee paper on the Koch Kings of Kamarupa. — J. A. S. B 1893, p. 268.

1895.] E. A. Gait — Some Notes on Jaintia History. 243

when Nara-narayana defeated the Raja of Jaintia (a few years prior to

1565 A.D.), one of the conditions which he imposed on the defeated

monarch was, that, in future, coins should not be struck in his own name,

but that his capital only should be mentioned. This story may perhaps

explain why so few Jaintia coins bear the name of the king in whose

reign they were struck, but are simply described as coins “ of the most

illustrious ruler of Jaintiapur.”

Although there is thus reason to believe that coins were minted

more than 270 years before the annexation of the country, it would

seem that their use as a medium of exchange was never very extended.

In a report submitted in 1835 A.D., by the Commissioner of Dacca

(Mr. Lowis), it is said :

“ It is needless to speculate on the fact that the raja had a tolera-

“ bly large sum of money in his possession, or that many of the Visaya-

“ dars have probably considerable hordes ; the fact is indisputable that

“ all the more weighty transactions of the community were effected

“ without the help of any thing approaching to the same quantity of

“ silver that circulates elsewhere. The labourer mostly satisfied the

“demand against him with labour, the producer with produce, audit

“ would be just as reasonable to expect to find a supply of beaver hats

“ or Saxon broadcloth as silver, in places when the general wants of the

“ community have not been such as to demand a supply of these com-

“ modifies.”

All rents in the time of the rajas were paid in kind, and one of

the chief difficulties experienced by the early British administrators

of the tract lay in the substitution of money rents for payment in kind.

The Jaintia rupees were locally known as Jcatrd tdlca from the fact

that they bore the device of a sword on them. Unlike the coinage of

the Ahoms, which was exceptionally pure, they were made of very

debased metal, which was doubtless a result of the system under which

the right to mint coins was sold by auction to the highest bidder. Two

coins bearing date 1712 faka were sent in 1836 A.D. to the Assay

Master, Calcutta, for analysis, and were found to contain respectively —

According to the Company’s standard, the value of the first coin

was reported to be 3 annas and that of the second 4 annas 9 pie.

With the exception of a few of more recent date, Jaintia coins are

244

E. A. Gait — Some Notes on Jainfia History.

[No. 3,

now exceedingly rare, and the only collection which I have come

across is one found in the possession of an old man living at Jaintia-

pnri raj, the former capital. The following is a list of the coins in this

collection with the inscriptions on them :

(1) Whole coin of 1591 Caka.

obverse. Qr Cr Jayantdpura-purandarasya , Cake 1591.

reverse. Cr Cr Raghundtha-pada -padma-par ayanasy a (Plate

•XXIV* 8)!

(2) Whole coin of 1592 Caka.

obv. Cr Cr Jayantdpura-purandarasya Cake 1592.

rev. O' 9r Civa-carana-kamala-madhukarasya (Plate XXIV, 9).

(3) Whole coin of 1630 Qaka.

obv . Cr Cr Jayantdpura-purandarasya Cake 1630.

rev. Cr Civa-carana-kamala-madhukarasya (Plate XXIV, 10).

(4) Whole coin of 1653 Calca.

obv. Cr Qr Jayantdpura-purandarasya Qdke 1653.

rev. Cr Cr Qiva-carana-kamala-madhukarasya (Plate XXIV, 11).

(5) Quarter coin of 1653 Caka.

obv. Cr Qr Raja Bara Guqdt.

rev. Sirjha Bdhadiirasya 1653 (Plate XXIV, 12).

(6) Whole coni of 1696 Caka.

obv. Cr Cr Jayantdpura-purandarasya Cake 1696.

rev. Cr Civa-carana-kamala-madhukarasya (Plate XXIV, 13).

(7) Whole coin of 1704 Caka.

obv. As above, with date 1704 Cake (Plate XXIV, 14).

rev. As above.

(8) Whole coin of 1707 Caka.

obv. As above, with date 1707 Cake (Plate XXIV, 15).

rev. As above.

(9) Whole coin of 1712 Caka.

obv. As above, with date 1712 Cake (Plate XXIV, 16).

rev. As above.

(10) Quarter coin of 1712 Caka.

obv. Cr Cr Rdma-sirjha-nrpavarasya

rev. Cake 1712 (Plate XXIV, 17).

These coins have been purchased from the owner and sent to the

Society. The interest attaching to them is less than it otherwise

would be, owing to the fact already adverted to, that only two of them

bear the name of the ruler under whose orders they were struck.

These two furnish us with the following dates : — -

Bara Ginjai Sigha 1653 faka

Rama-sir)ha 1712 faka.

1895.] E. A. Gait — Some Notes on Jaintia History. 245

I have not included in the above list one coin in the collection

(Plate XXIV, 18) because it seems donbtful whether it is a Jaintia

Coin or not. The legend is as follows :

obv. Qr Cr Jaya-sUhha-blmpdlasya Cdlce 1585.

rev. Cr Qr Hara-gauri-carana-pardyana.

The character is very similar to that on the coins known to belong

to Jaintia, and the distinctive dagger or sword is engraved on the

reverse. On the other hand there is no reference to Jaintiapur and

the legend on the reverse is not found on any of the known Jaintia

coins.

Copper Plates.

Up to the present time, the following copper plates only have been

collected :

(1) Copper Plate , dated 1692 Caka.

This plate sets forth that the king, Bara Gu^al Simha, having

become a Sannyasi, makes a grant of 192 Kedars of land to Lila Pnri

Svami, with the consent of his nephews and nieces, including his

successor Chattra Simha, and in the presence of his Prime Minister,

U. Maupnar Laskar and the Commander-in-Chief Manikya Bay.

(2) Copper Plate , dated 1710 Caka.

This recites a grant by Kasa Sati Devi, the consort of the above

mentioned Bara Gu^i, of plots of land aggregating 85 hals1 for the

service of the image of the Goddess Kali in the monastery of Lila Puri

Sannyasi. The <grant was made with the concurrence of the princes

and of the Raja, Vijaya-narayana. On the reverse of this plate are

recorded two more grants by the same queen in 1724 and 1725 paka,

respectively.

(3) Copper plate, dated 1720 Qaha.

In this plate is set forth the grant by Raja Rama-simha of some

land for the temple of f iva which had been erected by him at Dhupi.

(4) Copper plate, dated 1727 Caka.

This, like Xo. (2), records a grant by Kasa Satl, widow of Bara

Gu^ai, the donee being one Xityauanda, the Guru of Raja Rama-

simha.

1 In Cachar, the hal is equivalent to 4<-815 acres ; in Jaintia it is said to have

been somewhat less. A Icednr or Tciyar is the twelfth part of a hal. The term hal

occurs also in two old copper plates found in Sylhet some years ago and decipher¬

ed by the late Dr. Rajendra Lala Mittra.

246 E. A. Gait — Some Notes on Jaintid History [No. 3,

(5) Copper plate, dated 1735 Caka.

This is another grant by the same lady, with the consent of Raja

Rama-simha, of some land for the worship of the idols of Vasudeva,

Jagannatha and Bhudliara.1 *

The Jaintid Kings.

It is known that the Jaintia Rajas were of Synteng or Khasi

descent, and that although they had long come under the influence

of Hinduism, the KhasI custom of descent through the female con¬

tinued to the end.3 But beyond this we know nothing definite. The

old people still preserve a few traditions and profess to know the

genealogy of their kings, and all wTe can hope to do is to test their

scanty statements by comparing them with the few scraps of infor¬

mation furnished by the coins and copper plates mentioned above and

by stray allusions in the annals of neighbouring states.

The names of the Jaintia kings with the order in which they are

said to have reigned are noted below.

Of the first six of these kings, tradition tells us nothing beyond

their names, and there is no mention of them elsewhere. As regards

Dlian Manik, the seventh in the list, the Ahom buranjis relate that he

was at war with the Kacharis, whose king was named Bhimbal, and

that in order to enlist the Ahoms on his side, he sent to Pratapa-simha,

otherwise known as f^egpha, offering him his daughter in marriage,

1 A curious feature about all these copper plates is that the seal at the top of

them is almost identical with the device on the coins of the kings of Tipperah.

3 Report of Commissioner of Dacca to the Board of ‘Revenue, dated 13th

Novr. 1835. From the first of the copper plates described above it will be seen that

the Prime Minister in 1692 Qaka was not Hinduised, as he still bore a KhasI name

and used the distinctive Khasi prefix “ U.”

E. A. Gait — Some Notes on Jaintia History.

247

1895.]

on condition that he fetched her via Satgao which lay in the Kachan?

country. This was in 1535 Qaka (A.D. 1618 ). The Ahom king accepted

the offer, and the result was a war with the Kacharis. The Ahom

buranjis further state that in the course of the reign of the same king

(Pratapa-simha), Maijala Raja of Dimuria submitted and became

tributary to the Alioms, in order to escape from the oppression of Jasa

Manik of Jaintia, so that it may be concluded that Jasa Manik was

reigning some time between 1618 and 1639 A.D. (the date of Pratapa’s

death), and was probably the successor of Dhan Manik as stated by the

people of Jaintia. Local tradition has it that Jasa Manik went to Koch

Bihar and married a princess of the Koch family, and that when he

returned he brought the image Jainte<yvarl with him.

Of the next five kings on the list, no record has so far been traced,

but of LaksmI-narayana we know that he was living in 1632 £aka

(1710 A.D.), as there is an inscription on the ruined palace at Jaintia-

purl raj (the old capital) which bears that date, in which it is

stated that LaksmI-narayana was the king who caused the palace to

be built.

The next reference is found in the Asam buranji of Ka^nath

Tamuli Phukan, in which it is stated1 that towards the close of his

reign, Rudra-simha, who reigned from 1617 to 1636 faka, advanced

as far as Mica, Mukli in Nowgong on his way to invade Jaintia, when

the king Rama-simha hastened to tender his submission.

The next king Jaya-narayana has left no trace behind him, but

of his successor, Bara Gujai, we have a coin dated 1653 paka and

a copper plate dated 1692 paka. From the latter it appears that he

abdicated the throne and became an ascetic in the year in which it

was inscribed, while it may, perhaps, be assumed that the coin was

struck in the year of his accession. If so, his dates will be from 1731

to 1770 A.D.

There is a tradition that this king and his sister Gauri Kuarl were

taken prisoners by the Sim of Khyrim, but escaped by the aid of men

sent by Amara-simha, Sim of Cherrapunji. It is said that the two

villages at which they halted on their return journey to Jaintiapurl

raj 3 were given to the Cherra Sim by Bara Gu^ai as a reward for his

services on this occasion ; these villages are still held lahhirdj by his

descendants.

The plate referred to above says that Chattra-simha was the suc¬

cessor of Bara Gu9al, so 1692 faka may be taken as the date of his

accession.

1 loc. cit. p. 35.

2 Angajur and Fatehpur.

248

E. A. Gait — Some Notes on Jaintici History.

[No. 8,

From tlie next coppel’ plate, wliicli bears date 1710 paka, it

appears tliat Cliattra-siihha had by that time been succeeded by Vijaya-

narayana, who in his turn probably died in 1712 paka, which is the

date found on the coin which bears the name of Raina-simha. The

copper plates show that Rama-simlia was still reigning in 1735 paka or

1813 A.D. Indra-simlia who succeeded him died shortly before the

annexation in 1835 A.D.

From the above it will be seen that the traditional genealogy of

the 14th to the 22nd king is confirmed by the inscriptions, &c., which

have been collected. The seventh and eighth kings are mentioned in

Ahom chronicles in the order in which they are placed by tradition,

and the interval between the date when the eighth king was reigning

( cis 1638 A.D.) and that of LaksmI-narayana’s inscription on the

palace at Jaintiapuri raj (1710 A.D.) is about what would suffice for

the reigns of the five intervening princes of whom no record has

hitherto been found. There is therefore, fair reason for accepting the

traditional genealogy as correct, so far at least, as the seventh and

subsequent kings are concerned.

The story of the annexation of Jaintia is told at sufficient length

in Mackenzie’s North-Eastern Frontier. It will suffice to mention here

that it was due to the abduction of four British subjects as human

sacrifices to Kali.1

1 This custom of offering human sacrifices was common amongst the Ah5ms,

Koches and Kacharls, and will form the subject of a separate note later on.

1895.] F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Cedi , Matsya, and Karusa.

249

Ancient Cedi, Matsya, and Karusa. — By F. E. Pargiter, B.A., I.C.S,

(With a Map, PL XXV).

[Read August 1895.]

The ancient country of Cedi is one of which little information is

given in Sanskrit writings in comparison with the important part

which its kings played in early history.

General Sir A. Cunningham in liis Archaeological Survey of India

places Cedi on the R. Harmada (Nerbudda) and in Chattlsgarh. He

says, ‘ Tewar or Tripura was the capital of the Kulacliuri Rajas of

Chedi. In the Haima Kosa Tripura is also called Chedinagari. Amongst

the Brahmans it is famous as the site of the defeat of the demon

Tripura by Siva. There can be no doubt, therefore, that the place

is of great antiquity ; although it is probable that it was not the most

ancient capital of the celebrated Chedi-des. At a very early period

the whole of the country lying along the upper course of the Xarbada

would appear to have been occupied by the Haihaya branch of the

Yadavas. In the Maha-bharata several different persons are men¬

tioned as kings of Chedi ; but as nothing is said about their relation¬

ship, they most probably belonged to different divisions of the country.

It would seem therefore that, some time before the composition of the

Mahabharata, the land of Chedi had already been divided into two or

more independent states, of which one belonged to Raja Sisu-pala,

whose capital is not mentioned ; and another to the father of Chi-

trangada, whose capital was Manipura. The capital of Chedi in the

time of Raja Vasu is said to have been situated on the Suktimati

River, which according to the Puranas has its rise in the Rikslia

range of hills along with the Tons and the Xarbada. In later times

we know that there were two great Haihaya States in Central India,

viz., the kingdom of Alalia Kosala with Manipur for its capital, and

the kingdom of Chedi proper with Tripura for its capital. But as the

Haihayas of Kosala date their inscriptions in the Chedi or Kulacliuri

Sam vat by name, we have an additional proof that their country

J. i. 32

was

250

F. E. Par gi ter — Ancient Cedi , Matsyn , and Karusa. [No. 3,

once included within the limits of the ancient Chedi. I incline there¬

fore to look upon Manipur (to the north of Ratanpnr) as tlie original

capital of Chedi-des and to identify the Suktimati river with the Sakri

which rises in the hills of the Kawarda State to the west of Lapha.’

(Rep. Arch. Surv. IX. pp. 54 and 55). And the title Kulachuri

or Kalachuri ‘ would seem to have been confined to the Tripuri

branch of the Haihayas and its ramifications ; while the Manipur

kings, after the transfer of their capital to Ratanpnr, were known

as the Ratnavali Haihayas/ (Ibid., p. 57). And again, ‘ as we lenrn

from the Mahabharata that the capital of Chedi was situated on the

Suktimati river ; and as we know that the Mahanadi flowed through

the country of Chedi, I am more inclined to accept the Mahanadi as

the representative of the Suktimati, and to place the capital of Kosala

[Chedi ?] on its banks.’ (Id , XVII. p. 24 ).

The notices of Cedi, however, which are found here and there in

the Maha-bharata and elsewhere shew very plainly that, whatever

may have been the movements of the Cedi princes in after years, the

country of Cedi in the Panda vas’ time was very far north of the

Narmada and Mahanadi.

Cedi was closely associated with Matsya. King Vasu, who estab¬

lished a dynasty in Cedi, had a son called Matsya who became a king

(M.-bh., Adi-p., Ixiii. 2371-93 ; and Hari-vam9a, xxxii. 1804-6), and

though it is not stated where Matsya reigned, yet it seems reasonable

to suppose he reigned in Matsya. But putting that aside, it is stated

positively that an ancient king Sahaja reigned over both the Cedis

and the Matsyas (Udyoga-p., lxxiii. 2732). Matsya as will be seen

-was the country south-west of Indra-prastlia or Delhi, and it would

have been impossible for one king to rule over that district and a

kingdom on the Narmada, whether the intervening region was peopled

or covered with forest. This passage demonstrates that Cedi must

have touched Mats}Ta.

Further the Cedis are often joined with certain other people,

as if forming a natural group ; thus they are linked in one compound

with the Matsyas and Karusas (e.g., Bhisma-p., ix. 348 ; liv. 2242 ; and

Karna-p., xxx. 1231), and with the Ka^s and Karusas (e.g., Adi-p., cxxiii.

4796; and Bhisma-p.', cxvii. 5446). Ka^i was of course Benares ; and the

position of Mafsya and Karusa may be determined here, because Lassen

lias placed them erroneously in his map ( In d. Alt.), Matsya north of

Allahabad and Benares, and Karusa in the north of Oudh.

Brahmavarta was the country between the rivers Saras-vati on

the north and Drsad-vati on the south and east (Manu II. 17). South

and east of it lay Brahmarsi-de^a, which comprised Kuru-ksetra,

1895.] F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Cedi , Matsya , and Kariisa. 251

Matsya, Pancala and furasena (ibid., 19). Now Kuru-ksetra, it is well-

known, was the land south of the Drsad-vati ; Pancala comprised

the middle portion of the Granges and Jumna Doab ; and fTirasena

was the country around Mathura, the modern Muttra. Matsya as part

of Brahmarsi-de^a touched Kuru-ksetra on the south and ffarasena on

the west. This will appear from the following references.

Matsya lay southward from Kliandava-prastha or Indra-prastha,

for the first two countries which Salia-deva conquered in his Expedition

to the Southern region were ^urasena and Matsya (Sabha-p., xxx.

1105-6). Its position to the west of Qurasena is also brought out clearly

by the description of the Pandavas’ journey to the court of Virata king

of Matsya, when they had resolved on spending their last year of exile

in concealment there; for crossing the Kalindi or Yamuna in the south

portion of the Doab, they travelled north-westward, passing north of the

Da^arnas and south of the Pancalas and then through the Yakrllomas

and Curasenas into Matsya (Virata-p., v. 141-5).

These indications entirely bear out Cunningham’s statement that

Matsya was the country west of Agra and north of the R. Chambal

(Rep. Arch. Surv. II. p. 242 ; and XX. p. 2 and Plate I) ; though

it would perhaps be a little more precise to say Matsya comprised

the modern State of Alwar with the country around it, and stretched

southward as far as the R. Chambal, for it touched Cedi there.

South of Matsya were certain people called Apara-Matsyas (Sabha-p.,

xxx. 1108), and they very probably occupied the hilly tract on the

north bank of that river, that is, they were the inhabitants of the

southern portion of Matsya.

Such being the position of Matsya, it appears plain how there could

have been frequent raids between Matsya and Trigarta which lay on

the north of Bralimavarta (Virata-p., xxx) ; and how the Pandavas,

when wandering about in the forests after they had been burnt out of

Varanavata (Adi-p., cxlviii.), visitedt he Matsyas, Trigartas, Pancalas

and Klcakas, which were the nations that surrounded the Kurus (id.,

clvi. 6084-7); and again how, when Qalya king of Madra (the capital

of which, pakala, was in the Rechna Doab between the rivers Clienab and

Ravi — Sablia-p., xxxi. 1196-7; and Cunningham’s Arch Surv. Repts.,

II. pp. 192-6) was marching to see the Pandavas in Matsya at the

beginning of the great war, Duryodliana had time to hear the news at

Hastina-pura and get an interview with him on the way, (Udyoga-

p., vii).

The mention of the Matsyas in the description of Bhima’s con¬

quests in the East region (Sabha-p., xxix. 1081-2) is no doubt a

mistake; -whether it is a mistake for Vatsa, which was the country at

252 F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Cedi , Matsya , and Karusa . [No. 3,

the south end of the Ganges and Jumna Doab with its capital at Kau-

^ambi, the modern Kosam (Arch. Surv. Repts., I. pp. 301—3 10 ), is

not clear, for Vatsa is definitely mentioned in ibid., 1084. So also the

double mention of the Matsyas in the list of Indian peoples in the

Bhisma-p. (ix. 347 and 348) appears to be a mistake, and here there

can be little doubt that the name in the first of these verses should be

Yatsa (or Yatsya, as the people were also called), for otherwise the

Yatsas are not mentioned in the list at all.

The capital of Matsya was Upa-plavya or Upa-plava (Qalya-p.,

xxxvi. 1973-6). From there to Hastina-pura was less than two days’

journey by chariot, for Krsna in going from there to see Dhrta-rastra,

started one day, reached a village Yrka-sthala at evening, and went

on to Hastina-pura next day (Udyoga-p., lxxxiii. 3010-17; lxxxv.

3040 ; and Ixxxviii. 3101).

Now there are a few indications given in the Rarnayana regarding

the speed at which people could travel by chariot in ancient times.

Thus, the messengers who were despatched from Ayodhya express to

the Kekaya capital Giri-vraja in the Panjab, to inform Bharata of his

father Da9a-ratha’s death, accomplished the journey in just seven days

(Aydclh.-k., lxx. 2-19) ; and Bharata in hastening back by a different

route spent seven nights on the way so that he completed the distance

within eight days (Id., lxxiii. 2—17). Cunningham has identified Giri-

vraja with the modern Jalalpur on the Jhelam (Arch. Surv. Repts.,

II. pp. 14, 173-177), but it is not essential to the present purpose

whether this identification is perfectly correct or not, for it is quite

certain that the Kaikeya or Kekaya country and Giri-vraja occupied

more or less nearly the position which he has assigned them. The

distance from there to Ayodhya is about 650 miles in a direct line,

and may be taken to have been about 700 by road. The messengers

then travelled at about 100 miles per day, and Bharata at about 90.

Again, when Janaka king of Videha, sent messengers to Ayodhya to invite

Da^a-ratlia to Mithila, they travelled in carriages driven fast and

reached Ayodhya on the fourth day (Adi-k,, lxx. 1). This distance

is about 200 miles, and the day’s journey would have been about 50 or

60 miles : this slower rate may be explained by the very reasonable

supposition that the roads to the east were not so good as those through

Madhya-de^a.

Upa-plavya therefore was probably not more than about 150 miles

from Hastina-pura, and this distance would make Upa-plavya fall some¬

where in the neighbourhood of Alwar or Bairat. Cunningham says

Bairat represents the ancient capital Yairata, but I have met no passage

in (he Maha-bliarata which calls Upa-plavya by that name, and it does

1895.] F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Cedi , Matsya , and Karilsa. 253

not appear to be certain that the two names mean one and the same

city; though it is of course very possible that the name derived from

king Virata may have superseded the older name. Lassen places Upa-

plavya on the site of the modern Amballa (Ind. Alt., Map).

We may now return to Cedi. King Vasu, while oat hunting one

day, sent ( it is fabled) a message home to his queen by a hawk, and

the bird flew over the Jumna on its way to her (Adi-p., lxiii. 2373-

87). Hence it appears Cedi must have bordered on that river; the king

could hardly go hunting in forest territory far from his realm ; and

it may even be inferred perhaps that the business entrusted to the

bird implies that the king could not have been at a great distance from

his capital. This fable, absurd as it is, yet must have a real and true

ingredient of topography in it, for Satya-vatl dwelt on the banks of

the Jumna and gave birth to Vyasa on an island in that river (Ibid.,

2396-2426), and the story which explains the lineage and honour of

queen Satya-vatl and the great Sage in a miraculous manner, yet

harmoniously with ancient ideas, would not have given satisfaction

unless it agreed with the well-known conditions of the country.

Cedi is said to be one of the countries around the Kurus when

the Pandavas debated where they should spend the last year of their

exile (Virata-p., i. 11-12) ; and Yudhisthira names the Cedis with the

Ka^is, Pailcalas, and Matsyas as the nearest nations with whose friendly

intervention he chose five villages for his kingdom of Indra-prastha

(Udyoga-p., lxxi. 2594-5). And, as has been mentioned already, Cedi

touched Matsya. It is said to be in the eastern region when Bhima

went forth on his expedition to conquer the east (Sabha-p., xxviii.

1069-74) ; but it was in the southern portion of that region, for it is

connected with the Dat^arnas (who dwelt on the modern river Dasan

in Bundelkhand) and with the Pulindas (who appear to have dwelt

south of the Da9armis)

All these conditions can only be satisfied by placing Cedi along

the south bank of the Jumna from the R. Chambal on the north-west

about as far as Karwi (which is north-east of Citra-kuta) on the south¬

east ; and its limits southward would have been the plateau of Malwa

and the hills of Bundelkhand. Cedi is placed in the south in the

story of Arjuna’s following the sacrificial horse over India (A9va-medh.-

p., lxxxiii. 2466-9), and the position now proposed will satisfy this

passage also. The Yakrllomas, who have been mentioned above in

connexion with Matsya, were probably a tribe dwelling along the north

of the Cedi territory, for, beyond that they are named in Bhlsma-p.,

ix. 353, they are hardly to be found alluded to elsewhere.

The capital of Cedi is said in the Maha-bharata to be fuikti-matl

‘254

F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Cedi, Matsya, and Karicsa . [No. 3,

(Vana-p., xxii. 898), or as it was also called by way of variety pukti-

sahvaya (A9va-medh.-p , lxxxiii. 2466-7). It was situated on the

It. pukti-mati, for it is said the river flowed towards the city, and a

legend was told that Mount Koliiliala, being in love with the river, ob¬

structed her, but king Vasu gave the mountain a kick and the river

flowed out through the passage made by the blow (Adi-p,, lxiii.

2367-70). Cunningham’s identification of the river and city has been

quoted above, and Mr. Beglar has proposed another solution (Arch. Surv.

llepts., VIII. pp. 123-125), but they do not agree with the position

now found for Cedi, nor with the further data which I now proceed to

discuss.

The pukti-mati river is said in the Puranas to rise in the Vindliya

range, and not in the Rksa range as Cunningham says. There is some

confusion between the two ranges in the Puranas, largely through

errors of transmission, and partly also because the two ranges form a

kind of knot at Amara-kantaka, where the Narmada, Sone and Malia-

nadi in its Seonatli branch (which was formerly considered the main

stream) rise, and these rivers were held to rise in the Vindliya Moun¬

tains ; but looking at the other rivers assigned to these two watersheds,

the pukti-mati is grouped with the Da^rna (Dasan), Citra-kuta (near

Mount Citra-kuta), Vipa^a (Bias, a tributary of the Ken), Tamasa

(Tons) and Vilalii (at Gaya), all of which unquestionably rise in the

long Vindliya chain ; and not with the Tapi (upper part of the Tapti),

Payosnl (Purna and lower part of the Tapti), Vena or Venya ( Wain-ganga)

and VaitaranI (Bytarni) which unquestionably rise in the Rksa range.

The actual grouping decides this matter, and not the mere text of the

Puranas which may be and is full of mistakes ; thus the Matsya

Purana (cxiii. 25-28) and the Kurma (xlvii. 30-33) wrongly interchange

the names of the two ranges, making the former group of rivers rise in

the Rksa Mountains and the latter in the Vindliya ; while the Markan-

deya Purana (lvii. 21-25) makes the same mistake as to the second group

and declares the first group rise in the Skandlia range, when there are no

such Mountains ! These errors and the not infrequent jumble of names

are no doubt due to the ignorance of transcribers ; for it is a remarkable

fact that the early Sanskrit writers had a much better knowledge of

the Geography of India than their successors ; the Ramayana and

Maha-bharata contain a considerable quantity of fairly accurate inform¬

ation, while the Raghu-va 1119a, p^upala-badha and modern poems are

singularly barren in this respect.

The R. pukti-mati then rises in the Vindliya Mts. ; and it must

be noted that iu the Purana lists this, name includes the hills about

as far west only as Saugor where the Da^arna, rises, for the next im-

1895.] F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Cedi, Matsya , and Karusa. 255

portant river westward the Vetra-vati (Betwa) is assigned to the

Paripatra watershed. Presumably then the Qukti-ma.ti must be east

of the Da^arna, and the only noteworthy river in that direction which

breaks through the hills is the Ken. I have not been able to discover

any Sanskrit name for the Ken. Lassen gives its ancient name as

Kfiyana (Ind. Alt., Map), and Cunningham says Ken or Kayan is a

corruption of Karna-vatl (Arch. Surv. Repts., II. p. 446, and

XXI. p. 156) ; but I have not met with either of these names any

where else, nor are they mentioned in Prof. Sir M. Monier- Williams’

Dictionary. Now the Ken is too large and important a river to have

escaped being* noticed and named, especially when its western-most

tributary was called the Vipat^a (Bias). Putting these facts together

then, it seems to me the Ken must be the pukti-matl. It breaks

through the hills between Panna and Bijawar in a way that suits the

legend, and it flows through the country, which on quite different

reasoning has been identified as Cedi. The results of these two entirely

independent lines of argument certainly corroborate each other, and the

reasons for accepting this identification, to which I have been led solely in

the course of working out the foregoing data, appear to be very strong.

Mount Kolahala then would be the hills between Panna and Bija¬

war ; it is not a single hill, for that would hardly suit the legend, and

moreover the Sanskrit words parvata, giri, &c., often denote a cluster or

group or chain of hills, while gihhara, gryga, &c., are more properly the

terms for a single hill or peak.

The capital Qukti-matl then must have been situated on the Ken

after it breaks through the hills, but its exact site can only be discover¬

ed by careful local inquiry and the aid of large maps. It may, however,

be placed provisionally in the neighbourhood of Banda, for that would

be about the most suitable position for a capital with regard to the con¬

figuration of the country.

We may next consider the position of Karusa. The word is also

written Karusa, Karusa, and Karusaka. The Karusas constituted a

powerful nation under king Danta-vakra in the Pandavas’ time (Sablia-

p., xiii. 575-7 ; and Hari-v., xci. 4963), and the royal line was a

famous one (Adi-p., lxvii. 2700) ; yet they seem to have consisted

of several tribps, for Karusa “ kings ” are spoken of (Udyoga-p., iii. 81 ).

The Karusas Tvere not looked upon as closely allied to the nations around

them, for their origin is carried in the Hari-varru^a directly back to

an eponymous ancestor Karusa, a son of Manu Vaivasvata (x. 614 ;

and xi. 658b

The position of Karusa is indicated by the following allusions.

It is linked with Cedi and Matsya as already mentioned : with Kf^i

256

F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Cedi, Matsya , and Karusa. [No. 3,

(Bhisma-p., lvi. 2415) ; with Cedi and Ka<p as already mentioned ; and

with the Yatsyas or Vatsas (Drona-p., xi. 396) whose position has

been stated above. Moreover king Danta- vakra acknowledged Jarasandha

king of Magadha ( i.e ., the modern districts of Gaya and Patna) as

his suzerain (Sabha-p., xiii. 575-7 ; and Hari-v., xci. 4963). Vi^va-

mitra, when taking the youthful Rama to slay the YaksinI Tadaka,

crossed from the R. Sarayu to the south of the Ganges and entered the

modern district of Shahabad ; and said that that region had once been

inhabited by the Malajas and Karusas (Ramay., Adi-k., xxvii. 8-23).

Lastly Karusa is described in the Maha-bharata as a country not very

accessible (Sabha-p., li. 1864): and the Marknndeya Purana says

distinctly that Karusa is one of the countries touching the Vindhya Mts.

which stretch from Malwa into Bihar (lvii. 52-53), and so also the

Matsya Purana (cxiii. 51-52).

Karusa therefore was a hilly country and lay south of Ka^ and

Vatsa, between Cedi on the west and Magadha on the east, and

enclosing the Kaimur hills which are part of the Yindliyas ; that is

it comprised all the hilly country of which Rewa is the centre, from

about the river Ken on the west to the confines of Bihar on the east.

It would have touched Cedi on its north-west and Da^rna on its west.

The passage cited from the Ramayana suggests that the Karusas

originally inhabited the Shahabad district and the region of the

lower Sone, and had been driven out shortly before Rama’s time south¬

ward and south-westward into the hilly country which is shewn to

have been their territory in the Pandavas’ time and afterwards ;

but as all the country was dense forest about Prayaga and Citra-kuta in

Rama’s time ( J. R. A. S., 1894, pp. 238-241), it may also be inferred

that the Karusas had not then acquired all that territory, but were

spreading westwards over it gradually.

We may next notice the information which is to be gleaned regard¬

ing the dynasty which reigned over Cedi. It began with Yasu, who

was sur named Upari-cara, and who took possession of the country at

Indra’s command (Adi-p., lxiii. 2334-5), From the description given

of it, it appears to have been a flourishing land already; so that

Yasu did not carve out a new realm, but must have invaded an attrac¬

tive country and possessed himself of the sovereignty of it, in commem¬

oration whereof he established a festival in Indra’s honour {ibid.,

2340-5 and 2361). He was not a Haihaya, but a Paurava as the first

of these passages shews, though no further allusion is made to his

parentage. There is some divergence as to the period when he lived.

As father of Satya-vatl he would have been contemporary with Bhisma’s

father £antanu or grand-father Pratlpa ; yet the Hari-van^a also

1895.] F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Cedi , Matsya , and Kariisa . 257

throws him five generations bach by making her the fourth ancestress

of Brahma-datta, king of Kampilya, who was Pratipa’s contemporary

(xviii. 967-81 ; and xx. 1047) ; and again places him midway between

these two periods by the genealogy which it gives of his descendants

(xxxii. 1804-10).

The kingdom which Vasu. founded was a powerful one. He annexed

the neighbouring territories, chiefly to the east, and placed his five sons

who were called the Yasava kings there. They established separate

dynasties, of which only two however are clearly mentioned, viz., Yrhad-

ratha ruled over Magadha, with Aijga seemingly as an appanage, and Ku9a

(or Ku^atnba) Mani-vahana reigned presumably in Kau^amba (Adi-p.,

Ixiii. 2362-5; and Hari-v., cxvii. 6598). Which' son succeeded him in

Cedi is not stated, nor where the two other sons reigned ; but it is

highly probable that Kariisa was the territory ruled by one of them, for

its position midway between Cedi and Magadha would have necessitated

its conquest before Magadha, and the strong friendship between the

kings of the three countries (Sabha-p., xiii. 571-5; and xlvii. 1570)

and the alliances by marriage (Hari-v., xxxv. 1927, and 1930-2) indi¬

cate a close connexion between these dynasties. I may note here that

the king Vasu mentioned in Ramayana, Adi-k., xxxv. 1-9, appears to be

quite a different monarch, and prior in time to Yasu Upari-cara.

The next king of Cedi mentioned after Yasu was Dama-ghosa,

who was probably fourth or fifth in descent from him. He married

Krsna’s aunt, and his son was pi9u-pala, the famous king of Cedi, whom

Krsna slew (Hari-v., xxxv. 1927-31 ; xcv. 5256 ; and cxvii. 6599-6600).

Qi9u-pala was also called Su-nitlia (Hari-v., cviii. 6029 ; cxvii. 6594-

6608). ^^u-pala’s son and successor was Dlirsta-ketu (Udyoga-p., clxx.

5900) who joined the Pandavas in the great war and was killed there.

He was succeeded in the throne by his younger brother Qarablia (A9va-

medh.-p., lxxxiii. 2468-9), and with him the curtain falls on the stories

of those stirring old times.

I do not find any indications, as Cunningham alleges, that several

different persons are mentioned as being kings of Cedi at the same time.

Allusions are made to other kings of Cedi besides those whom I have just

noticed, but they refer to earlier monarclis who belonged to times prior

to Yasu Upari-cara. For instance, the king of Dayarna had two

daughters, one of whom married Yira-bahu king of Cedi, and the

other lihima king of Yidarbha; and the latter’s daughter was Dama-

yantl who married king Hula (Yana-p., Ixix. 2707-8). Yira-bahu ap¬

pears to be the same king who is called Su-bahu Satya-da^in (id., lxv.

2576). Nala’s story however belongs to times long prior to the Panda¬

vas : this is plain from the way in which the story is told, his down-

J. i. 33

258 F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Cedi , Matsya , and Karusa. [No. 3,

* -y

fall being a well-known example (see id., xiii. 601) ; and lie is made

a contemporary of Rtu-parna or Rta-parna king of Ayodhya, who is

placed about 54 generations above the Panda vas’ time in the genealogy

in the Hari-vair^a (xv. 814 30) ; and Damayantl’s father Bhlma is

placed about 25 generations prior to that era in the same book (xxxvii.

1989-xxxviii). This allusion to Cedi bears out the remarks made in

the third previous paragraph that Cedi was a flourishing land before

Vasu’s time, and that he must have entered it by conquest. I am not

aware of any passage in the Malia- bharata which connects Mani-pura

and king Citra-vahana father of Citraijgada with Cedi or Chattisgarh ;

rather, it is strongly suggested that Mani-pura was on the eastern sea-

coast south of Kaligga (Adi-p., ccxv. 7823-4).

Note — Since writing the above I have found some genealogical information

regarding the Cedi kings in the Matsya Purana. Cedi is derived from an epony¬

mous king Cidi, grandson of Vidarbha, who it is said founded the kingdom of

Vidarbha, and great grandson of Jyamagha who conquered and reigned over the

country along the Narmada and the Rksa Mts. (xliv. 28-38). These kings were

descended from Krostu, son of Yadu, while the Haihayas were the descendants of

Haihaya, grandson of Yadu’s son Sahasra-ji (xliii. 4-7 ; and xliv. 14).

The 50th canto contains the genealogy of Yasu Upari-cara. He is said to be

fourth in descent from king Kuru, son of Samvarana, of the Paurava race (20-26),

and is placed 14 reigns anterior to the Pandavas (20-23, and 34—50) and is made the

ninth ancestor of their contemporary Jarasandha (26—32).

These statements indicate that the kingdom of Cedi was founded as an offshoot

from the sonth by the Yadavas of Vidarbha ; and after it had lasted through some

20 or 25 reigns, Yasu Upari-cara, the Paurava-kaurava, from the north invaded and

conquered the country and established his own dynasty in it.

1895.]

L. A, Waddell — Description of Lhasa Cathedral.

259

Description of Lhasa Cathedral , translated from the Tibetan — By

L. A. Waddell, LL.D.

(With Plate XXVI).

[Read August 1895].

Ho detailed description of the great temple or cathedral of Lhasa,

the jealously guarded St. Peter’s of Lamadom, seems to be on record.

The only extant accounts of it appear to be the rather brief notices in

Giorgi’s Alphabetum Tibetanum , 1 in the Chinese histories, which have

been translated by Klaproth2 and Rockhill, 3 in the Abbe Hue’s narra¬

tive, and the few general references to it scattered through the reports

of the Indian Survey spies.

The descriptive account now given, is found in the official guide-book

to the cathedral, a booklet of forty-six pages printed at Lhasa and

entitled ‘The Crystal Mirrored Catalogue of the transformed Lha-Zdan

(Lhasa.)’4 This book is a recension of a much larger one in three

sections, which respectively describe the three great temples of Lhasa,

Sam-yas and Ra-mo-ch’e.

As, however, its author is the crafty prelate, the 1st Dalai Lama

(AD. 1615-1680) who took such liberties with Tibetan tradition, 5

twisting it to suit his schemes and mixing with it so much of the lying

1 p. 406 et seq. ; Rome, 1762. He gives a ground-plan of the chief building.

2 Notice sur H’Lassa capitale du Tibet, in the Nouv. Annales des Voyages lie

series t. XIV. p. 257-275.

3 Tibet, a geographical, ethnological and historical sketch derived from Chinese

sources. J.R.A.S. 1891. pp. 8, 70-76, 263 et seq.

4 The title is given in bilingual form, in corrupt Sanskrit and modern Tibetan

thus : —

Devamanirmasya vihara warnadyasbatekai shuklebhira darsha viharatisma.

Lha-Zdau sprul-pai grtsug-lag-k’aij gi dkar-cli’ag s’el-dkar me-loij-tzugs.

b See my Buddhism of Tibet , 39, &c.

260 L. A. Waddell — Description of Lhasa Cathedral. [No. 3,

gabble of the priests, this record therefore cannot be considered to be

true history in respect to the earlier periods. Thus his frequent state¬

ments that such and such an image ‘ was made or existed in the time

of King Sroiptsan Gam-po (7th century A.D.) * must always be taken

for what they are worth. As, however, the book is the official guide to

the buildings and their contents, it may be considered fairly authentic

and trustworthy in regard to the events which are alleged to have

happened since say, about the 15th century A.D.

It contains interesting accounts of the chief images, frescoes and

other works of art 1 in this celebrated, though little known fane; which

is deemed the centre of Tibet: to which all roads run, and from which

all distances are calculated. Our account also mentions the principal

benefactors of the building, some of whom are of historic interest. And,

while it shows what a thorough paced idolatry Lamaism really is, it also

shows how remarkably catholic is the form of Lamaism represented in this

metropolitan temple. For although it is in the hands of the Gelug-pa,

the now dominant sect, which retains the temporal government in its

hands, and which openly despises and almost persecutes the other less

fortunate sects ; still this temple contains the images and deities of

every one of the many sects of Lamaism, and it gives a very prominent

place to images of Padma-sambhava, who I believe, was the founder of

Lamaism,2 but whom the Gelug-pas now endeavour to ignore altogether.

Such unorthodox images appear to have been already in possession of

the temple upon the accession of the Gelug-pas to supreme power in the

17tli century ; but the latter seem to have endeavoured to swamp them

as far as possible, by numerous later additions, restricted to saints and

canonized monks of their own particular sect.

Though the present account describes the condition of the temple

shortly after the building had passed into the hands of the Gelug-pas,

it is still fairly well descriptive of its present-day state, as almost all

the images retain their original positions, and the additions have been

almost exclusively those of Gelug-pa saints and the special tutelaries of

that sect. Such additions I intend to indicate briefly in a supple¬

mentary article, hereafter.

The general appearance of the cathedral of Lhasa has been des¬

cribed by me elsewhere 3 from the existing literature on the subject,

1 There is also (says the Chinese account translated by Rockhill loc. cit ., p. 283)

“ a collection of antique arms, two-edged swords five or six ch’ih long, fowling

pieces from eight or nine clTih to a ch’ang long resembling the chin-tzii cannon of

the present day, great bows and long arrows. They are all strange-looking objects.”

» Buddh. of Tibet, pp. 24-33, 378-332, 519, 531, &c.

3 Buddh. of Tibet, pp. 300 el seq.

261

1895.] L. A. Waddell — Description of Lhasa Cathedral.

with the exception of Mr. RockhilFs notes 1 which I am sorry to say had

escaped my notice. The attached illustration from a native drawing

gives some idea of its appearance.2 The chapels and other buildings 3

which compose the temple do not appear to form a pile of grand

architectural proportions, but rather a cluster of squat buildings,

resplendent in green and gold with glittering gilded roofs.4 They cover

a very large area of ground, about a quarter of a square mile it is

said, and the surrounding circular road is at all times daily circumambu¬

lated by hundreds of pilgrims and residents, many of whom do this

devotional duty in penitential fashion, by measuring their lengths on

the ground, as shown in the attached picture.

The frescoes and images seem to be more of mythological than

artistic interest, and the decorations appear to be almost barbaric in their

splendour, with their wealth of gold and precious stones and rich silk

embroidery and brocades, the votive offerings which have been lavished

on this central shrine by pious kings and other devotees for over twelve

centuries.

The most intrinsically precious imnges, those made of solid gold, of

which there are many hundreds, and those containing the most precious

stones, are safeguarded in a strong chapel the doors and windows of

which are protected by heavy iron gratings (‘ Chag-ta ’ 5) through

which the ordinary pilgrims and visitors can only peer, except on a

certain annual festival, when the building is thrown open to the

public.

The name Lha-sa6 or ‘the place of the gods,’ is the vulgar name

for the temple, and is properly restricted to denote the temple itself,

and not the city so-called. The original book-name of the temple seems

to have been Ra-sa, 7 or ‘ the enclosed or fenced spot,’ which name is

1 loc. cit ., containing important precise information, culled by Mr. Rockhill, from

trustworthy Chinese sources.

2 It may be compared with that illustration from Chinese sources given by

Mr. Rockhill, in his article referred to (p. 70). Several Lamas and others to whom

I have shown both illustrations state that my picture gives the better representation

of the building

3 Part of it is also used as a state-treasury. Mr. Rockhill writing from

Chinese sources of information says, c the annual revenue in money amounting to

probably 127,000 ounces of silver, all the produce and monies received as taxes are

stored away in the treasury in the Jo-k’ang (the Lhasa Cathedral) and are under

the care of three Sha-dso-pa ( i.e ., Treasurers), loc. cit., p. 8.

4 The Chinese account translated by Rockhill (loc. cit., p. 263), says “around

the central court-yard there have been erected brick pavilions several stories high

and pillared halls, the tiled roofs of which are ornamented with gold.”

6 '3*1 I ZC’ags-k’ra. 6 | 7 J

262

L. A* Waddell — Description of Lhasa Cathedral. [No. 3,

still preserved in the official designation of the cathedral ; 1 but

the ordinary book-name is ‘ Lha-Zdan,’ 2 or ‘ the godly possession ; *

and this is the name by which it is referred to throughout this

booklet.

This book begins with an invocation in corrupt Sanskrit, in Kutila

characters, followed by a Tibetan translation, both of which I have

omitted. The text is written in very difficult Tibetan verse, of which

each set of eight stanzas is followed by a paraphrase in ordinary prose.

It is this latter version which is here translated.

In transliterating Tibetan words into Roman characters, I have

followed Jeesclike’s modification of Csoma’s method as closely as the use

of ordinary diacritical marks permits. The silent consonants are placed

in italics as in Csoma’s plan. And tho names of deities and other

personages and things which I have translated into their more familiar

Sanskrit equivalents, have been printed in italics.

“ The great loving son of Cuddhodana 3 (i.e., Prince t^akya Simha)

the commiserating Lord, in order to lead all the countless living beings,

without distinction, to the glorious path of happiness, has founded

the precious Doctrine for the benefit of the gods and the whole host of

living beings. The high ranked 4 Maitreya , the religious protector

who causes the doctrine to prosper freely, desiring to place it in charge

of a king, devised plans for introducing the Teacher’s Doctrine into the

kingdom of snowy Bod (Tibet).

“ (Thus) the sublime triad of Lords,5 6 subdued the rude people

of this barren country (of Tibet), and turned their attention to the

Lina’s religion, so as to cause it to prosper abundantly. During the

2’eigns of the kings between the noble of grNa-K’r’i-frtsan-po down to

Lha-t’o-t’o-ri, namely grNam-gyi-k’ri-&dun, sTod-kyi-steg-^nis, Bar-du-

legs-drugs and ’Og-gi-6tsan-^sum, there was scarcely any religious

administration of justice at all. Lha-t’o-t’o-ri-^nan-6tsan founded the

beginnings of religion, and after five generations the great religious

1 B,a-sa ’p’rul-snaij. 8 I

•>3

Zas-^tsarj-sras.

4 l Sa-cli’en-po. This term is also used to denote a high stage, the

eighth, of the 10 grades of Bodhisats ( Daga-bh&mi ) Jaeschke’s Tibetan Diet., p. 569.

6 1?' | ’P’ags-pa rigs-grsum wgon-po. These

are the three metaphysical Bodhisats who are adopted as the defensores fidei of

Lamaism, namely, Manjutjri, Vajrapani and Avalokita.

1895.] L. A. Waddell — Description of Lhasa Cathedral.

263

king, the incarnation of Padmapani 1 Srog-frfcsan-sgam-po, obtained

the lotus-throne.

“ His (Srog-fetsan-sgam-po’s) fame as an ardent devotee of Buddha

spread far and wide throughout the world.2 On this account the great

kings of China, India and Persia and also ‘ Ge-sar ’ ( = P the Kaisar

or Czar)3 paid him humble reverence and tribute. He sent to India his

pious minister mT’on-mi-sam-bbo-ta, who there studied the Sanskrit

language and framed the necessary thirty-four ‘ Tibetan ’ characters

upon the model of the Indian ones. The laws were based upon ‘ the

ten precepts’ and they were rigorously enforced on all the subjects,

high and low, like a heavy golden yoke hung upon the neck. The

monk Yikrama-sarhbhava-mati (?)4 was sent (to India) to invite the

two kinds of self-sprung6 tutelary-gods.

“ By means of magical insight 6 and the mystical powers of esoteric

and exoteric mantras , and the wise acts of his minister mGar, he (the king

Srog-6tsan-gam-po) humbled the proud kings of China and Nepal (and

forced them to give him their daughters in marriage). His two

consorts, who were incarnations of Tara and Bhrkuti brought as their

respective dowries, the image of the omniscient one of the Iksvahu 7

and other wonderful images which imparted great blessings, also rich

presents of wealth which exceeded the whole treasury of the lord of

the Nagas.

“ During that period the mighty kingdom of Tibet overflowed

with religion and riches like a river in summer flood. Within its

glacial walls, the following hills (surrounding Lhasa) appear like the

eight spokes of the heavenly-wheel,8 and the eight petals of an earthly

1 He is here given the title of ’Q

P’yag-na pad-mai ye-s’es-kyi sgya-’grul ’dra

pal ral-gar mk’an-ch’os sa-kyor) rgyal-po.

2 J airibudvi'pa.

8 This is a somewhat mythical king of northern Asia, but probably is founded

on the great white Czar.

He seems to be a mythical person.

6 £R<VT*K»*TS,Q^ I

6 Details of this legend are to be found in the Mani-tkah-’bum and in the

Royal Chronicle. — rGyal-rab sel-bai m e-log.

7 | Bu-ram s’ig-pa, literally ‘of the sugar-cane,’ the title of the

founder of the Solar race, to which the Qakya tribe belongs, cf. Jaeschke’s Diet., p. 369.

| $rNam ’k’or-lo rtsib trgyad.

264

L. A. Waddell — Description of Lhasa Cathedral. [No. 3,

lotus-flower. 1 The hill Byai)-hai)-bran-pal-po with the (divine) umbrel¬

la on its head, the hill Mal-grog with the (lucky) fish in its eye, the

hill Bol-mar-dog-Zte or the Bag rock, the mDor-mk’ar-gyi-frrag with

the (lucky) lotus in its tongue, the Nari-Zu*an-’p’an-cZkar (hill) with the

(lucky) conch-shell in its breast, the pass of La-yrib-kyi-’k’yags-pa-

dkar-ch’uq also called rDsoij-frtsan hill with the (lucky) vase in its

neck, the hill Yug-ma with the (lucky) diagram ‘Sri-beu,’2 in its

breast, in the north-east the hill rMog-Zco’g-frrag formerly called ’K’ol-

mar-^dugs with the (lucky) banner in its trunk, and the hill sTod-luq-

6rai)-p’u with the ( lucky) wheel at its foot.

“In the centre of this wondrous land, and encircled in this way by

‘ the eight glorious signs,’ 3 lies the palace of the king of the f/akyas —

(Lhasa), the vihara 4 of Ra-sa-’p’rul-snag 5 — which was founded solely

for the happiness and the guidance of all the animal beings, and for

enlightening their gloomy path, even as the light of the sun and moon

dissipates the foggy mist.

“ In order to found the school or vihara on a lucky site, the

Nepalese queen (of King Sroipfrtsan) sent a maid to his Chinese queen

(who was skilled in astrology) requesting her to ascertain by careful

computation, a lucky site for the erection of the school. The Chinese

queen gave the necessary information, calculated according to the

Chinese reckoning of ‘the 80-Spor-t’aq ’ — 6 ; but the maid seems to have

forgotten the proper reply. So attempts were made to fill up the lake

(of Ba-sa or ‘ O-t’ag,’ the site of the present cathedral of Lhasa), but

they proved unsuccessful (owing to the machinations of devils). The

envious Chinese queen, without permission of the king, laid the

foundation (of a temple or school) at La-^doi)-neu-t’ag which however

the spirits 7 destroyed utterly during the night.

“ Then the king, with his wife Bhrkuti, went to the further side of

the lake O-t’aq, 8 and he threw up skywards a ring which descended

1 I Sa pad-ma ’dab-brgyad.

2 1 the so-called ‘ Buddha’s intestines,’ see my Buddhism of Tibet,

pp. 393 and 394.

8 Skt. Astamavjgala. See my Buddh. of Tibet , pp. 392 et seq.

4 1 gTsug-lag k’aq ; a school or academy, also a Vihara, conf.

-*£>

Jseschke’s Diet., p. 433.

Ea-sa p’rul-snaq.

-v" _

6 l sPor-t’aq brgyad-c’u.

CN

7 *r*T<£|3j | Mi-ma-yin = ‘ not men.’ (Skt. Amanusha \

265

1895.] L. A. Waddell — Description of Lhasa Cathedral .

exactly in the middle of the lake, whence a caitya of many colors sprung

up. This (miracle) was witnessed by the chief ministers. By the

solemn prayers of the king, combined with the stones thrown into the

lake by the energetic ministers and people, a firm slender stone caitya

was formed, which was supported on pillars, and the lake was filled

up successfully without further difficulty. [And on this lacustrine site

the temple of Lhasa was built].1

“ But for want of the precautions pointed out by the Chinese queen,

the demons destroyed the building. So that when the king heard of the

astrological account of the Chinese princess by which the building could

be preserved he was overjoyed, and he then with the aid of his two

queen-consorts built a nine-storeyed house of solid masonry at sKyid-s’ad-

naq-bran-p’a’-boi) ; 8 and they remained there for a week coercing ‘ the

three Lords,’ s who appeared unto them in a vision and blessed them.

“ Then he (king Sroq*6tsan-gam-po), erected four schools 4 at each

of (the sites of) wT’ah-’dul, Yaq-’dul, and Ru-gmon, after making a careful

survey of all the unlucky features of those lands. He also founded the

school of (Lhasa) Ra-sa-p’rul-snaq, by the help of his incarnations and his

Tibetan subjects. Then followed the erection of the school of Ra-mo-ch’e.

“ (In the temple of Lhasa or ‘Rasa’) there is a side painting of

the five Jinasb consecrated by the rice6 of the king (Sroq-frtsan) him¬

self, as a symbol of the (mystic) Body 7 ; and the six-syllabled prayer (i.e.,

1 A popular tradition is still current that there is a lake under the temple

of Lhasa, and that an opening underneath the great image of the Lord (Jo-wo) in

the central shrine, communicates with this lake. The story is probably related to

the indigenous Ndga or dragon- worship of the country. Mr. Rockhill ( loc . cit., p. 70)

notes a legend to the effect that this lake was confined to its present bed by Padma-

sambhava after which only did it become possible to build over it — though this

would place the erection of the temple over a hundred years after Sroiybtsan

sgam-po’s reign. ‘ Every year,’ says, Mr. Rockhill ‘ in the second month precious

offerings are thrown down the hole in the Jo-k’ang out of which comes a great

noise of wind. If this were not done, the waters or rather the Lu-jyal-po ( Nagaraja )

would cause the waters to rise up and engulph the city.’ On this legend conf.

Hue’s Souvenirs d’un voyage, II, p. 193.

8 The building to which this legend attaches still exists close to the north of

Ramo-che on the northern outskirts of Lhasa.

6 Rigs-srsum ?ngon-po. See before.

4 ^Tsug-lag k’aq.

6 | rGyal-wa rigs Zqa; the five Celestial Buddhas or ‘the

Dhydni Buddhas of the Nepalese’ — See my Buddhism of Tibet, pp. 336, 346, &c.

6 Sacred objects are consecrated by throwing rice at them during a celebration.

7 sKu literally ‘ the body.’ This together with the next two categories

namely <ySuq (speech) and T’ugs (mind) denote the three mystic elements of tbe

Vajraydna creed. Cf. my Buddh. of Tibet, p. 147.

J . i. 34

266

L. A. Waddell- — Description of Lhasa Cathedral.

[No. 3j,

Om-nia-ni-pad-me-hurh) of “the Great Pitying One ” (Avalokita), as &

symbol of (mystic) Speecli ; and as a symbol of the Mind, a caitya

made by Sa-skya Pandita, enshrining small images of the king.

“ (The following images were) made by the yogi $Z’is-ka, name¬

ly the great translator Rin-cli’en-fezaq-po, rGyal-mts’an-cZpal-fezag 1 of

sBah-ra-dPal-p’ag-mo-gru-pa-rdo-rje-rgyal-po,2 Seg-ge-rgyal-mts’an3 of

mNali-ris, Sags-rgyas-<ipal-6zaq of Gyab-p’ug, the reverend Mi-la-ras-

pa, ’Gro-wal-mgon-po of the Z’aq family of gYu-brag, and Z’ig-pa-

fcdud-rtsi now called Mahakala.

“Above these images is the Muni 4 (Qakya), and a little below is

mDol-ch’ui)-dKor-dpon.

“ Over the door of the northern gandhakuta (chapel) 6 are images of

the omniscient (Grand-Lama) frSod-narmj-?-gya-mts’o and ‘ the three

(divine) Lords ’ made by the chief &&R,a-s’is-rab-6rtan of sKyod-s’od.

“ The image of the eleven-headed ‘ Great Pitying One’ ( Maliakaruna)^

was thus obtained : In order to avert impediments to the building of

the school, prayers were offered to the tutelary, and in reply a voice

was heard saying that if an image of Mahakaruna were made about the

size of the king’s own body all desires would be fully realized. So the

king procured a branch of the bodhi- tree, the fragrant bir ana- grass of

the island, sand of the river ‘ Nairanja,’7 pieces of sandal- wood called the

‘ dragon’s heart,’8 and gos'irs'a and earth from the eight holy places. 9

These ingredients being mixed with many other holy substances, and

washed with the milk of a red cow and a white she-goat were placed

beneath his pillow while he prayed to Buddha and his disciples of the

ten directions. Then he saw that innumerable gods, wild and fierce

entered into the heap and disappeared. And next morning he found that

the materials had become changed into an image of ‘ the eleven-headed

Great Pitying One.’

“ Then he addressed the artist saying, “ It is indeed marvellous that

this image has been made so suddenly, but I had wished to put into it

relics of ‘ the seven Buddhas ’ and the self-sprung sandal- wood image

which was brought from India.” The artist replied, “ This image has

1 A Lama of the Kar-gyu-pa sect. 3 Also a Lama of the Kar-gyu-pa sect.

8 A Lama of the Ka-dam-pa sect.

4 , T’ub-pa. ^Tsaq-k’ag.

6 l T’ugs-rje ch’en-po. 7 The ‘Lilajan’ at Budh-Gaya.

8 I sBrul-snin.

9 Apparently the sites of the eight great stupas which were built over

Buddha’s relics.

267

1895.] L. A. Waddell — Description of Lhasa Cathedral.

not been made by me. It is self-sprung.” And no sooner bad this con¬

versation ceased than the under- vest of the image was seen to be folded

up to the thigh and rays of light darted ont from the soles of the

feet and attracted the (sandal-) image and the relics which were thus

taken up and disappeared by absorption into its breast.

“ Afterwards, when the gods and rakshases gathered at the foot of the

poison-tree at the western ‘ Moon-grove ’ 1 and intrigued to injure the

devotees of the (new) religion, the (image of) Mahakaruna smiled, and

two rays of light darted out from his mouth. One of these became the

fierce fiend 6Dud-?-tsi-’kyil-pa who seized the abode of the wicked

demons .and sanctified it by surrounding it with ra/r a -thunderbolts

and the other became (the fiend) Hayagriva 2 * who drove the gods and

rakshasas to the other side of the ocean.8 Then the self-sprung image

of the Arya ( Mahakaruna ) and the images of the king and his two

consorts disappeared by absorption into that of Hayagriva , hence the

image is called 1 the self -sprung pentad.’ 4 * 6 7

“ The retinue of this image, which were made during the lifetime of

the king (Sroq-frtsan) are, on the right, Lokegvara,1 6 Bhrkuti, Sarasvatif

and ADud-?tsi-’kyil-pa ; and on the left, Khasarpani, Tdrd , Maricif

and Hayagriva. Amongst these ’6Dud-rtsi-’kyil-pa and Hayagriva are

very important and impart great blessing, as they routed the evil spirits

who impeded the building of the vihara. The siddhi c£Nbs-grub and

the ruler Naq-ni-ma-’od-zer took out Mahakaruna’ s prayer-wheel,8 from

beneath the right leg of Hayagriva , which latter on that account has

become slightly bent. On the right of Hayagriva is Manjughosa, and

on the left Vajrapdni made by Ch’al-pa-k’ri-dpon. But the (foregoing)

set of nine images, came to this northern Gandhakuta (chapel) from

(the Indian) Potala of their own accord.

1 1 zLa-ba ts’al. 8 j rTa-mgrin.

8 This reference to the ocean is interesting in connection with the Brahmanical

myth of Hayagriva, which makes Hayagriva a demon of the ocean. Cf. Dowson’s

Hindu Mythology, p. 36.

4 | Raq-byon Zija-Zdan.

| ’Jig- rten dfrAg-p’yug. A form of Avalokita as an earth-

-o

ly prince. Most of the images of deities, demons and saints referred to in this

account are described in some detail in my Buddhism of Tibet.

6 J dbyAqs c’an-ma.

7 |

’Od-zer c’an-ma.

-v

8 I Ch’os-skor ; it also means ‘ preachiug.’

268

L. A. Waddell — Description of Lhasa Cathedral .

[No. 3,

“ As we emerge (from the chapel) these images are placed in the

outer court-yard of the gandhalcuta, namely the revelation-finder 1 King

T’ap-stoq,2 made by himself, the holy Buddha, the siddhi Birwapa,8

and the great Ka^miri Pandit Qakya§ri.

“ Above the door of the building sit the Buddhas of the three

periods.

“ The translator Zags-mk’ar,4 who transmitted the holy religion to

this snowy land by translating the Sanskrit books into the Tibetan

language, made an image of the reverend lord Maitreya,5 from the

earth which had been wetted by the stream where the King ( Sroq

bsfcan) and his two consorts used to bathe, and he named it ‘ the bathed

or baptised Maitreya f 6

“ In the lap of Maitreya are the sandal- wood image of Manju^ri

offered by the mGo-yod temple and the white Amiidyus , the tutelary

image of the Suvarnadvlpa 7 monk who was the teacher of Atl^a,8 also

V ajrapani,CUo> four-arm eddy aldhita, the JmuTsog-k’a-pa, the funeral urn9

of Legs-pal-s’es-rab (the Lama of) dKon-^ner-dpon who is the author

of the Chronicle of the Kings,10 (and of) Ary a Tardt (P and of) the glokas

written for the remission of the sins of the butcher rMa-ru-rtse, the

funeral urn of frTson-’grus-snirj-po of mNah-ri, and the votive stone-lamp-

bowl called ‘ the glorious shining fire ’ which belonged to the Jina

Tsog-K’a-pa.

“ There also are the bathing slab of piled-up lotuses,11 on which the

king (Srog-frtsan) and his two wives bathed, the image of the great

doctor, the omniscient Cdnta-raJcsita , and Padma-sambhava who knows

the (events of the) three times (the present, past and future). These

v y

I l flTer-sfon. Conf. my Buddh. of Tibet.

y -

8 | This is a Nig-ma Lama who is famous as having built several of

the still extant iron suspension-bridges across the the Tsag-po and other rivers in

Tibet.

8 An Indian monk before the 11th century, A.D. 4 T i

® | rJe-ttsun byam-mgon.

6 t b Yam-pa k’rus-mdsad.

7 From the Burmese monastery of ‘ Thaton ’ (or Chersonesus) near Maulmain.

8 I ^Nam-med jo-wo ch’en-po.

9 | srDur| -rten.

10 | rGyal-rabs ^sal-bai me-log.

y

II } K Wrdo padma spugs-pa. This slab, lam told, is

circular in shape and about five feet in diameter.

1895.]

269

L. A. Waddell — Description of Lhasa Cathedral.

last three (images) were made by the revelation-finder Padma-gdig-pa,

and the Jina Bhaisajyaraja 1 made by Ne-ch’ag-di-pa.

“ Within the iron grating (ZC’ags-K’ra)i 2 are the following images (all

of solid gold, it is said), namely : — The precious image of the great reli¬

gions king Tsog-K’a-pa who is the Lord of the Jinas of the three periods.

On the left of this image sits the lord Kun-dgah-6kra-s’is, Ti-s’ri Mahayana

(a present) of the Chinese emperor Ta-mig-gan, Bu-ston-rin-po-ch’e

made by La-ch’en-6yag-ch’ub-&rtse-mo, rGyal-sra$-t’og-med-pa, the

noble holy Lama &Sod-nams-rgyal-mts’an who is the most venerable

of all the descendents of Sa-skya, Mu-sras-pa rdo-rje-rgyal-mts’an, and

rJe-drug 3 4 * Rag-fryug-rdo-rje of the Kar-ma sect.

“ Also the following images : — The God 4 Buddha Amitayusf who is

the chief deity in the temple, Avalokita with his retinue (namely)

Ksitigarhha , 6 Sarvanirvarana viskam binlf Akdgagarbha ,8 Samanta -

bhadra ,9 Mahjughosa, Vajrapdni , and Maitreya. These existed from

the time of the king (Srog-5tsan).

“ As we emerge from the temple, there are in the court-yard images

of the god, the angry 10 rMe-wa-5rtsegs-pa. This fierce deity is specially

honoured on account of his having miraculously routed the Chinese army

of a million strong who came to invade Tibet and take vengeance on the

minister mGar, upon the king’s death. Then came the following images

in order : — The religious king and his two wives in Chinese fashion,

made by Ts’al-pa K’ri-dpon, and Buddha Amoghasiddhi-[( ?) dargana'] ; 11

i war*jQ'4oriT i sMan-pai rgyal-po = the medicine king.

See my Buddh.

of Tibet, p. 353.

8 See reference in the introduction.

8 rJe-drug is a title meaning literally ‘near to the noble one (i.e.,

-s»

Buddha).’ It is restricted to those Lamas who are deemed to be re-incamations

of Bodhisats or saints. It is not to be confused with ‘ T’se-drug ’ which is a title

of the immediate servants of the Dalai Lamas. The word ‘ T’se,’ literally head here

stands for the Dalai Lama and ‘ drug ’ = near. The corresponding personal

servants of the temporal ruler of Lhasa, the Tibetan king, are called Z’al-drug.

4 *g | lha. All the Buddhas and the chief Bodhisats are called ‘ gods,’ but not

so most of the demoniacal protectors (Ch’os-skyog).

6 I Sag-rgyas snag-ba mt‘ah-yas. See my

Buddh. of Tibet, p. 350.

6

7

8

9

^ For these 4 see Buddh. of Tibet, p. 358.

1° R ^ I See Buddh. of Tibet, p. 334.

11 afflcpij* Vl’1^ I comp. Buddh. of Tibet, p. 349, &c.

270

L. A. Waddell — Description of Lhasa Cathedral. [No. 3,

and on the altar 1 of the Lord is the noble Zan-Yags, 8 a Chinese name,

(? who made) the four great kings (of the quarters) and two pillars,

and on the door are the Yak-horns with which the reverend Mila (-ras-

pa) worked miracles on the plains of Pal-mol-dpal-t’aq.

“ There is an image of the omniscient son of Cuddhodana (i.e., of

Prince Siddhartha, and it is now considered to be the greatest image not

only in this temple, to which it gives its common name, namely “ Jo-

wo K’aq ” or “ the temple of The Lord,” 3 but it receives more homage

than any other image in Tibet). It is (a representation of the Prince)

twelve years of age4 and was made by the (divine) artist Yi^vakarma,

from the ten kinds of gems gathered by Indra , the king of the gods.

This (image) has done a great deal of good to both gods and the animal

beings, and especially to those of ‘ Odi-yana (Udyana), known in

Tibetan as ’P’ur-’gro, which (word) has now its corners broken into

‘ U-rgyan.’ When this (image) was in the middle country of Magadha6

it was invited to China and carried there in a ship from India by the

lucky power of the Chinese king. Afterwards when Srog-Msan-sgam-

po sent his wise minister mG-ar to China to invite the Chinese princess

i Kong-clio ; ’ and the Chinese were unwilling to give her to the Tibetans,

mCar after much difficulty at last obtained her, while she, also unwilling

to go, was only persuaded by mGar singing the praises of the king of

Tibet, [here omitted] : but she besought her father saying : “ O father !

pray give me your tutelary god, Qakya Muni.” Her father gave it to

her, and it was brought to Tibet. It was kept in Ra-mo-ch’e ( temple) , till

the reign of King Maqi-sroq-maq-6^san, when there was a war between

1 1 sPaq-Zchog.

8 I This is the Chinese title of a Tibetan who made the

images named above; this is not intended for Hiuen Tsiang the famous Chinese

pilgrim and geographer, whose image appears to have been added subsequently to

the date of the record here translated. Hiuen Tsiang, as noted by Rockhill ( loc .

cit., p. 282), is known to the Tibetans as T’aq-Tseq Lama ( ) |

or “ The Lama Tseq of the T’ang period. And his image is now in the Lhasa

Cathedral.” “ On the front of the wall of the verandah (? of the Jowo-k’ag) is

painted the master Yuan-chuang ( = Hiuen Tsiang) of the T’ang period and three of

his disciples searching from the sacred books.” — Rockhill’s translations from the

Chinese, loc. cit., p. 263. Cf. also Koppen, (Die Lamaische Hier., p. 337 following

Klaproth).

3 The image is called Jo-wo Rin-po-ch’e or ‘ The precious Lord.’

4 It is said to be about four and a half feet high — that is to say the natural

size, for a boy of his alleged age.

6 1 dbUs-’gyur ma-ga-dha.’ But the Chinese history

( Rockhill, loc. cit., p. 263), says “ it is said that it was cast by a Chinese from Tso-

lang.”

271

1895.] L. A. Waddell — Description of Lhfisa Cathedral.

the Chinese and Tibetans during which it was removed (for greater safety)

into the Lho-sgom-loipc’an (temple) and the door (of its shrine) was

plastered with clay and (the name) Manju-grl written on it (in order to

mislead the Chinese). Then after two generations, the Chinese princess

who was brought as the spouse of ’Jag-ts’a-lha-dbon went to Ra-mo-ch’e,

but having missed seeing (the image of) pakya Muni there, she fetched it

from Llio-sgo-me-loq-c’an, and placed it in the middle of the gandhakuta

chapel.

“ On the left of this image is Maitreya and on the right Mahjughosa

made of bell-metal. Behind it is Buddha Dtpagkara, and the god ’Od-

zer-’p’o-ba, now called Mi-’gro-ysug-byon. Behind these is the image of

Muni Gaijs-clie’n-’tso-rgyal1 2 * made by the translator Zai)s-dkar. On the

right of this are twelve Sattvas, and on the left are twelve female

Sattvas. There also are the angry fiend Kaq-kiq, Maitreya , and Mahju¬

ghosa made by ^Lin-p’yag-drug-dbon-po, the Jina Tsoij-k’a-pa, the

funeral urn of sKor-cZpon Bodliisattva , the big stone ‘ Amo-lag-k’a’ 8 taken

by the Jina Tsoij-k’a-pa from the bank of a river, also the bells which

Mo-hu-gal (Maudgalyayana) caused his mother to ring and to repeat

the Manx (formula) at Dril-gdaq.4 *

“ In the outer courtyard of the gandhakuta (chapel) are the fol¬

lowing images : Munindra,6 the great divine lord Dlpaqkara fri-jnana,6

the religious king ’Brom-ston, the translator Nag-ts’o, Anya Tara ,

who is also called ‘the scarf-taking Tara,' on account of her having asked

the ’P’ags-pa Rin-po-ch’e7 for the votive scarf which he was carrying,

and the image of the Bodliisattva sKor-dpon.

“ Within the gandhakuta (chapel) is the image of the reverend

master Mi-p’an-mgon-po, of red bell-metal made by the religious king

Kri-kri who was the dispenser of gifts to the Indian Ts’e-lo-ni-k’ri-pa.

The retinue of this image comprises Tara as ‘the defender from the

eight Pears,8 ’ and Avalokita sem^-nid-ijal-gso which existed during the

time of the religious king (Srog-6tsan).

1 QJ 1 Li.

2 * The Victorious Ocean of Snow.*

8 It is believed by Lamas to be a jewel j probably it is the Amalaka (fruit-

shaped) pinnacle of a temple.

4 I Dril-ba — Skt. * TJt'padana or Utsadanarh. This incident pro¬

bably refers to Maudgalyayana’s miraculous descent to the Preta purgatory to relieve

his mother. Conf. Buddh of Tibet, p. 98.

6 ^ | T ’ub-pai dfraq-po.

8 The religious name of the Indian monk Ati^a.

7 Sa-skya Grand Lama.

8 See art. on The Indian Buddhist Cult of Avalflkita and Tora, J.R.A.S.,

1893, p. 89.

272

L. A. Waddell — Description of Lhasa Cathedral.

[No. 3,

“ At the sides of the door are the images of Brahma and Sakra 1 *

which were votive offerings at the founding of the vihdra of ’Od-’ch’ag-

rdo-dpe-med-b&ra-s’is-dge-’p’el by the governor3 K’ri-ral, who was an

incarnation of Vajrapani.

“ In the outer courtyard are also, the Jina Amitayus , Dol-so-pa of

Jo-nag, 3 the four-armed Avalohita , Padma-sambhava who knows the

three periods, and the religious king K’ri-srog-Zde-b£san.

“The side figures4 * Buddha Bhaisajyardja , the god ’Od-zer-’p’ros-

pa, a row of the Buddhas of the three times, B the great pandit Bo-

dog-P’yogs-las-rnam-rgyal, sTag-lug-gag-dbag-grags-pa, the king (Srog-

fctsan) with his two wives made by T’sal-pa k’ri-dpon, the princess 6

Mon-frzah-k’ri, prince Grug-ri-gug-6tsan, the ministers T’on-mi, wGar

and sNu-ch’en-po.

“ Within the gandliaTcuta (chapel) are the following images : the

four brothers Maitreya 7 made by the disciple 8 K’a-ch’e Utpal from

the silver extracted from the heart of (the god) Jambhala of the

temple of rMe-ru,9 (which image had been made) by Pandita Ts’ub-

k’rims in the time of king gLag-dar, the tutelary representation of Man-

jughosa of king Amguvarmani0 , K’asar-pani made by &Lu-mes and

invited from the Grrub-mgal temple, grain consecrated 11 by the eleven

faced (Avalokita, who lived in India during the time of) Kagyapa

Buddha , Vajra Sattva , sToq-eh’en-rab-’byams, So-sor-’brag-ma, Yama

mt’ar-byed, Padma-mt’ar-Syed, 6Gregs-mt’ar-&yed, the seven yellow and

black (forms of) Jambhala12 which existed during the time of the

religious queen Ra-ma-rgya-mo, and consecrated food of Lha-rje-dge-

ba-’bum.

I ITS*) I rGya-byin. 2 1 mNah-bdag.

3 This is the monastery of Taranatha’s sub-sect of the Sa-skya sect. See my

Buddh. of Tibet , p. 70.

4 ‘gzpv’JN | ZDabs-ris.

6 | Dus-gfsum.

6 | iC’am.

7 gSTq’sra&yijgj | bYam-pa mch’ed bz’i.

| Ne-^nas.

9 A temple on the outskirts of Lhasa town to the N.-W. of the cathedral.

V cs "V

10 Qy ^x. l or ‘Glittering Armour,’ name of the father of Srog-btsan*

sgam-po’s Nepalese wife. He reigned about 635-650 A.D. See my Buddh. of Tibet

p. 20-n.

II See my Buddh. of Tibet, p. 368.

12 g | Phyag-nas-ma.

273

1895.] L. A. Waddell — Description of Lhasa Cathedral.

“ In the outer courtyard of tlie gandhakuta (chapel) are in order : —

the caitya of superposed lotuses containing the image of ‘ The sublime

Gem’ (The Sa-skya Grand Lama),1 the great Siddhi Bi-ru-a-pa, the

great Sa(-skya pandit) Kun-dgah-sniij-po, the reverend 6Sod-nam-rtse-

mo ( N.B. , this and all the following Lamas in this paragraph are of the

Sa-skya sects), and the reverend Grags-pa-rgyal-?nts’an, in front of

which as side figures are Manjughosa , the reverend Sa-skya pandita,

’Gro-mgon-ch’os-rgyal-’pags-pa, Manjughosa Amoghasiddhadvaja , the

holy Lama &SocZ-nam-rgyal-m’san, and the successors,2 of the worship¬

ful Sa-skya. Then as side figures are pictures5 of ‘ the red palace ’ (the

Grand Dalai Lama’s residence), and ‘ the iron hill resembling the city

of ‘ the ten-headed RaJcsha of Laij-ka (Havana), also a picture of a Tibe¬

tan festival.

“ On the north and south of the Dragon-temple5 are, Buddha Bhaga-

van the king of the Nagas, JYanda, Upanda , YaJchha Naga Kuvera, the

Gandharva (-king) Zur-p’ud-Zija-pa, Mahakala and the ten-lieaded king

of the RaJcsas of Laijka. To the north and south of the inner and

outer sandal-wood doors are (the friends) Tra-ka-s’ad and P’yag-romade

by Ge-re-bha-pa, sitting on the north is Drel-gz’on, and on the south is

Hayagriva. The incarnate S’akya-’od extracted several sutras from

beneath the silk robe of the Naga Kuvera.6

“In the middle gandliahuta (chapel) of the middle storey7 in the

west is the consecrated food thrown by the king (Srog-frtsan) to the

seven Buddhas, also (images of) the king and his two wives made by

Lama Dup-kar-’brug-yrags, prince Gup-ri-gug-frtsan and the Jina Tsoij-

k’a-pa and his two disciples.8

On all the doors of the courtyards are images of Buddhas and

Bodhisattvas , and innumerable mandalas containing relics. There

especially are the gods Marici (?),9 the white Tara in the north and

Hayagriva in the west.

1 See my Btiddh. of Tibet, pp. 38 and 241. 2 I fl'Durj-fcrgyad!.

8 nSjysj i 6Koa-pa.

4 j ZC*ags-pori.

fcLu-k’ag.

6 | S’am-t’abs.

7 Tlie Gandhalciita is in three tiers.

8 These are rGyal-tsab-rje and raK’us-grub rje. See my Buddh. of Tibet, p. 59.

9 | ’Od-zer ’p’ros-pai lha = the god of the pouring-

forth-rays of light.’

J. i 35

274

L. A. Waddell — Description of Lhclsa Cathedral. [No. 3,

In the middle of the Bed-bar (room)1 is the picture of Cri Devi ,

of great blessedness, made during the time of the king ( Srog-6t<san).

In the north is the siddhi room of Lama Z’ag, and in the south is the

residence of ‘ the great Guru ’ (Padma sambliava).

Under the golden top-ornament of ‘ the Great Pitying One 1 (a form

of Avalokita)2 is ‘the Jina Cdkya Muni (and) the seven Medical Buddhas8

made by Ts’al-pal-nag-gner-b&ra-s’is ; (also) V aigrav ana the commander

of the sattvas and the yaJcsas .

Above the head of ‘the great precious Lord’ (Jo- wo rin-po-ch’e)

and above the eight sattvas and the two fiends which formed the retinue

of Mi-’gro-^sug,4 in the time of the king (Srog-btsan) are the five

Jivasb made by the great master d&Ag-brtson.

On the throne of the shaking Cri Devi 6 is a moulded image of

a passionate form of Ye-s’e-sems-dpali, done by the incarnate mGo-gru-

fcz’i, during the time of Ts’al-pa-kTi-dpou from the picture of Cri Devi

drawn by the king (Srog-btsan) with the blood of his nose. On the

top of the Sandal-wood door is (written) the true title ‘ The glorious

throne-door.7

The (chapel) now called ‘ The temple of the sixteen Sthavira was

built by the great master Gor-lo-ta-i-lia-si-tu-sbon-ch’ig-dben (alias?)

Qri-dban-p’ug-&rtson-’gnis, when the fakyas possessed the whole of

Tibet and the thirteen surrounding thrones. The interior contained

relics and the image of the most perfect Buddha surrounded by the

sixteen disciples. Also the (picture of the) palace where the king of

Gyag-rtse lives, the picture drawn in the Chug-do castle at Ho-’ten-si

in China in the summer recess during the reign of the Chinese king

Ta-i-gim by a Sthavira who had been invited by the UpasaJca Dharma-

tala; the pictures (showing) fhe invitation of Ye-ra-pa-ra by kLu-mes-

’brom-ch’ug, and the powerful Hwa-s’ag sitting in a glorious rock-cavern

amid clay idols ; the picture (exhibiting) how Ary a Vasubhadra 9 taught

1 This word in the text is not distinct.

2 See my art. in J.R.A.S. for 1894, p. 55.

3 See my Buddh. of Tibet, p. 353 — Qakya ]\funj forms the eighth member of

this group.

4 This is said to have been a counterfeit image of the great ‘ Jo-wo ’ made by

the Tibetans in order to send to the Chinese where the latter demanded back their

original idol ; but on completion the new image spoke and said t{ Mi-gro ” that is

‘ I won’t go,’ hence its name, say the Lamas.

3 The so-called ‘ Dhydni Buddhas ’ of Nepalese Buddhists, see my Buddh. of

Tibet, pp. 336 and 346.

6 ^ 'l^l I 7 | bKra-s’is k’ri-sgo.

8 j£|3j<V,'EJ;§’'gT(ad yNas-b’cu lha-k’ag. 9 Nor-bzag.

1895.]

L. A. Waddell — Description of Lhasa Cathedral.

275

the Lamas about Mahjugrighosa and the Lord Maitreya , and various other

pictures mostly derived from the Sutras. These were painted by a Chinese

artist. Other pictures are the successors of the noble Sa-skya (Lama)

and the royal descendants of the Mongol Jiq-gir (‘ Jenghiz Khan.’)

In the outer court-yard are Vaigravana, sPrin-grsel-ma, and the four

Maharajas (of the quarters). These were consecrated by the reverend

holy Lamas and the lucky governor1 P’ag-mo-gru-pa.

A (hidden) treasury2 of books, gold, silver, copper and iron, is

near ‘the leafy pillar’3 and is the means of (? gratifying) every wish

of the four quarters of the world. Near ‘ the snake-headed pillar ’ is

a treasury of bewitching spells4 which soften the injuries of war and

rebellion. Near the lion-headed pillar is a hidden charm-letter 6 for

cattle by which essence is introduced into food. The snake-charm of

the precious Ratna-deva which is in the Naya-temple below, causes the

cattle to prosper. The chest of gems6 of the precious sTag-s’a7 deva

causes ornaments, clothes, grain and wealth to increase. And the

begging bowl of Vaidurya ( lapis lazuli) which is in the Naga-

temple gives abundant riches. Again, numerous treasures are in the

right thigh of the Yaksa Naga Kuvera, below the great mandala.

At the time when the will of the king (Srog-btsan) was concealed

in the hidden treasury, prayers were recited upon the advantages of re¬

pairing the gandhaltuta in the future. And according to the prophecy,

the Yoginl S’as-pai, by the aid of the Ddhinl extracted the will ‘ 6Kah-

K’olma from its treasury in the leafy pillar, at the time when Ati^a

was writing a history of the gandhakuta. # * # # # # #

Outside the middle circular road8 is the temple of Tara, 9 built by

Nag-re-rin-ch’en-yrags. In this temple of the Arya (Tara) is the

image of Avalokita with the thousand arms and eyes,10 made of bell metal,

and Maitreya facing the market-place,11 both made by the reverend

I 1 /uTun-rkyen sde-srid. 2 | <?Ter.

5 1 Ka-ba-sig-lo-c’an.

4 I dRrags-sqags-mt’u. 3 « <?Yaij-yig.

6 1 gzi.

7 | sTag-s’a literally = ‘ Tiger-flesli ; ’ but it maybe intended for the

Naga king ‘ Taksuka\

8 | Bar-skor.

9 SJOTST syRol-ma lha-k’aij.

10 | spYan-ras-^zigs-p’yag-stog spyan-storj,

II | bYam-pa-Prom-g'zigs.

276

L. A. Waddell Description of Lhasa Cathedral. [No. 3,

fcLo-gros-rgyal-rats’an. This latter image was made at the instance of

king 6Lon-gon to stay the great plagues of the market-place.1 At first

its influence (for this object) was favourable, but latterly it failed

to exert any beneficial effect, or on wars and quarrels. The history

of this is clearly written in the revelations of the re-incarnated Ratna-

grliq-pa, the great Pandit of r]$ah-ri.s, the great Legs-Zdan-rdo-rje, and

the head of the rosary2 of revelatiou-finders S’es-rab-’od-zer.

In the eastern corner of the outer circular road3 is the stone image

of (the goddess) Lo-ma-gyon-ma. This image was formerly placed on

the western side to guard the hundred thousand circumambulators,

from the injuries to which they are liable; but lately it was shifted to

the south-east to guard against the damage done by the waters.4

There is also the fountain of milky nectar3 in the north, and the

monolith high as the sky6 on the west, and the short earthy stone 7 in

the centre of the mandala (which forms the vajrasana seat of the image)

of the Lord (Jcmco).8

The Vihdra of Ra-sa-’p’rul-snaq (r.e., Lhasa) is the Vajrasana

(Buddh-Gaj a) of Tibet. It, with all its contents, is established, not

only for the benefit of Tibet, but for the good of all mankind and also

of the gods. When the great lord Atlca came up from India to Tibet

he saw the gods and goddesses making offerings here, in the plain of

Lh asa. The holy Lamas, the kings, ministers and subjects of China,

Tibet, Turkistan,9 Nah-ris, and Ya-rtse all rendered great homage to

this Vihara.

1 These plagues were probably small-pox, which still ravages Lhasa frequently.

2 This evidently refers to the legendary revelations being accounted 108, the

number of beads on a Lama's rosary. See my Budd. of Tibet , pp. 202, &c.

8 1 sKor-lam.

4 Apparently the floods of the Kyid-ch/u river. Here may be the river em¬

bankment called the “ Spirit mound” mentioned by Mr. Rockbill ( loc . cit, p. 71) : — •

“ Every year in the first month, the priests of all the lama series assembling for

the reading of the sacred books the Jo-K’ang carry some earth or stones and pile

them up on this dyke.” Though Mr. Rockhill notes that this obligation seems to

hold no longer good.

6 l LDud-rtsi o-ma.

'V'-'N

6 \ rDo-rirj grnam. It may also mean 4 Celestial ’ monolith, as it is

the well-known bilingual edict pillar erected as a treaty between the Chinese

(Celestials) and the Tibetans in 822 A.D.

7 | rDo-t’ug sa.

8 Water is said to ooze miraculously out from under the seat of the image

of Jo-wo.

1895.] L. A. Waddell — Description of Lhasa Cathedral.

277

Tlie king (Srog-frtsan) ordered his grandson to offer here, always

tlie first part of tlie earth and stone of any new Viliara which was to

be founded.

Nag-s’ai-spyan, the receiver of gifts from the chieftain K’ri-ral and

the minister ’Gas, made (the images of) Ku-ru and rMe-ru in the east,

cZGah-wa and dGah- wal-’od in the south, and residences and a temple

in the north. They also founded classes of clerical persons.1

Ril-po Mai, king of Ya-rtse, a pure descendant of the Tibetan king

(Srog-btsan) covered the head of the precious Jo-wo with a golden

crest,3 and Prati Mai, son of the king of Ya-rtse, and the minister Qri

Kirtti also covered the head with a golden ornament. The chief (of

Nari)3 mYag and the revelation-finder Ch’os-kyi-cZbag-p’ug, made en¬

ormous additions to the lamp-offerings. Lha-rje-cZge-wa-’bum re¬

built the wall of the Viliara, and obtained a round Chinese roof for the

building. The translator Zag-mk’ar made a tempi e-caitya* on the east

and filled it with many images.

sGam-po-zla-’od-pz’on-nu gave a back-curtain. b The master sGom-

ts’ul rendered notable service. He obtained ’j/Ro-wai-mgon-po, of the

Z’aij family of (/Yu-brag who initiated him into the assembly and he

founded classes of cZMig.s-pai ts’al-gug. ’^Ro-mgon-ch’o5-?*gyal offered

pearls, corals and priests’ robes.6 Sa-skya bzag-po, the predecessor of the

great Sa-^kya lords asked the Nepalese Ara-ka-gu-i-gug to make for

him a tapestry which he offered to the precious lord (Jo-wo) as a back-

curtain for his throne. Hu-la-hu, the son of the Mongolian king who

was banished to sTod offered silver, the Ts’al-pa k’ri dpon — ’Os-dgah-

bde-bzag-po offered twelve big pillars and others, sixteen in all. Guru

Arya-deva made the southern temple caitya, in the upper gallery.

The great chief cZb A g-brtson made the enthroned glorious caitya of

many doors.7 The governor P’ag-mo-^rub-pa-tai-swi-tu-byag-cli’ub-

rgyal-mts’an, gave most offerings. Ta-mig, the king of China, offered

two robes8 of pearls, and also golden offering bowls. The great reli¬

gious king Tsog-k’a-pa offered a hand-ornament as prophesied. * * *

1 | Kab-tu byurj-wai sde.

i | ^Ser-t’og. s I wNah-bdag.

4 HTQgJ | STo-’bur. 3 |

6 NWgJ; | sNam-sbyan.

7 fc’fii-sgo bbra-s’is sgo-maij, see my Buddh. of Tibet ,

p. 244.

8 sNam-byar.

278

L. A. Waddell — Description of Lhasa Cathedral. [No. 3,

The higher ranks of tho people, formerly paid much respect, to the

Vihctra but latterly not so. On this account tho Jinn, Tsog-k’a-pa ordered

sNe-f/dog-gog-mo-ch’an-po-rZ&ag-^rugs-pa-rgyal-pa-rgyal-rats’an to res¬

tore this Vihdra , the Vdjrdsana of Tibet, to its pristine splendour and

adoration. The governor caused certain officials to carry out these

orders.

At the feast of the show of Buddha’s miracles,1 * held on the

fifteenth day of the first month, great honor is paid to the assembly

(of Lamas) on the Rwa-chan benches,8 food is offered the gods, and

about 500 lamps, and robes are given to each of the images of import¬

ance, and golden-water 5 and vast offerings of the best kind and of

goods and men are made unto the great Lord (Jo-wo). * * * *

A golden crown is given to the great precious Lords and a silver one

to ‘the great pitying one.’ Also to the Lord a silver begging-bowl and

a horse-headed silver wine-cup4' extracted from a hidden treasury.

Also stones from the hidden treasury of Nag-ser-sman are brought up

and set upon the pavement instead of the old ones in the courtyard and

in the circular road. ***** There was no one who equalled the Jina

Tsog-ka-pa in exertions at turning ‘ the noble wheel of the Law,’ at

Llia-Zdan (Lhasa) during the later times.

Again, spYan-sga-cho’s-kyi-grags-pa poured praises on the throne

of the Lord, the omniscient &Sod-nams-rgya-mts’o gave a golden tapes¬

try5 (as a canopy) for the Lord’s head. Yon-ten-cli’os-kyi-rgyal-po

offered a silver mandala made by sTog-rwa-c’an-pa, and a golden one by

his son Buddha-s’rL The re-incarnated Dug-pa6 (saint) IJag-d&ag-

nor-bu replaced (in a vertical position) the slanting image of ‘the

great pitying one,’ the self-sprung pentad. ’Gali-z’ig-rag-s’ugs remo¬

delled ’K’rogs-’grro-rgyal which was said to be broken to pieces. The

reverend Ch’os-rje of sTag-lug and sKyid-s’og-sde-pa-5&ra-s’is-rab-t’un-

mog remodelled the loose golden crown of the Lord (Jo-wo). The

omniscient Yog-ten-rgya-mts’o renewed the back of the Lord’s throne.

1 <&QTQ^QTi:T^3rMcY.SN’&3i | Ch’o ’P-rul tstan-pai-dus ch’en. See my

-O

Buddh. of Tibet , p. 503.

C\

8 yffasYiY^VS3! I dGe-’dun k’ri-rwa chan. These benches are close to the

Jo-wo image ; See my Buddh. of Tibet.

3 Water into which pieces of gold are put.

4 Though this cup is said to smell of wine no wine is now ostensibly put into it.

5 I tLa-tre.

6

1 ’tltug-pa, a sect of Lamas,

279

1895.] L. A, Waddell — Description of Lhasa Cathedral .

He also painted ‘ tlie ten deeds’1 (of Buddha) on the hack curtain, the

sixteen Sthavira on the middle ‘ radiant circle ’ 2 with molten silver,

and the series of the Lamas of the illustrious dGah-Zdan3 with beaten

gold in the inmost radiant circle, intersecting it with various gay

colored jewels. The king 6Sod-nams-rab-Z>?-ten of ’Jaqs-sa-t’am built a

two storied house with a Chinese roof of silver. ******

The government of the palace of d’Ga7i-ldan renewed the gallery4 * and

repaired the crown, and replaced both the outer and inner receptacles

for the offerings also the hangings, canopies and mandalas.

.u.

W w W w TP

The six great Mongolian hordes with all the chief and petty lords,

king Ju-nai), the chieftain Huq-t’ai-ji and the king K’ar-k’a-t’u-s’ab-t’u,

collected about one thousand silver pieces and made a votive mandala of

them.

Innumerable instances also have happened of rich persons of the

upper and lower mho provinces who have offered golden votive bowls

(as lamps), especially the chief </Yai).

The palace of c7Gah-7dan also added a new golden ornament above

* the four brothers Maitreya ’6 * and regilded the lords of the fans,6 and

the upper part of the Naga king. Queen Da-las-gun-ji gave many and

frequent gifts to the Vihara and to the priests.

In short, every one high or low, from the vast middle land of

Magadha and Vajrdsana , and from the great land of Vaigdlil to this

side of the inconceivably great ocean gave offerings according to their

means, so that it is impossible to describe all in detail.

The virtue accruing to any one who merely sees this Vihara and its

contents is thus described by the king (Sroq-frtsan) himself. “ Once

seeing it, closes the door of hell against that person. To see it twice,

the person shall acquire the form of a man or god (in next rebirth)

and ultimately obtain deliverance. To see it thrice overcomes ‘ the

three poisons’8 and gains ‘ the three bodies ’ (Tri-kaya).”

1 wgyns i ?wdsad-&’cu, see Csoma’s Analysis in Asiatic Researches XX,

pp. 286, &e.

2 | ’Od-skor. 3 I dPal-ri-bo dgah-Zdan.

4 | mDah-yab. & | &Yams-pa mch’ed-bz’i.

6 zm&iwq*! | wijalx-gryabs, the ox-tail fly- whisks.

7 | Yaqs-pa.

8 The Trividhagni (Dug-gsum), a sort of triad of original sin — Lust, Ill-will and

Stupidity, (Rdga, Dvesa., Moha) somewhat analogous to our l)ovil, the world and the

flesh. See my Buddli. of Tibet, p. 115.

280

L. A. Waddell — Description of Lhfiisa Cathedral. [No. 3,

Tlie virtue accruing from hearing (about this temple), is such that

a beast hearing of it, even in a dream, shall lose its bestial body (in its

next rebirth) and so get nearer to the path of deliverance. If a god

or man hears of it, he shall be delivered.

The virtue of merely remembering1 it is such that anyone who

recollects the good qualities of the tutelaries, becomes cleansed from

the (accumulated) defilement of five thousand kaljpas , and obtains

endurance over human difficulties.

And anyone who circumambulates this temple with a pure heart,

sows seed which shall procure him the grades of the Dasabhumi ,2 and

‘the omniscient wisdom.’ 3 Even the revered (Indian) land of the

Vajrasana (Buddh-Gaya) and the shrine of the hidden treasure of the

Dakinls in Udyana are not more important than this (temple).

And anyone who comes and sees this temple and makes offerings here

will find that it is equivalent to a pilgrimage and offerings to these

famous (Indian) shrines.

The virtue of repairing the outside or interior of the temple, and

of offering golden water, lamps, food for the gods, clothes, hangings

and tapestry — ( the virtue of this) is great beyond description. Such

persons certainly shall be holy lords of men and gods, and shall ulti¬

mately attain the supreme Mahabodhi.

The (image of) the chief god ‘Munindra’ was brought to this

snowy land from China by rGya-ch’en-dpag-yas-legs-pa, and was placed

in the bewitching 4 Ra-mo-ch’e. The golden image of (^akya Muni,

obtained from China as a (dowry) offering, was formerly kept in the

Ra-mo-ch’e temple, but during the war ( Tibeto-Chinese) it was removed

to Lno-sgo-me-loq-c’an (for safety). Lately it was transferred to the

central building of the temple of Ra-sa, while (the image of) Mi-fokyod-

rdo-rje was placed in its stead at Ra-mo-ch’e.

The Tibetan king (Sroq-frtsan) on sending his minister mGar and

other ambassadors to Nepal to invite the Nepalese princess K’rirttsun

an incarnation of the Lady (goddess) Khro-^ner-c’an, to be his wife,

she prayed her father, the king of Nepal, saying, u O father, pray let me

have fakya Muni as your (dowry-) gift, in order that he may guide me

1 I ditan-pa.

2 1 Sa-bc’u. The ten stages in tlie passage of a B5dkisat to the

Buddha-ship.

8 |

Kun-mk’en-pai s’es.

4 iTWb1! I rGya-btab; to pronounce or cast a spell. The College of necro¬

mancy at Lhasa.

1895.]

L. A. Waddell — Description of Lhasa Cathedral.

281

in my journey to the barren land of Tibet.” He replied “ This (image

of) £akya Muni was the work of the (divine) artist Vifva7carma, who

made it from the various gems given by the king of the gods. This

image imparts great blessings, and it was consecrated by the Jina

himself.” So saying he gave it to her. The image represents the Jina

in his eighth, year, and his dispenser of gifts was the king of the gods,

and Buddha himself consecrated the image.

It is said that the images of Tara as “ the defender from the eight

Fears” 1 in sandal-wood, and of ‘ the Great Pitying One ’ as Sems-iiid-gal

gso are not at present here.

E-pa-dkon-mch’og-p’an-&de made two caityas containing the .re¬

lics of ‘the model pair’2 (of Buddha’s disciples) and the eight inti¬

mate disciples (of Buddha),3 during the time of the king. (He also

made) Vajrapdni on the right and the angry-fiend d&Yug-sqon-c’an on

the left of the door, and (he) also consecrated the Jina Tsoq-k’a-pa’s

image. In the courtyard he made the thousand Buddhas, (representa¬

tions of) ‘the twelve deeds (of Buddha),’4 and the side figures of the ten

(or 16) 6 Sthavira. Outside the courtyard is mGon-po-se-doij-ma made

from rose-tree instead of axle-tree, though some call it mGon-po-

ved-dmar. * * * #

dPon-sa-lho-:qos-ma asked the reverend, dPal-lhun-pa where she

shall be reborn after her death, and he replied that she will be reborn

as a crocodile, but that this disaster may be averted by the assembly

of priests reciting the Sutra of the Medical Buddhas during the cele¬

bration of the Ch’o-’p’rul. She paid the expenses of this recital for

six days and by the virtue of these acts her birth as a crocodile was

averted.

[ A leaf, the ‘20th, is here wanting in my text and the 21st com¬

mences with a description of the Tibetan Potala, the Vatican of the

Lamaist pope.]

The lofty hill of Avaldhita looks like an elephant lying in its stall.

s^Rol-ma ’jigs-pa bsgya,d las skyob-

pa. See my art. in J. B. A. S., 189t, p> 67.

V'

* wwa*;' | mCh’og-zuq ; namely, (^ariputra and Mahamaudgalyiiyana. The

Lamas claim to have relics of these famous disciples, but as they also claim to have

relics of the seven past Buddhas, six of whom are purely mythical, these pretensions

must be taken for what they are worth.

K’or ne-bal sras Hgvad.

1 i

6 | jXaa-bc’u.

J. i. 36

282

L. A. Waddell — Description of Lhasa Cathedral.

[No. 3,

Its real name is c the Red bill ’ 1 or Potala. The splendour of the

palace on this hill was likened by the Nepalese princess ‘ K?ri-fctsun ’ to

that of the city of the ten-headed rahshas of Larjka. There are 999 forts

at the foot of the hill and 1001 on the summit, and in the centre

is the palace of the king of Tibet.

In the Vihdra (of Potala) is some rice consecrated by the king

(Srog-6tsan) which confers great blessings, on account of the Arya

Lokesvara having at that time appeared before the king in a dancing

posture. Here are also images of the Chinese and Nepalese princesses,

prince Gug-ri-guij-&tsan, the ministers raGar and T’on-mi, and Mahjugri ,

the six-faced Yama on the pillar. These blessed objects were consecrated

by Buddha Kasyapa.

There are also images of £ the six-armed (fiend),’2 the tutelary

of the Yogi K’yuij-po,s the eleven-headed (Avalokita), Hayagriva Z’aq-

rniij-me-t’ub-ma which belonged to the king and his two wives, T’aij-sku-

rwa-sgreij-me-t’ub-ma of Avalokita. The king ( Sroip&tsan) sent the

monk A-ka-ra-ma-ti to Nepal. He arrived in a dense forest between

India and Nepal where he saw a sandal- tree emitting rays of light

in the ten directions. This tree he cut into four pieces which turned

into the four brothers, Arya ‘ pawati,’ Arya ‘d&U-k’aij,’ Arya ‘ ’Jah-

ma-li,’ and Arya Lok^varat, the last of whom was invited to become the

receiver of gifts4 from the Tibetan king. He therefore came (to Tibet)

and abode at ‘ the red hill, and at a later time he was invited by sKyid-

s’od-sde-pa-yyul-rygal-nor-bu to ^Z’is-ka-6rag-dkar.

Long afterwards, Se-ch’en-t’ai-ji of T’u-med, invaded many villages

in Tibet. At that time the troops of the heaven-appointed religious

king 6sTan-’dsin, of great fortune, were victorious ; and brought under

their power all the kingdoms of Tibet (proper) and Great Tibet

(Eastern Tibet). When dGah-Zdan and the religious king taTan-’dsin

held the Government, the receiver of gifts, the sun (the Dalai Lama),

and the moon (the king) ruled over the entire country, and the prophecy

of the great Guru Padmasambhava, the sage of O-di-ya-na (Udyana),

was fulfilled. The land was blessed by the virtue of the Kdlacakra

(doctrine) on the glorious day of the Nag-pa caitya in the beginning

of the year of the Kdlacakra, in the female wood- fowl year of Sa-kyoq.

And the foundation of the great palace (of Potala) was laid in the

first festival of the middle month of Za-ga (Baisak), and under most

illustrious auspices. The queen Da-las-gun-ji with her wonted zeal and

perseverance brought from a foreign country the queen ?nTs’o-k’ri-s’ag,

1 i dMar-pori. 2 gffpgfipq | p’yag- drug-pa.

& 1 =8Jct. Garuda. 4 I wGh’od-gwas.

1895.]

L. A. Waddell — Description of Lhasa Cathedral.

283

who admitted the precious image into communion, and at the same

time a letter arrived from the reverend Manjucrl and sBa-bal-ch’e-

s’i-pa-gan-ja.

When the precious image (of Avalokita) was removed from Lha-

Zdan to Potala, all the clergy and populace gave large offerings, which

I myself witnessed. Even the gods gave offerings, as was seen in vis-

sions. Flowers rained (from heaven) and rainbows filled the sky with

splendid rays. The image of the precious one (Avalokita) was placed

in the palace of ‘the entirety victorious one on all sides’1 so as to he

the lord of all the images and it was attended ‘ by the noble burning

ocean of virtue.’ g

This catalogue, mirroring clear as crystal, the transformed Vihdra

of Lha-Man, the Vajrasana encircled by snowy mountains, has been

written by Nag-dbaij-51o-zag-?"gya“mts’o, the fearless one armed with

the doctrine,8 who is descended from the race of Zahor and once

(in a former birth) the minister of Pa’g-mo-grub-pa the king of

g'btam-&skos’ and (formerly) the great Sah-la-pa of the Indian royal

race, at the palace of (fGah-Zdan-p’yogs-t’ams-ca’d-las-rnam-par-rgyal-ba,

at the request of the stewards in charge of the images of the Vihdra ,

at the beginning of the year of Sa-kyog, in the Chinese court, on a most

auspicious day of the first glorious part of the course of the zodiac

around the constellation Ne,4 Vagendras’seyo ! Maijgalarh.

1 I P’ Yogs t’ams-c’ad las rnams-par-

rgyal-ba. This is the Chapel-royal of the Grand Lama.

dGe-mts’an rgya-mts’oi dpal-

kun-tu ’bar-ba.

igs-med go-ch’a t’ub-bstan laiytsQ.

284

Haraprasad Shastri

Visnupur Circular Cards. [No. 3>

Note on Visnivpur Circular Cards. — By Haraprasad Shastri.

A pack of the circular Visnupur Cards consists of 120 pieces, divided

into 10 groups of 12 each. The groups are named after the ten incar¬

nations of Visnu ; viz : — (1) the Fish, (2) the Tortoise, (3) the Boar,

(4) the Man-lion, (5) Buddha, (6) the Dwarf, (7) Para^rama, (8) Kama,

(9) Vala-rama, (10) Kalki. The first five of these incarnations have

four hands, and the other five two hands. The kings, or rather the

Avatdras , are distinguished from their ministers by having two attend¬

ants and being set in a ‘ room ’ or frame. The ministers are repre¬

sented by the Avatdras without these accompaniments. Besides kings

and ministers there are ten plain cards in each group, with one to ten

‘ pips ’ on each. In groups presided over by four-handed Avatdras the

highest value is given to the ten, and so downwards, the ace having the

lowest value. In groups presided over by two-handed Avatdras , the

reverse order prevails, the ace being the highest card and the ten the

lowest.

Of all the incarnations Rama is regarded as the most powerful ;

and he wins in a group of five players ten cards, two from each player,

as explained below.

The minor cards of the Fish incarnation are marked with fish,

those of the Tortoise with tortoises, those of the Boar with couches,

those of the Man-lion with discs (chakra), those of Buddha with lotuses,

those of the Dwarf with waterpots ( kamandalu ), those of Rama with

arrows, those of Bala-rama with clubs, and those of Kalki with swords.

The number of players is five. The pack is first shuffled by the

dealer, and the cards are cut by the right hand player. The dealer deals

four cards at a time, beginning with his right hand player, and six

rounds are dealt. If there is no misdeal, that is, if all the five get 24

cards each, the play commences ; if not there is a fresh deal.

The player who has got Rama leads. He plays ‘along with Rama

a plain card, and such is the power of Rama that he wins both the

tricks, that is ten cards. He has the privilege of leading again or

ordering some other person to lead. Whoever wins always enjoys this

ERRATA.

1895.] Haraprasad Shastri — Visnupm -Circular Cards. 285

privilege of either leading again or calling a lead. As long as there are

kings and ministers in the leader’s hand they must he played. After

the kings and ministers of a hand are exhausted, plain cards may he led,

though other players may have kings and ministers in their hands.

After the game is over the cards of each player are counted. The

player who has more than 24 cards, gets one pice, or one anna, or one

rupee, according to the stake, for each card above 24 j and one who has

less than 24, pays at the same rate.

t '• • .

Antiquity op the G-ame.

Tradition has it that the Malla kings of Visnupur invented this

game when they were in the -zenith of their glory. The Malla Rajas

have left behind them an era of which 1201 corresponds to 1895 A.D.,

and I fully believe that the game was invented about eleven or twelve

hundred years before the present date. The reasons for my supposing

so are these :

(1) In the orthodox list of the ten incarnations Buddha’s place

is the ninth. But in the order of the cards, he has the fifth place

assigned to him, or rather, he is one of the first five, having four hands.

The antiquity of the orthodox list goes back to Jayadeva in the 12th

and to Ksemendra in the 11th century. These cards must therefore

have been invented before the formation of the orthodox list, at a time

when Buddha was regarded as an incarnation, but held a place in the

list different from that now assigned to him. The reason for giving

him the fifth place may be well surmised. Buddha, as represented

in the card, is an unformed mass, with only a human head and human

hands. He may, therefore, very well come between the Man -lion, which

is half man and half animal, and the dwarf, who is a complete man,

but not fully developed. And so in the gradual development from the

lowest animal to the most fully developed human being, as represented

in the list of incarnations, Buddha may very well occupy the fifth place.

(2) The plain cards of Buddha are represented by lotuses. The

cards must therefore have been invented when Buddha was known as

Padmapani , and the lotus was the most striking of his emblems ; and this

was when the Mahayana School was in the ascendant in Bengal, that

is, during the reign of the Pala Kings from 800 to 1200 A.D., or a little

earlier. I do not think there are three Bengalis, at the present moment,

who can explain why the lotus is depicted on the minor cards of Buddha.

J. i. 37

286

E. A. Gait — Notes on some Ahom Goins.

[No. 4,

Notes on some Ahom Goins — By E. A. Gait.

(With Plate XXVII.)

(Read July, 1895.)

I return herewith six coins in the old Aliom character belonging to

the Society, which were sent to me some time ago for decipherment.

They have been read by a young Assamese named Golap Candra Barua,

who has been appointed under the orders of the Assam Administration

to learn Ahom, and transcribe and translate the puthis in the possession

of the tribal priests or Deodhais, which are all written in that language.

Number 1 is a coin of Qukleijmui) ; the reading is as follows : —

obverse cab pha

^ Quhlerj mu

^ ^T^ft y pin cad

lakni

plekyi.

t.e., the great ( cao ) king (pha) (Jukleijmuq reign (pin cab) year

(lakni) plekyi (15tli year of cycle).

reverse ^fl^TT kao

t&T bay pha

?TITT tara

^ heu cu.

V*

i.e. , I (kao) the king (pha) offer (heu cu) prayer (bay) to the

Almighty (tard).

A gold coin with a precisely similar inscription was sent to the

Society for exhibition some months ago.1

Numbers 2 to 5 are coins of Qupatpha alias Gadadhar Sigha. The

reading is : —

obverse cao gu

fh pdtpha pi

•T n khun Idk

N » N

fif TT^VT«T ni raigdn.

1 See Proceedings, 1893, p. 146.

1895.]

E. A. Gait — Notes on some Alwm Coins.

287

i.e ., the great ( cao ) pupatpha reign (pinkhun) year ( Idkni ) rdigdn

(33rd year of cycle).

reverse kdd bay

TJfl plid ley

dan lieu

^ cu.

i.e., I (kdo) the king (phd) offer (lieu cu) prayer (bay) to Indra

( ley dan).

Number 6 is a coin of punenpha alias Pramata Siqlia. The reading

is :

obverse ’SJ cad gu

nen phd pin

khun Idkni

j ' -

katked.

i.e., the great (cao) Qnnenpha reign ( pinkhun ) year (Idkni) kdtkdo

(36th year of cycle).

reverse 35T^T kdo bay

'S’ phd ley da

«T xf n lieu cu.

or I (kdo) the king (phd) offer (heu cu) prayer (bay) to Indra (ley

dan).

Efforts are being made to obtain a complete collection of Ahom

coins, so any lengthy discussion of the few already in the possession of

the Society would be premature.1 A short explanation of the dates on

them may however be given. The Ahom method of computing time is

the same as that of the Chinese and Japanese, viz., by the larger Jovian

cycle of 60 years, which the Ahoms call tdochiya. The true Jovian cycle

of 12 years is said to be still in use in China for reckoning domestic

occurrences.

Like the other nations mentioned, each year in the cycle bears a

name and not a number, the name being formed by compounding words

of two series, the former containing 10 and the latter 12 words. Thus

the first year of the tdochiya is denoted by the combination of the first

word of each series and the tenth by that of the tenth word in each

series ; in the 11th year the first series is exhausted and so that year is

denoted by the combination of the first word of the first series and the

11 tli word of the second, the 12th by that of the second word of the first

series and the 12th word of the second, the 13th by the third word

of the first series and the first word of the second and so on.

The two series of words are given below, the corresponding words

in Chinese and Japanese being added for comparison.

1 [A.coiu of this scries is illustrated by Marsden, No. MCCXXI. Ed.]

288 E. A. Gait — 'Notes on some Ahom Coins. [No. 4,

Denary Series. Duodenary Series.

I have been unable up to tbe present to obtain any explanation of

the origin of the Ahom words used in these series.

The Chinese call the words in the first series tien han or

terrestrial signs, while those in the second series are the horary

characters, and are known as te che or celestial signs. The first series

in the Japanese system is made up of the elements, of which they reckon

five, doubled by the addition of the masculine and feminine signs je and

to; the second series is made up of the signs of the Zodiac.

The Ah 6ms commence their method of reckoning time from 568

A.D.,1 so that, in order to ascertain the corresponding year anno domini ,

the number of tdocirjas should be multiplied by 60, the number of the

year in the tdocirja added and also 568.

Turning now to the coins, the year of the tdocirja on the coin of

^uklegmug is plekyi, i.e., the 15th year; the number of the cycle is not

mentioned, but as Qukleqmug reigned from 1539 to 1552 A. D., we may

assume that it was the 17th tdocirja. Consequently the English date

will be 16 x 60 + 15 -|- 568 = 1543 A.D. or the 4th year of Quklegmug’s

reign. The coins of ^upatplia were minted in Idkni raigdn , or the 33rd

year of the tdocirja , and as (^upatpha’s dates are 1681-1695 A.D. the

cycle in question must be the 19th tdocirja. The equivalent date in our

Era will therefore be 18 x 60 + 33 + 568 or 1681 A.D., that is to say the

first year of f^upatpha’s reign.

Proceeding in the same way, the Idkni kdtkeo on the coin of

Pramata Siqha corresponds to 1744 A.D., which is the first year of that

monarch’s reign.

1 This is the year in which Khunlung and Khunlai, the reputed progenitors of

the Ah5m royal family, descended from heaven by a golden chain. Cukapha is said

to have entered Assam in the first year of the twelfth tdocirja or 1228 A.D.

1895.] E. A. Gait — Notes on some Ahom Coins . 289

The dates of the Ahom kings is a subject which must he reserved

for discussion on some future occasion, when the old buranjis have all

been translated, and other sources of information have been examined.

["Note. — The system of numbering years mentioned by Mr. Gait obtains also

amongst other Eastern nations. For instance the following are the series of the

Mongols and Tibetans, taken from Hue’s Travels in Tartary , Tibet, and China, Yol. II.

pp. 212 and ff. The signs of the denary series are expressed by the names of the

five elements repeated twice, or by the names of the five colours with their shades.

The names of twelve animals denote the duodenary series.

. i

DENARY SERIES. r

The Tibetans do not compound these so as to form a sixty year cycle, but so

as to form a cycle of 252 years. The twelve first years merely bear the names of

the twelve animals. Then these same names are combined with those of the five

elements each repeated twice up to the seventy- second year of the cycle. They

then add to these combinations the word po (male), which carries them up to the

132nd years: then the word mo (female), which takes it up to the 192nd year.

Finally they alternate the words po and mo up to the end of the cycle. A fuller

account of the Tibetan system will be found in Csoma de Koros’ Tibetan grammar,

pp. 147 and ff. See also Dr. Waddell’s Buddhism of Tibet, pp. 451 ff. I am

indebted to Dr. Waddell for very kindly correcting the spelling of the Mongolian

and Tibetan words. — Ed.]

290 Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Punjab. [No. 4,

Plough notes on the Grammar of the Language spoken in the

Western Pahjab. — By the Rev. Trevor Bomford, m.a., c.m.s., Multan.

These notes have been put together from the following sources : —

1. “ Glossary of the Multan language ” and proverbs of that lan¬

guage by the late E. O’Brien, Esq., for many years Deputy Commis¬

sioner in the Muzaffargarh and Multan districts.

2. Notes on the grammar of the Multanl language in MS., by

the same, given by him to me when he left Multan in 1885.

3. “ A grammar of the Multan language,” by the late Sir R. F.

Burton.

This is advertised at the end of Edwardes’ “ Year on the Panjab

Frontier,” published in 1850; but Mr. O’Brien told me he had never

seen it. All efforts I ever made to find it were failures, till at last

I wrote to Sir R. F. Burton to ask him where I could get a copy. In

reply he sent me two post cards (written about a week before his death).

In the first of these he said that he had never completed the book but

that his rough notes were published in the Transactions of the Bombay

Asiatic Society ; and in the second he said that he had studied the

language because he was convinced that the European gypsies originally

came from the South of the Panjab, and he added that his study of the

language had confirmed him in this idea.

4. Translation of the New Testament into the Multan language, by

the Serampore Missionaries, 1819.

5. Various translations into ‘ Dera-wal,’ i. e. the language spoken

near Dera GhazI Khan, by Dr. Jukes, Church Missionary Society.

6. Various stories and proverbs.

7. Tisdall’s ‘ Simplified Panjabi Grammar.’

The language is known by various names.

1. Multanl. This is not suitable because it is spoken in many places

far removed from Multan :

near Gurglw, for instance, in the Dehli district, I have been in¬

formed that it is spoken by one tribe ;

1895.] Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Punjab. 291

and the language of the majority of the people in the Hazara

district is practically the same, though with many local differences.

A Multan! Jat who was with me in the Hazara in 1893, was delighted

at finding himself understood by the people there when he spoke his own

dialect.

2. Jatld. This is not a good name because there are tens of thou¬

sands of Jats who do not speak it. This is the name used in the Census

Report of 1881.

3. Western Panjabi (or Lahindi) the name used in Tisdall’s Sim¬

plified Panjabi Grammar.

4. UccI (also spelt Ociki or Wuci.) This is one name used

in the Seram pore translation of the Hew Testament and it is derived

from Uc the name of an old and important town in the Bahawulpur

State which was once (probably) the capital of a large district. This

name is still given to one version of the characters used by the Banyas

of the South Panjab for writing their accounts.

5. Hiudiki. The name given in the Census report of 1881 to

the language spoken by the majority of the people in the Hazara.

The language is spoken in : —

1. The Native State of Bahawulpur.

2. The district of Multan.

3. ,, „ Muzaffargarh.

4. The Derajat, including both Dera Grhazi Khan and Dera

Ishmall Khan, and extends into some of the vallies beyond the Sulaiman

range.

5. The Hazara district certainly on the Kashmir side from Hasan

Abdal up (at all events) to the Khagan range.

6. Probably in the northern parts of the Doab lying between

the Jhelum and the Indus, but I have no information from those parts

or from the Salt Range.

There are, of course, many local differences over such an extent of

country, and words are in some parts borrowed from neighbouring

languages which are unknown in other parts.

Thus, in the South of the Bahawulpur State, words are naturally

borrowed from Sindhi.

In the Derajat there is an admixture of Baltic! and Pashtu.

Towards the East the language is lost in Panjabi which, however,

here and there retains words and grammatical inflections which belong

to the older language.

In travelling from Multan towards Lahore one very soon passes

away from Western Punjabi; but if one continues one’s journey north-

292 Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Panjab.' '[No. 4,

wards from Lahore, it is again met with about Rawal Pindl and from

there onwards.

Note 1. Sir R. F. Burton writes :

a. In the country parts of the South Panjab the people

use the Jatkl dialect, which in the North-Western

Pahjab abounds in words borrowed from Pashtu

or Dogri.

b. Jats are divided into —

1. Panjabi Jats.

2. Hazara Jats.

Note 2. Extract from Census Report of 1881.

It is impossible from the Report to make out how many of the in¬

habitants of Shahpur, Jlielum, Rawal Pindl and Peshawar habitually

speak Western Panjabi, but probably nearly another million should be

added to the total.

It will be seen from the above that the language is strongest in the

Muzaffargarh and Hera Grhazl districts and in the Native State of

Bahawulpur, which has a population of 500,000 of whom 492,000

speak it. It is probably purest in the Muzaffargajb district, for there it

comes in contact with no other language.

Regarding the Census of 1891, see Appendix II.

The principal differences between Western PafLjabl and

PafLjabl proper are to be found : —

1. In the formation of the future. This is always made in

Western Panjabi with an ‘s’ instead of a ‘ g ’ as in Urdu.

The ‘ s ’ it is true lingers all over the Pahjab and maintains a

feeble struggle against the more modern form, but in the West of the

Pahjab it holds undisputed sway.

It is probably the oldest way of all of forming the future from the

root of the verb, but has almost everywhere given place to other ways.

1895.] Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Panjab. 293

In India it is found in Western Panjabi and in Gujarati, though

curiously enough it has quite disappeared from the intermediate;

language of Sindh. It frequently occurs in the Sikh Granth 1 and is

the regular form in Marwari.

2. In the use of pronominal suffixes. These too are sparsely

found in Panjabi proper.

They are very common in Western Panjabi, but less so than in

Sindhi where they are very much used, and extend into Kashmir,

where their use is very wide.

3. In the continued existence of a Passive Voice or rather the relics

of one. Sindhi, Gujarati, and old Hindi still retain a Passive.

4. In the greater frequency with which some old Sanskrit let¬

ters are found which are quite lost in Urdu and almost so in Panjabi.

5. The pronunciation is (certainly Multan way) far more nasal.

6. The words too differ very much. Dr. Jukes of Dera Ghazi

Khan is compiling a dictionary of Western Panjabi.

These notes on the grammar of this old language have been put

together not as a final and infallible work on the subject, but with the

view of collecting. from others, better acquainted with it and its neigh¬

bouring languages than the writer, any further information either in

the shape of corrections or additions that they can give him.

It is hoped that any one, into whose hands a copy of these notes

may fall, will kindly point out to the writer any mistakes he may have

made, and also supply any additional information he can on the extent

or grammar of this language.

The Alphabet, &c.

Hot much need be said here on this subject.

There are two ways in which the language may be written.

1. In the ordinary Persian character.

The objection to this is that there are not enough letters in the

Persian alphabet to express all the letters of Western Panjabi. This

difficulty may be met (as with Sindhi) by introducing a number of

additional marks to distinguish one letter from another, but these would

only be useful to those specially instructed in their use. It is simpler

to use the well-known letters and to leave it to those who know tho

language to make the necessary modifications in pronunciation. One

may add that the number of those who can read or write this character

is exceedingly small, and all who can do so know also Urdu, and if they

want to write anything, write it in that language.

i Trumpp’a Trans, cxxvi. ...

J. I. 38

294 Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Pahjclb. [No. 4,

2. The Banya characters. It was in these that the Serampore

Missionaries printed the New Testament in 1819. They used 35

different symbols which have been described as belonging to the Asdka

or Indo-Bactrian group of alphabets. Their translator and scribe was

probably a native of the Bahawulpur state — possibly from the town of

Uc, for they generally speak of the language as Ucl. Since those

days the shape of the letters (as written by the Banyas) has altered

considerably and some have died out. In Multan itself there are now

some 30 symbols in use.

The objection to these characters is —

(1.) The great variety of them which exist. In and about Mul¬

tan itself there are three principal styles in which these characters

are written, viz., (a) the Multan style proper, (Z>) the Karori or style

used in and about Karor, a very old but small town in the Multan dis¬

trict, (c) the Uc style, but probably minor varieties might be found

every twenty miles or so.

(2.) As no vowels are written it is very difficult for any one not

acquainted with the subject matter to make out the meaning of any

writing.

Note. — One of the letters may best be expressed in Roman letters

by “ nr” pronounced rather nasally. It is very common and is

the termination of the infinitive as “ akharc to say.” I

mention it here because in an essay I once read on the language

of the European gypsies, the writer argued that they must

have come from the neighbourhood of Hunza because this sound

was very frequent in the language of the people of those parts.

It is represented in this paper by * n,’ in Persian by y

The Declension of Nouns.

a. The Genitive. This is used as in Urdu, but instead of ka, ke

and kl, Western Panjabi uses. —

I a da, before a noun in Nom. Sing. Masc.

< — £ de, before any other masculine noun.

dl, before any feminine noun in the Singular,

diyyit, before any feminine noun in the Plural.

Example : — ‘ Darya da hamsaya na bhukha na trihay a,’

The neighbour of a river ( i . e. the man who lives near a river)

is neither hungry nor thirsty.

‘ Yar dl yari mai kff bhun piyarl,’

The friendship of my friend is very dear to me.

Notes. — 1. In the Serampore New Testament we have an inter^

esting survival in connection with this “ da,” etc.

1895.] Trevor Bomford — Language spoTcen in the Western Panjab. 295

In modern use they are put after the noun just as ka, ke, ki are

used in Urdu, but in that translation the suffix is always united with the

preceding noun by an “h” — As no vowels are written, only the letters

u hd ” appear, which stand for ‘ -ah da,’ 1 -ah di,’ etc., according to cir¬

cumstances —

glirhd mlk ) = gharah damalik — or in modern style ghar da malik.

Note. — 2. From Burton. In the South of the Multan! speaking

districts we have for da, etc., the Sindh! forms ja, je, ji, juS —

although the last form is not found in Sindh! proper.

b. Dative Case.

kd ^ The former is the more common and is

kane ) equivalent to the Urdu “ ko ”

du this is used after verbs of motion.

It is also written ; but see notes on the ablative.

Note. — Burton gives.

Uj* kt

ta!

y (o>) nu (nd). This is the common dative suffix in Panjabi,

but is not used in Western Panjabi.

Examples .

(1) ‘ Andhar pia sarkar ku, jo c5r badhe kotwal ku,’

Blindness has fallen on the Government, when the thief binds the

watchman.

( 2) ‘ Pardes du gaya,’ He has gone to a foreign land.

c. The Accusative is like the Nominative without any postposition,

or it uses the “ kil ” of the Dative.

d. The Ablative is known by the ending ‘ o ’ or ‘ t,’ which is at¬

tached —

1. Directly to nouns

Examples.

1 Sunja khudao dadha,’

2.

* Hiki galho darda,’

To adverbs of place,

ithu from here

uthft „ there

kithu

as “ shahr,” a city.

“ Shahro,” from the city.

The desolate is more powerful

than God.

Of one thing I am afraid.

Jadu this!, from the time it will

be.

where

3. To prepositions or postpositions.

* Shahr vie,’ in the city, ‘ Shahr vico,’ from (in) the cifcy.

‘ Pahar ute,’ on the hill, ‘ Pahar uto/ from (on) the hill.

296 Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Panjab. [No. 4,

and most commonly to the dative postposition ‘ kane ’ which be¬

comes kantt.

ex. ‘ Bekar kanft vigar cange,’ forced employment is better than

no employment.

In this shape it becomes a very common ablative suffix.

_ When so attached, it, in most cases, where the first syllable is Short,

doubles the preceding consonant. This is certainly the rule in the

Dera GrhazI District where we find kanntl, utto, tails (‘ tale ’ under),

aggS, viccS, &c.

4. Occasionally we find an ablative postposition 4 tliiL ex.,

4 Chala sa thft pia manginda.’ The ring is being asked from us.

Here ‘ sa ’ is a contraction for ‘ assa 1 (see personal pronouns), and

* thu ’ is really a contraction for ‘ ithti ’ (see above).

Note 1. — Burton on the subject of ablative postpositions is vague,

and gives ‘an’ 4 on ’ 4 te ’ ‘ ten ’ 4 ton ’ 4 thon ’ 4 thin ’ 4 siti *

‘ kanun ’ 44 kanan ” 44 udon.” — Most of these are modifications

of postpositions with ‘ S,’ but some are quite unknown to me.

Note 2. — On the common use of such forms as kolbiE, uttS, &c.

There can be no doubt that these are originally ablative forms and

that the termination ‘ H. ’ had the meaning ‘ from ’ :

thus, ‘ mede kol,’ with me, 4 mode kolhti,’ from (with) me

‘ pahar ute,’ on a hill, 1 pahar uttft,’ from (on) the hill,

and many good scholars contend that this can be their only meaning.

Thus Mr. Perkins writes “ for Panjabi the only meaning of koln. is

‘ passe’ and we could not use such a phrase as ‘ mede kollift baithj

for 4 sit near me,’ but only ‘ mede kol baith.’ The suffix ‘o’ or ‘ S. *

means 1 from ’ and nothing else. }

But on the other hand many good scholars of Western Panjabi

(both Natives and Europeans) say that if ever the suffix had the mean¬

ing of ‘ from 9 in such combinations as ‘ kolhu 9 ‘ dlid. 9 (for the 1 h 9 in

these, see Note 3), it has quite lost it and has acquired instead an

intensitive meaning thus :

4 Mede kol baith,’ sit near me, ‘ mede kolhu baith,’ sit very near me.

Mr. E. 0. Brien wrote from Dharmsala on this point “I think ‘kol-

hfl ’ and 4 picctl ’ are right in such phrases as 4 o unde kolhu khara

he ’ and in 4 mede piccti a.’ This use of an adverb of place with an

apparently ablative suffix but without the meaning 4 from 9 is found in

other dialects. If I ask a hill man (in Kangra) where he is going

he often says 4 uparo,’ meaning 4 up ’ — Trumpp gives more than one

adverb of place ending in 4 6 ’ without a meaning of • 4 from ’ in it.1

l [The o is no doubt derived from an older hu or hu. This word, hu or hu

has two distinct meanings throughout Northern India. It may either be the ter-

1895.] Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Panjdb. 297

Note 3. — This ablative ending — is found,

1. In Marathi in the form ‘ un * or ‘ bun.’ The presence of the

‘ h’ in this case accounts for its presence in 4 kdlhit,’ ‘ ahu,’ as used

in Western Panjabi, and also for the doubling of the consonant in cases

when the 4 h ’ is not found — the additional consonant representing the

lost 4 h ’

2. In Sindhl. 1

3. Very commonly in Panjabi as ‘gharo,’ from the house, ‘jano

mama,’ to kill from life.

4. It is found in Urdu as in 4 bhukho marna,’ to die from hunger.

1. The Instrumental Oase is either the same as the Nominative or

as that form of the noun which takes the other postpositions (and

which is called the Formative).

In Urdu it is always followed by the post position 4 ne ’ (when the

verb is transitive, as 4 mai ne farmaya’), but authorities are divided as

to the use of the post-fix in MultanI, some saying that ‘ mai farmaya *

is sufficient.

The 4 ne ’ is always used in the Seram pore New Testament and by

many natives of Multan itself, but is rarely heard in the Muzaffargarh

or Dera GhazI Khan districts or in the Bahawalpur state. 1

e. Nouns masculine ending in a Consonant make no change in the

Singular when post-fixes are added, but to form the plural they add

Of E (in the nominative) e (to the formative), and j o (to the vocative).

Ex. Sing. Nom., Form., and Voc. dand a bullock.

, Plur. Nom. dands bullocks

Form. dande

Voc. dando

2. Nouns feminine ending in a Consonant make no change in the

Singular, but, for the Plur. Nom., add Ul a, for the Formative ^ i ;

and, for the Vocative j ‘ 5.’

Ex. Sing. Nom. Form, and Voc. pahaj, a rival wife.

„ Plur. Nom. pahaja, Form, puhaji, Voc. pahajo.

3. Nouns masculine in 2 a substitute e for the formative

singular, e for the Nom. Plural, iyS for the Formative, and ^ iyo

for the Vocative.

Ex. Sing. Nom. banda a servant

u

>»

»

Form. bande

Voc. banda.

Plur. Nom. ufAy bande

„ Form, ubaij bandiyfs

„ Voc.^A^ij bandiyo.

mination of the Apabhraiinja Prakrit Ablative, or a particle of emphasis, a variety

of the Prakrit Tchu, and Sanskrit Jchalu (Hema-candra, ii, 198). Ed.]

1 All these rules are uncertain, for they vary much in different parts. They ore

given here as I found them in Mr. O’Brien’s MS. Notes.

298 Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Punjab. [No. 4,

4. Masculine nouns in a change a to e in the Formative Singular

and remain unchanged in the Vocative. In the Plural, they substitute

e for a in the Nominative, ia in the Formative, and io in the Vocative, as

Sing. Nom. ojlia a school teacher.

Form, ojhe

Voc. ojha.

Plural Nom. ojhe

Form, djhia

Voc. ojhio

5. Feminine nouns ending in a remain unchanged in the singular,

but substitute iy3 in the plural.

Ex. Sing. Nom. &c. bua, a paternal aunt.

„ Plur. Nom. &c. ukfi ( Eiiiya) .

6. Masculine nouns ending in 1 change the Voc. sing, as below,

and in the plural follow class 3.

Ex. Sing. Nom. paoli, a weaver.

„ „ Voc. U j pawlia.

7. Feminine nouns in 1 as a rule do not change in the singular,

and form the plural by substituting e or iya ; this latter form is always

found in the vocative.

Ex. Sing. Nom. Form., Voc. bhabhi, a brother’s wife.

f U“?ip bhablie.

Plur. Nom. Form.

bhabhiya.

Voc. do. do.

The Vocative Sing, of dahl, a daughter, is

dahiya.

8. Nouns masculine in 4 u ’ remain unchanged in singular, but

substitute I for u in plural.

Ex. Sing. babu, a father.

„ Plur. b babe, fathers.

9. Irregular Nouns.

a. Sing. ; Nom., and Form, ga a cow.

Plur. gawa

or (jllf gae.

b. Hanjh, a tear ; hanjhu, tears.

Note. — In a translation of the Sermon on the Mount which was

written out for me by a MultanI Banya in Banya, characters, the writer

has often added an ‘ o ’ or ‘ u .’

1. In nouns, as ‘ babu ’ for 4 bab,* a chapter.

2. In the middle of compound words, as

4 gum o nak ’ for c gumnak,’ sorrowful.

4 bal o karahi ’ for ‘ bal karahl,’ lighting :

‘ cup o na sagda ’ for 4 cup na sagda,’ cannot be hid.

1895.] Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Panjab. 299

3. with adverbs as ‘ pero ’ for per/

‘ wato ’ — wat.’

4. with verbs, as * paisino ’ for ‘ paisin.’

Adjectives. Declension of : —

— when with a noun masculine in Sing. Nom. they add 5 to

the root.

— with a noun masculine in any other case sing, or plur. they

add ^ §

— with a noun feminine singular they add i

— „ „ „ plural „ „ iy%

Ex. Masc. Sing ; Nom. cangt, good.

any other case, cangl.

Fern Sing, cangi, Plur. cangiyiL

Note. — Adjectives, without substantives, sometimes coalesce with

the substantive verb,

as ‘ cange,’ it is good, for ‘ canga he.’

‘ cangin,’ they are good, for ‘ cange hin.’

and ‘ kharo,’ stand, for ‘ kliare ho.’

Comparatives and Superlatives are made much as in Urdu.

Example. Comparative.

Mai U kann bliu. canga hs, I am better than he.

Mai sabhnl kanU. canga ha, I am better than all, i.e., I am

best of all.

Numerals.

300 Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Panjcib. [No. 4,

&c.

Personal Pronouns.

1st person Nom. u^

••

Genitive

Singular. Plural.

assa>

uLo!

|3U| assada

mai

meda, with noun M,

in sing. nom.

mede, with any other

noun M.

medi, with a noun F.

sing.

mediya, with any noun ppU} assadiy^

in Plural.

assade

♦# .

assadl

uP uU| assa kft

or uP^d assaku

uh«t assa kanU

Upt*if assakanfL

Dative u P u*° mai ku

or upy° maiku.

Accusative same as Dative.

Ablative Up* mai kanS

or maikanS

Note. — The first syllable in the plural may be dropped before a

post position or a word of one syllable.

Ex. ‘ ass§ pardesi, sa di zat matohl/ We are strangers ; our caste is

Matohi.

‘ Trut gal yari sa ku,’ Our friendship is broken.

Singular. Plural.

2nd person Nom. up til u^J

Genitive teda &c. }3hJ

Dative i«p uP tai kti up ubj

uji* taikft upk«3

Accusative same as Dative.

Ablative tai kanu u^J

or taikanu

tussa

tussada, &c.

tuss§ kU

tussaku

tussa kanfi

• L -Z.

tussakanU.

1895.] Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Fahjab. 301

Note. — For tussada, Ac., we occasionally find the common Panjabi

form of tuhada, or tu’ada, Ac.

2. The hard ‘ d ’ in the Genitive is also found in Panjabi.

3. In the Serampore Translation in the instrumental cases of the

plural we sometimes find assad and tussad, as if these were the roots.

3rd person. The special forms for this have been lost except in

the case of suffixes. In its stead is used the Demonstrative

Pronoun,

Note. — In the story of the Four Fools it is usual to place the Pro¬

noun after the noun it agrees with, and not before it as is

usually done.

Ex. ‘ mangidi medi kfi pio u da akhia,’ instead of ‘ medi mangidl

kfl 9. da pio akhia,’ Her father said to my betrothed.

Pronominal Affixes.

In Sindhi, pronouns are affixed in fragmentary forms to nouns and

verbs ; and sometimes more than one, viz., one to represent the Agent

and one the Object.

In Western Panjabi the use of these affixes is almost lost so far

as nouns are concerned (though E. O’Brien Says they are found with

nouns, verbs, and adverbs), and they are found principally with —

1. The past participles of verbs.

2. Some other parts of verbs.

3. the Negative.

They are, of course, fragments of fuller forms and are as follows : —

Note 3. Burton gives them slightly different, and omits those for

first and second plural. They are written above as given by

E. O’Brien, but I think that in one point a correction is needed. He

gives ‘ o ’ as the suffix for the 2nd pers. plur., but in every case that I

have come across it, it stands for 2nd pers. singular with Intransitive

verbs.

As the use of these suffixes is one of the most interesting things in

Western Panjabi, very full examples will be given.

1 Sometimes written ni , e.g. ‘ . Tadan u dd ma‘lum tlildoni, When the knowledge

of it came to them ; so also Ichasoni, He will eat them.

* A form of the first person with ‘ s ’ is found with Intransitive verbs.

J. i. 39

302 Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Panjab. [No. 4,

1. They are found with the Past Participles of Verbs, forming in

this way regularly conjugated tenses.

a. with intransitive verbs they hold the place of a nominative as

4 ayose,’ w'e came = assll ae.

Sometimes the pronoun appears as well as the suffix as in ‘ drukiose

assa,’ we ran. This is done for emphasis or through

forgetfulness of the meaning of the suffix.

5. With transitive verbs they hold the place of the Agent. Thus

‘akhi&he ’ equals ‘ akhia Hhe,’ It was said by them.

Examples —

n ,’ I yoked the pair, I laid on

water.

You swamped your own

boat.

„ plur. 4 ap na ayo, path dito You did not come yourself,

kunwar kn,’ you sent the girl.

„ sing. ‘ jo kujh bhanus, so kujh Whatever he wished, that

4 apni berl bor ditei,’

he did.

They have married my friend.

kitus,’

„ plur. 4 meda yar parni olie,'

2. They are found, representing various cases of the pronouns,

attached to other parts of the verb, as well as with the participle.

1st Sing. ‘ Ishk tede di gal piyum gari,’ The snare of thy love has

fallen to me on my neck. piyum = piyi-m.

4 Bondi ronde bhochar thinm jhabarum,* Weeping, weep¬

ing my sheet became wet.

‘Nazar awim matan,’ Perhaps he may appear me — awim

=awe-m ; and the sentence is equivalent to matan medi

nazar vie awe.

4 Visar na vaisim.’ I will not forget, literally forgetfulness

shall not be by me.

4 Sahiban mute^ khatt ’

4 Kai powinf dalilan ’

4 Allah na anei ’ 1

4 Kai sikhlaei ’

2nd Sing.

Sahiban has sent to thee a letter.

May some excuses occur to thee.

May God not bring to thee.

Who taught thee.

* Tars na ayo ’

4 Marim samjhende ’

4 Jhuge kU bha lend^g ’

4 Hath bhan-ghatsa£’

4 Hik galh akha£ ’

Did not pity come to thee.

May die thy advisers.

To thy hut I may set fire.

Thy hand I will break.

Let me say one wTord to thee .

1 When the affix of 2nd person sing, represents a dative it takes as above

the form i. This is lengthened into a after the 3rd Pers. Sing. Future, as 4 Hik

dalil asm,’ An excuse will occur to you.

1895. J Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Punjab . 303

In these last three examples the pronoun has become imbedded in

the verb. Lendi! and akhai are for lends and akhi the

first pers. sing, conditional ; ghatsai is for ghats! the

1st pers. future.

3rd Sing. 4 Bhajar bor ditus ’ The flood carried away his threshing

floor.

4 Sabho kam fareb da- All his deeds savour of deceit,

hi 5’

4 Picha pittal da- His hinder part is of brass,

hondis ’

4 Cit kar diti his * He made a plain of it ‘s’ here is

agent

‘ Jind diti his ’

‘ Kitus mota. ’

He has given life — — -

He has made it fat - -accusa¬

tive

‘ Marius yar ’

‘ Tu pitls sir kantt

‘ Bukhar his ’

‘ Sangatl milius

‘ Wan j an deos ’

A friend beat her

You may lament him

from the head

Fever is to him

A friend met him

Let him go

Dative

1st Plur. ‘ Medhilwall da- khial piose.’ A fancy for the girl with the

braids occurred to us — pi ose.

3rd. Plural.

‘ Yad ay6h§.’ Remembrance came to them —

Examples are also found of a double affix,

as kitum I did it.

kitiumfs I did it to him.

sattius he threw,

sattioms he threw them .

3. Some of them are found combined with the negative.

1st. Person sing, nimhe. Here, as in the case of the 2nd person sing.,

we find the pronoun in the middle of the negative.

Ex. ‘ panjha nimhe mangda-,’ I do not ask a handful.

This ‘ nimhl ’ is of frequent occurrence, and the common people

have so far forgotten its meaning, that they almost invariably use the

1st pers. pron. ‘ maT ’ with it. Thus, they would generally say ‘ mal

panjha, nimhe mangda-,’ but they have so far remembered its meaning

that they never use ‘ nimhe ’ with any other person than the 1st

singular.

2nd person singular ‘ nivi.’

1st person plural ‘ nise.’

304 Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Panjab. [No. 4,

2nd person plural ‘ nive ’ or ‘ nivlie.’

Ex. ‘ Kam nivlie karende — nise karende ’

Are you not working ? — We are not working.

£ Tedi adalat nise cahnde,’ We do not want your judgment.

4. Witli nouns and adverbs. — So says E. O’Brien, but I have

not yet found any examples unless kharum ‘ I was standing ’ may be

reckoned as one, but kliara is almost a participle and its root is in West

Panjabi still used as a verb. One may hear ‘Hik passe kharo,’ Stand

on one side.

N.B. — I can find no instances of these pronominal suffixes in

the Serampore New Testament, which is strange, as that translation

was made 70 years ago when, one would have thought, old forms would

have been more common than at the present day, and the translator

was from the Bahawulpur State where, from its proximity to Sindh, one

would expect to find them in full force.

Demonstrative Pronouns.

1. a. Near Demonstrative

Sing. Nom ^ tlllS-

i

■$jf eh

Formative l

( *.-^1 ihe

in ha or

Plur. Nom.

b. Emphatic Near Demonstrative.

iho, this very,

fern, l^jt iha

ihe

Form

inhal

inhe

The Accusative has the forms of the Dative or Nominative,

occasional variation is ‘ hi ’ or rarely ‘ till ’ for ‘ i.’

c. Remote Demonstrative,

used as 3rd Personal Pronoun, d.

Sing. Nom. jt o or u, that.

An

or

Form.

Plur. Nom.

Emphatic Remote Demonstrative.

uho, that very,

fern, l&jt ulia

or

*>

Form.

or

Ulpt unha

crfpl unhl

uhi

huf

£> uhe

unhae

Relative Pronouns.

a. Sing. Nom. js* jo

v

Form. jaT

Plur. Nom.

,, Form,

or

jinhS

jinh§.

1895.] Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Panjab. 305

b. Sing. Nom. m. jerha Plnr. Nom. Masc. pfejx*. jerhe

„ f- jerhi. „ „ Fem. jerhil

Form. jerhe

Correlative Pronoun.

Sing. Nom. y* so

Form. ^3 tai

Interrogative.

a. Sing. Nom. kau,

Form, kai

or kinhe

Indefinite (a) Sing. Nom. ^ $y> koi, anyone. Plnr. Nom. kol (?)

do. Fem. kai or kai

,, Form, kahi „ Form, kinhs

(b.) knjla, anything.

Reflexive Pronoun.

a. ap, declined regularly, but also possessed of two irregular

forms, viz.

U-xif ap§, of, or from, or by one self. Ex., 4 Ap ap! kam

karo,’ do the work yourself.

oof apat, always used with the postposition 4 vie ’ as

‘apat vie,’ amongst ourselves, yourselves, or

themselves.

b. a form of Grenitive regularly declined as an adjective.

apna

apne

apni

fem. plur. u^J-uf apnya.

Pronominal Adjective.

Sing. Nom. Ax** sabh, all — occasionally (but notin Dera Ghazi)

hab.

Plur. Nom. sabhe, occasionally liabhe

,, Form. sabhna or vj-Pp*' sabhn!,

!

used as a possessive pronoun.

306 Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Pahjab. [No. 4,

or sabhns; or sabhne

or sabhnae

Correlative Pronominal Adjectives.

a. Those expressing quantity are formed by adding ‘la’ to the

root as, itla, this much ; utla, that much ; jitla, as much ; titla>

so much ; kitla, (or kitta), how much ?

Ex. ‘ Jitle lok u ktl cuta, title cange thie,’ As many people as

touched him, so many were healed.

b. Those expressing size add ‘ da ’ as, eda, this size ; jeda, as big

keda, how big ?

c. Those expressing quality or kind add ‘ h§ ’ or more fully jiha

or jiliS ; as, ijihi, of this kind ; ujihs, of that kind ; jejiha, of

which kind; kijihfs, of what kind; ihojihi, of this very kind.

d. Those expressing direction add de or do to the root ; as ede, this

way ; ude, that way ; kede, which way ? ; jed£, in which way ;

edo from this way ; udo, from that way ; jedo, from which

way ; kedo, from which way ?

N. B. — The ‘o’ in these latter forms is the ablative ending ‘a”

/ — >

or o

THE VERB.

The Verb Substantive.

This in W. Panjabi has two forms, viz., ‘ ho wan ’ and ‘ thiwan,’ to

be. Of these the latter is a Sindh! form, and is hardly known in true

Panjabi. Towards Multan it is almost more common than the other,

but is rarer towards the North though occasionally heard in the

Hazara.

(i)

howan

Infinitive .

to be or become

(2) Present Participle.

honda, &c.,* being or becoming

(3) Past Participle.

hoya, &c., been or become

(4) Conjunctive Particles.

ho kar

ho karahf being

tLy* ho ke

thiwan.

1^*3 thinda, &c.

thia, &c.

(a)

thi kar

■ thi karahf.

thi ke.

Note. The ending ‘ karahf ’ is very common towards Dera

Ghazi Khan, but is not so common elsewhere.

1895.] Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Punjab. 307

(b) Barton gives the following particles ‘lio, hoe, honi, hoke,

hokar, hokare, hokarS, hokarke.’ The last is still very

common in Bahawulpur.

Note 1. — In the Serampore New Testament this tense is always

written with an a prefixed. This is in accordance with Sanskrit.

Trumpp in his SindhI grammar gives the following as an old Sanskrit

present as now pronounced.

Sing, shiya ; 2nd She ; 3rd ahe.

Plur. T Shiytl ; 2nd^J#>f ahiyo ; 3rd or ahine or Shine.

See note on past tense, page 309.

The preliminary ‘ a ’ is still occasionally found.

Note 2. — Burton gives ; —

Sing. 1. h§, ahs or S ; 2nd hai, he, or ahl ; 3rd hai, ahe or e.

Plur. 1. liS, liSge or a; 2nd ho, holm, or oj 3rd hai, havam or aT.

308 Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Panjfib. [No. 4,

(8) Definite Present.

I am being, &c.

Plural are of course only contractions of the participle "with the in¬

definite present, and this tense hardly deserves to reckon as a separate

tense. In the Bahawulpur State, the d is frequently omitted, and we

have honS, thlna>, &c.

(9). Indefinite Past.

I was, &c.

Ts only the past participle in agreement, masculine or feminine,

singular or plural, with the nominative, as : —

or joined on as suffixes, as : —

thium, I was

thI6.se, we were

Ex., ‘ Vatan kanS be vatan thiose,’ We became without a country

from our country, i. e., we became strangers to our own country.

Definite Past.

(10). i was Root ha.

Some of these are very rare ; the first plural is usually pronounced

as written, but the 3rd plural is pronounced lian.

1895.] Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Panjdb. 309

If used with, pronouns, they are either expressed separately or are

attached as suffixes, as —

Notes, (1.) This is formed by adding personal affixes to a root ha.

Halii is for lia Tih§.

(2.) Haus is sometimes found as the dative of the 3 Pers. affix,

as ‘ biya akhda haus (or has ’), Another was saying to him.

(3.) The 3rd Plural is found too with an affix of the 3rd Pers. Sing.,

‘ Manjhe mol ghiddia hais,’ He had bought the buffaloes,

hais for hai-s.

(4.) Of these forms those for 2nd Sing., 1st Plur., and 2nd Plur.

are constantly used in place of those given for the Definite

Past thus

‘ Kam harende havi,’ Were you doing the work

‘ Karende liase,’ We were doing it.

(10a.) Past; almost obsolete form, though still occasionally met

with. It is given by O’Brien and Tisdall, and is always

used in the Serampore H. T.

aham

Ut aha m. 1

ahi f. 5

*?>! ahe m.

ahin f.

hA| ahija f. (Tisdall)

aha! f.

1st. Pers. Sing.

2nd

3rd

11

11 5>

1st „ plur.

2nd

3rd

n

Ex. ‘ Khani sundi aham,’ I had heard the story.

‘ Begania trlniia uhe velhe tore aha!,’ Strange women were

till that time.

J. i. 40

»

810 Trevor Bom ford — Language spoken in the Western Punjab. [No. 4,

(11) Imperfect.

I was being, &c.

Compounded of present participle and past tense, as

^jSjc mai honda bam.

(12) Perfect.

I have been, &c.

Compounded of past participle with indefinite present, as

hjA mai hoy a liS

(13) Pluperfect.

I had been, &c.

Compounded of past participle with po-st tense, as

mai hoy a liam.

(14) Future .

The formation of the future is, as has been said before, one of the

peculiarities of Western Panjabi for as in Greek and Gujarati it is done

with ‘ s \ The following endings are affixed to the root.

1895 ] Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Pahjab.

311

Future of howanr and thiwanr

The Intransitive Verb.

(1)

Example, \/ a or aw, Come.

Infinitive.

a wan. To come.

(2)

Present Participle.

(3)

This in intransitive verbs is made by adding ‘da’, but a wan

makes l*JT anda, because its root ends in a vowel.

Past Participle. C for further notes on

< participles see later

bf &c., ay a v. on.

Note. The past participle (of Intransitive verbs at all events) is

frequently used as an indefinite past, as,

Druk druk mui te peken na Running, running, — she died — and

puni. did not reach her father’s house.

Sat sau cube kha, bill! haj After devouring 700 mice the cat

ktL juli. has gone on pilgrimage.

(4) Conjunctive Particles , Coming.

(a) iS'f ai, a very common form in such stories as ‘The Four Fools ’

where i is used with ‘ ke attached as uthl ke, rising.

( b ) f a, the root of the verb. This is the commonest form of par¬

ticles in proverbs. See ‘ druk ’ and ‘ kha ’ in the examples

above.

(C) j* a kar, the common form in Urdu. Often in Western

Panjabi written aw kar.

(d) a karahe. — The most common form towards Dera

Ghazl.

(e) CJ\ a ke, — The common form in the Bahawulpur State,

312 Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Panjab. [No. 4,

(a) Indefinite Present.

‘ Halka bhanda balitL kharake ,’ An empty vessel makes a great

noise.

(b) Potential.

‘ Pawe har kal, thamkawe kai,’ Every woman wears anklets ;

some can make them tinkle.

( c ) Conditional.

‘ Je zalim howe,’ If lie be a tyrant.

7. Present Definite.

I am coming.

This has two forms —

(a.) Compounded of the Present Participle and the Indefinite

Present of the substantive verb,

as cA l**if anda hi.

( b .) Compounded in same way, but with the components contracted

into one word.

Some students consider the latter form more indefinite.

Note. — Just as the present participle in this latter case contracts

with the auxiliary verb to form a tense — so do adjectives, as

4 Jat te phat badha cange.’ Cange = canga he.

A Jat, like a wound, is best when bound,

and adjectives are also contracted with the past- tense. Thus in ‘ The

Four Fools ’ we have, —

Kharam and kharus for khara ham and kha^a haus, I was stand¬

ing.

1895.] Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Pahjab. 313

But khara in W. Panjabi is still used as a participle, and parts of

the verb are still to be heard, as

‘ Kerhe velhe kharia,’ 1 What a time I am standing.

‘ Hik pase kharo,’ Stand on one side.

Note 2. In connection with these two forms of the present, Burton

gives what he calls a present indefinite feminine (which

however seems more connected with the potential), viz .,

This is pronounced to be Panjabi by some authorities.

7. The Past ( called by some the Aorist).

This is merely the past participle in agreement with the nomina¬

tive, as —

Other examples are, saggiam, I am able ; piam, I fell ; rilius, he

remained ; nikathose, we came out ; giove, you went.

8. The Imperfect.

I was coming.

'This is compounded of the Present Participle and the Past of the

Verb Substantive, as

anda ham (or haus), I was coming.

1 Kharis is feminine for kliayi ha.

814 Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Punjab. [No. 4,

9. The Perfect .

I liad come.

This is compounded of the Past Participle with the Potential

(Indefinite Present) of the Verb Substantive; as aya ha, I have come.

N. B. — Sometimes the two parts are contracted into one form, as

aya, I have come.

Ex., Fajr de vellie gaylL I went in the morning.

10. Pluperfect.

I had come.

This is compounded of the Past Participle with the Past tense of

the Verb Substantive, as aya ham, or aya haus, I had come.

The Future .

I will come.

1st Sing. asa 1st Plur. ciy*) *as3

2nd „ as§ 2nd „ aso

3rd ,, a si. 3rd ,, asin.

It is common to find the almost obsolete root letter ‘ w ’ in the

future, as ‘ awsi ’ he will come.

12. Definite Future.

I shall be coming.

This is compounded of the Present Participle and the Future of

the Verb Substantive, as anda host.

13. Past Future.

“ I shall have come.”

This is compounded of the Past Participle and the Future of the

Verb Substantive, as aya lios§.

The Transitive Verb.

1. Infinitive.

maran, to beat, from root mar.

Note. — In Urdu the Infinitive is used as an Imperative with a

sense of continuous action, or as an Intensitive.

The same effect is produced in Western Panjabi by addingol &

to the root

e. g., rnarani, you must beat — vanjanl, you must go, or ‘ dewani

kal k haus,’ to whom must I give ?

1895.] Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Panjab. 315

2. Present Participle.

beating*.

These in Western Panjabi add ‘ enda,’ &c., and shorten the root,

thus, marenda.

3. Past Participle.

beaten.

Ijjbo maria or !jU> mara.

Note. — Verbal nouns, according to Burton, are formed by adding

andar or indar to the Boot, as akhandar, a speaker (karan

however makes kandar or kandal),

or by adding ‘ har ’ to the Infinitive as manganhar, a beggar.

Irregular examples.

‘ Kahi kfi. na akhae,’ 1 Say nothing to any one.

‘ Rah vie kahi kn. salam na karahe,’ Salute no one by the way.

6. Potential or Indefinite Present.

(very common in proverbs.)

Note. — When the root syllable is short the final consonant is (in

some districts) doubled before the affix, as karra.

Ex. ‘ Uth canga mal ; khate sons te khave jal,’ The camel is a pro-

fitable animal. It earns gold and eats jal.

‘ Kahi tarah i sangatl kn. lutta,’ By what means can I plunder this

comrade ?

1 These forms are really Passive Potentials (made as in Gujarati), used as

Active Imperatives ; thus

Kahi kti na akhae, is literally ‘ Let nothing be said to any one.’

316 Trevor Bom ford — Language spoken in the Western Panjab. [No. 4,

7. The Conditional.

This is formed —

From the Potential in agreement with the Noun, and the 3rd

Pers. Sing, past of the Yerb Substantive, as, —

a.

calves had worked the plough, would any one have asked for

bullocks ?

* Je sai howe ha, meda bhira na mare ha,’ If the master had been

here, my brother had not died.

‘ Yec chore ha,’ You ought to sell it.

b. as in Urdu with the present participle,

as, Je sai honda meda bliira na mar venda.

8. Present Dejinite.

I am beating.

Is compounded of the Present Participle, with the Indefinite Present

of the Substantive Verb. The two parts are sometimes distinct, some¬

times contracted. In the latter case there is often a shade of indefinite¬

ness in the meaning.

1st Sing, marenda ha

marenda hi

^ laUj/o marenda lie

yo marende haT

marende ho

2nd

3rd

1st

2nd

3rd

a

Plur.

or

11

JJ

it

It

^ marende liin

it

c. _

or

It

it

tt

it

>5

mai enda.

marendi.

marende.

marendi.

marendiyo.

marendin.

Ex.

‘ Dost aukhe velhe pakardin,’ In time of need friends are

useful.

‘ Jiwe kutte jangli sur kil aparendin,’ As dogs catch a wild pig1.

Note. The definite character of the tense is intensified by the

insertion of pia (past participle of pawanr, to fall) between

the component parts, as

‘ Karenda pia liH,’ I am in the act of doing.

9. The Imperfect.

I was beating.

This is compounded of the Present Participle, and the Past tense

of the Substantive Yerb, as, marenda ham, I was beating.

Ex. ‘ Mai golenda vl ihojihi moti ham,’ I too was seeking pearls

like this (the separation of the two parts is unusual).

1895.] Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Panjab . 317

10. Past Tense .

I beat.

a, This is the Past Participle in agreement with the Nominative,

while the person who did the beating is in the Agent.

b, — Or sometimes the person beaten is in the Dative, and the Nomi¬

native is to be found in the act expressed by the verb itself.

Examples —

(a) ‘ Badshah apnl naukar maria,’ The king beat his servant.

Lit., by the king his servant was beaten.

* Badshah top marl,’ The king fired the cannon.

Lit., by the king the cannon fired was.

4 Badshah naukarfc mare,’ The king beat the servants.

4 Badshah topi marii,’ The king fired the cannons.

(b) 4 Badshah uktl maria,’ The king beat him.

Lit., by the king to him beating was done.

Examples —

4 Vazir arz kit!,’ The Yazir made a request.

4 Un ghora bhajaya,’ He made the horse run.

When used with personal pronouns these may either be expressed as,

4 Jadan uh topi dithl,’ When he saw the hat; or they are attached

as suffixes, as —

1st person singular —

4 Kam dasayam,’ I related the matter.

4 Kitab ca ghidhiam,’ I took up the book.

2nd person singular —

4 Faqlr da sowal maniei,’ Hast thou granted the faqir’s request ?

4 Sabh kujh kitoi,’ Hast thou done everything ?

3rd person singular —

4 Faida na kitus,’ He got no advantage.

4 Eh galh kitius,’ He said this word.

N. B. Here in 4 kitius ’ we have a trace of the feminine

4 kiti ’ agreeing with 4 galh.’

J. i. 41

318 Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Panjab . [No. 4,

1st plural. ‘ Salah kitose,’ We took advice.

2nd plural ‘ Kiya saza ditove,’ What punishment have you given.

3rd plural —

‘ Tamasha dithohe,’ They saw the tamasha.

‘Meda yar parniBlii,’ They married my lover (to some one else).

In all these cases the pronoun is in the agent, viz. —

Kitab ca ghidhiam = tlie book taken up by me.

Salah kitose = advice made was by us.

11. Perfect.

I have beaten.

The Perfect is formed out of the Past Participle (in agreement

with the Nominative) with the Present tense of the Verb Substantive,

as —

‘ Badshah apna naukar maria he,’ the king has beaten his

servant.

‘ Badshah topii maria hin,’ the king has fired the cannons.

In this case too the person beaten may be in the dative as —

‘ Badshah apn§ naukar ktl maria he,’ lit., by the king to his

servant a beating has been.

When the agent is a pronoun this is either expressed, as —

‘ Mai kitab dithl he,’ I have seen the book,

or mai kitab kil ditha he ; —

or the pronoun is attached to the root of the Present of the

• Verb Substantive and this added after the Participle.

1st

2nd

3rd

1st

2nd

3rd

The participle should agree with Nominative as —

‘ Farmaish puri kar ditti his,’ He has fully kept the command.

‘ Sare darya chan mare liisse,’ We have dragged all the rivers.

Here, as in all these tenses, the pronoun is in the agent.

This obsolete form of the present of the Verb Substantive is com¬

pounded of a root “he ” and the pronominal suffixes,1 thus —

hei = he i is by thee

his = he s is by him, &c.

I The pronoun may represent a dative and not the agent as ‘ bukar his,’ fever

is to him, &c.

person sing, maria him, I have beaten.

maria hei, thou hast beaten,

maria his, he has beaten,

plur. maria liisse, we have beaten.

maria hivve, you have beaten,

maria hinhe, they have beaten.

»

?>

ft

5?

55

1895.] Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Panjab. 319

Mr. O’Brien in his MS. notes gives a contracted form of the per-

These contractions I have not yet met with, and, as a general rule,

I think contracted forms take the shapes given under the head of the

Past Tense, while the Perfect is shown by the use of uncontracted

forms. — It is true that for the 3rd person singular from dekhan we find

both dithus and dithius, but there is no distinction in meaning.

Pluperfect .

I had beaten.

12. The Pluperfect is compounded of the Past Participle agreeing

with the Nominative, and the past tense of the Verb Substantive also

agreeing with the Nominative as —

‘ Badshah apni naukar maria lia,’ The king had beaten his

servant, by the king his servant beaten was, &c.

Other examples —

‘ Jerhe vellie ttl ktindi sattl hal,’ When you had thrown the

hook, lit., when by thee the hook thrown was.

‘ Jlwi faqir suniha pathia ha,’ lit., As by the faqir the mes¬

sage was sent.

When pronouns are the agents they are either expressed as in the

first of the above examples, or the Past tense of the Verb Substantive

(with pronouns attached) is added to the Participle.

The participle, of course, agrees with the Nominative.

Examples —

‘ Je tore un di shakal na dithi ham,’ Until I had seen his form,

lit., As long as his form was not seen by me.

‘ Jal tarah faqir kii liukm ditta hah!,’ As they had ordered the

faqir.

‘Tops maria hase,’ We had fired the cannons, lit., The cannons

fired had been by us.

320 Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Punjab. [No. 4,

13. The Future,

I will beat.

The rale for transitive verbs is to add es§, &c ., to the root, and to

shorten the root syllable.

Dekhan (to see), however, is conjugated like an intransitive verb.

Khawan, to eat, makes its future khasfi, and akhan, to say,

makes its future akhsS and akliesIL

14. Compound Future.

I shall be beating.

Is compounded of the Present Participle with the Simple Future of

the Verb Substantive.

mai marenda hosfi, I will be beating.

15. The Past Future ,

I shall have beaten.

Compounded like the 2nd perfect, viz., with the Agent in the In¬

strumental and the Participle agreeing with the Object (which thus

becomes the Nominative), and the Future of the Auxiliary Verb, in

the singular or plural, to agree with the Object.

bjio u(pj inh^ maria hosi, by them beaten will be he ; i.e.,

they will have beaten him.

ubjbc mai marya! hosin, by me beaten will they (fern.)

be; i.e., I shall have beaten them.

Passive Voice.

Sir R. F. Burton wrote in 1849 : — c The Jatki dialect, like SindhI,

possesses a distinct passive voice ; but with reference to it, it must be

recollected that although much used and frequently occurring in Jatki

books and writings, it is seldom heard in conversation, and is all but

unknown to the vulgar/

E. O'Brien wrote in 1881: — ' Multan! differs from Panjabi and

resembles SindhI in having a passive voice, instead of being, like other

Indian dialects, obliged to compound a passive voice of the past parti¬

ciple with the verb jana, to go.’

There is ample evidence in proverbs and stories to show that the

above statements are correct and that Western Panjabi had a distinct

passive — some parts of which are still in constant use; but, at the same

1895.] Trevor Boinford — Language spoken in the Western Punjab. 321

time, it must be said that the passive is dying out and in its stead a

compound is being used as in other Indian dialects.

The passive is formed ; 1

1. In the Infinitive, the Particles, and the Conditional by adding

the syllable ‘ Ij ’ to the root, and then adding the tense endings to this

root, the vowel of which, if long, is shortened ; as —

mar-an to beat mar-Ij-an to be beaten,

mar§5 I may beat mar-1 j-S I may be beaten.

In Sindhi ijanu and in Gujarati avu, is added to the root to form

the Passive Infinitive.

2. In the Present Participle and Future by substituting a lighter

vowel, for that which connects the root with the special endings, as —

mar-en-da. beating mar-in-da being beaten

mar-e-s § I will beat mar-i-sS I will be beaten.

Note. — Objectors to a passive say that there is such a slight differ¬

ence between the forms maresfi and marisa, that only a very quick ear

can detect it, and that when written there would be no difference what¬

ever, unless the vowel marks are added.

This is true, but the same objection holds to Arabic passives, where

q t 1 may be qatala he killed, or qutila he is killed, and yet gram¬

marians recognise such forms as constituting a real passive.

That the passive is dying out will be clear to any one who studies

Mr. O’ Brien’s Glossary of the Multan language, for in it he only gives

passive forms to 6 out of the 209 verbs he mentions. His book, how¬

ever, is not a dictionary but only a glossary intended to illustrate the

proverbs he collected.

1.

Infinitive.

to be beaten.

jxsipo marijan.

other examples in common use are —

patijan, to be rooted out. dakljan, to be divided,

lorijan, to be wanted. manijan, to be appeased,

pakarijan, to be caught. &c., &c.

2. Conjunctive Particles .

being beaten.

marij marlj karahl marijke.

This particular form of the passive verb is perhaps more commonly

found than any other, e. g., —

‘ Bhanij pia,’ It became broken.

‘ Beri bharij karahe buddan lagi,’ The boat being filled began to sink.

1 See Addenda.

322 Trevor Bomford — Panguage spoken in the Western Pahjdb. [No. 4,

It is often used with some part of the auxiliary verb ‘ vanjan ’ to

go, as vatij vest, it will be lost — patlj gaya, it was rooted out — tangij

kharus, I stood (there) hung up.

3. Participles.

a. Present. marlnda, being beaten.

Ex. ‘ Ciciwala chala satlin. pia manglnda,

Trnt gal yari, khatt pia likhinda.’

The little-finger ring is being demanded from us,

Our friendship is broken, a letter is being written.

From the Serampore New Testament : —

‘ Jd kam sabt de> dinh vie nalii karlnda.’

A work which should not be done on the sabbath day.

b. Past (doubtful). bjlx> maria.

Note. — Burton gives,

Present participle, — karida, karldl, being done; — which are

virtually the same as above,

and says the Past Participle has two forms. It is either the same

as the active, or adds ‘ ela ’ or ‘ evvla ’ to the root, as

s. m. marela,1 killed, pi. m. marele.

s. f. inareli ,, , „ f. marelis.

Examples : —

1st person, — ‘ Jumerat parnijl,’ Let me be married on Thursday.

3rd person, — Examples of this are very common. A very usual

phrase is ‘ kiya karlje ’ or ‘ assa kiya karlje,’ used in the sense

‘ what is to be done ? ’ or ‘ what shall we do ? ’ In the latter

instance assi is in the instrumental, and the phrase literally is,

‘ By us what should be done ? ’

Other examples are —

‘ Kliawe bia, marije bia,’ One ate it, the other is beaten.

‘ Savvar banije,’ Let the blanket be' made.

1 This form is still in use, but with an active meaning, — Thus marela, as applied

to an animal, would mean one apt to kick or strike, and is equivalent to marnewala.

‘ -^h marela shakhs he ’ = This is a man who uses his fists on small provocation.

I

1895.] Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Panjab. 323

‘ Jai dasar chaklje, 3 kanu dar raklilje,’ (life.) Whose grass is stolen,

from him let fear be held.

‘ Var dekh dlvije, ghar dekh na dlvije,’ Let a look be given to the

bridegroom, none to his family.

‘ Aj dhanwije hauj,’ If one had a bathe to day. Dhanwljan is pas¬

sive from dhowan, to bathe, and is here used with

a middle signification.

The construction is that of the Conditional.

1st Plural — ‘Ruthe manly!,’ Having quarrelled let us be recon¬

ciled.

3rd Plural — ‘ Je ruthe na manijin,’ If those who have quarrelled,

be not reconciled.

‘ Bhlrin f^nh, patljin bute,’ When bulls fight, plants get torn up.

Note. — Burton in this tense omits the characteristic j,

karia karil karie 1st 2nd 3rd Sing.

and writes it

5.

n

5)

Plur.

kariu kario karian

Present.

I am being beaten.

<jU \bx»j>o marinda ha. See Present Active.

Ex., ‘ Jerhahor clalilnde,’ As now it is obtained; dahlmle = dahlnda

he.

6. Future.

I will be beaten.

1st plur.

2nd

3rd

1st sing.

2nd

3rd

marlsa.

n

>5

manse,

marls! .

Ex. ‘ Jumerat parnissE,’

‘ Sauri sami sat ghatlsi,’

‘ Rarh kadan kaplsl,’ '

n

mansn .

marlso.

marlsin.

I shall be married on Thursday.

Thou slialt be cast into a narrow

grave.

When will the field be cut ?

Note, — In addition to the regular passive forms, there are many

with an active form, and a passive signification. The follow¬

ing are from Mr. O’ Brien’s glossary.

324 Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Punjab. [No. 4,

Further Notes on the Participles.

1. The Present Participles .

dekhan to see makes deklida or dehda.

aparan to catch makes apar-enda or apar-da.

Example of rakhan ; — When used transitively it adds enda ; —

as, ‘ Kitab ky§. mez ute rakhende ho ?’

Why are you putting the book on the table ?

When used intransitively (or with abstract nouns) it adds da; —

as, Ma! ummed rakhda,’ I hope.

The insertion of a negative sometimes, too, makes a difference.

Ex. ‘Yuhan de sliagird roza rakhde, par tede shagird roza nahi

rakhende.’

John’s disciples fast, but thy disciples fast not.

A compound of the present participle is also used as in Urdu.

Ex. ‘ Khuda dl tarif karende hue bole,’ They spake praising God.

* Jai ghar banrendg hul aira ghatia/ Who, building a house, laid

the foundation.

‘ Uhe vende vende rah vie hai,* And going along they were in the

road.

‘ Chatende velhe,’ Sowing time.

2. Past Participles.

In dealing with the Transitive Verb, w arid has been given as the

Past Participle. This is perhaps the commonest form, and agrees with

that of Urdu; but many verbs both in Panjabi and Western Panjabi

retain the old Sanskrit form of the Past Participle, which was, as in

Latin, made with ‘ t ’ ; e.g ., as nikattha from niklan, to go out.

1895.] Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Panjab . 325

Examples.

J. i. 42

if.

326 Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Pahjab. [No 4,

kytrjo, because. isj vl, and, Urdu bbi.

jxLo matan, if perchance. hathll, but.

N. B. The commonest conjunction in the Serampore New Testa¬

ment is ( ? ) ba, 4 and but I can find no trace of it in modern Mul-

tani.

Some Postpositions.

Some Adverbs.

(a) of Manner.

iwe, in this way.

j uwe, in that way.

-j kiwi, in what way.

jiw§, as.

tiwe, so.

ijiha so.

Bote. — Where Urdu uses sa,

or thora sa, a little, West¬

ern Panjabi uses jihi or jihs

Ex., Medi darhi tholi jihi hai,

my beard had become rather thin.

( b ) of Time.

«»

jjTsa. jadan, when

jaddfs, „

This is sometimes used in this

way, — jadan da mai aya, Since I

came.

(c) of Place.

pare, far.

parre, far.

J'f agge, before.

then

u

tadan }

tad da )

kadan when.

kitore how long? | see post-

jitore until. ) positions

vala, again,

jhat, at once,

ajan, still,

hon, now.

accacet, suddenly,

acancet, ,,

jaltl, quickly,

nlja, suddenly.

tadahS then.

itha, here.

ukrf utha, there.

kith a, where ?

j^tha, where, (relative).

1895.] Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Panjab. 327

piche, behind,

caudili ar, on all sides,

neie, near.

^j.bcL* samne, in front of.

( d ) Various.

bhu, much.

muc, much, (peculiar to

the Hazara.)

ithai, this very place,

uthai that very place,

kithai in which place ?

jithai in which place,

nira

oij# nire

hyS, why

hj pia. (Past Participle of pawan, to fall), is used as a sort of in¬

tensive adverb, to add strength to verbs, as , —

‘Meda pai pia anda,’ My husband is coming.

‘ Lahnde pie lie,’ They were coming down.

Addenda.

While these ‘ Rough Notes ’ have been passing through the press,

much additional matter has come to hand. The greater part of this

must be reserved till the writer can find opportunity to bring out a more

perfect grammar of this language, but some must be dealt with here.

Nouns.

1. There is a distinct Locative case used to express, —

a. Time when, as ‘ hik dihare,’ On one day.

‘ kerhe velhe,’ At what time.

b. Place where ; —

Sing, i or e

Plur. e

as ‘ Uh Ambi he,’ He is at Amb.

‘ Uh ghare he,’ He is at the house.

£ uhe apne gharl hin ’ They are at their houses.

c. Manner ; —

‘ Uhe nange pair! dhruke ae,’ They came running with

naked feet.

2. The Ablative ending U or 8.

There are two endings with distinct meanings,

a. The ablative ‘ from ’

b. A contraction for ahu, meaning ‘ somewhat ’

This latter is used

(l.) with the addition of te, thus ; —

‘ AggU te ao,’ Come somewhat forward.

‘ PiccU te vanjo,’ Gro somewhat back.

328 Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Fahjab. [No. 4,

(2.) without it, as; —

* KolhS,’ Somewhere near

‘Dhfl,’ Somewhere towards ; thus, —

‘ Aggtl faqlr piccll shahzada, Somewhat in front the

faqir, somewhat behind the prince,

the full form is sometimes used, thus, —

4 Mai agahtl khabar pathi,’ 1 sent on word somewhat ahead of

me.

and always in the common word

Oralih, Somewhat on this side. — It has survived in this word

probably because it is mistaken for ore ao, ‘ Come on

this side.’

Infinitives.

1. The ordinary infinitive is used as a Verbal Noun, thus ; —

‘ Unda maran qabiil kitum,’ I have consented to his death.

‘Unde maran da tars ayam,’ I am concerned at his death.

2. The extraordinary Infinitive contains the idea of something

which must be done, thus ; —

‘ Un ningir da parna; thia,’ The time came for that girl

to be married.

‘ Qazi unliS kite khawanai pa^hi'a,’ The qazi sent them some¬

thing to eat,

lit. something which was to be eaten.

‘ParnS khushi nal he natil inarnS,’ One must marry to please

oneself, otherwise death would be prefer¬

able.

This Infinitive is declinable like an adjective, thus ; —

a. ‘ Jind liik dihare khuda ghinni, roz roz ta na marnl,’

Life wTill be taken by God one day, we have not got to die

every day.

Here ghinni is Fern. Sing ; agreeing with jind,

‘ Life has got to be taken.’

b. ‘ Pin khawane faqir kt,’ To a faqlr who has to eat what he

gets by begging.

Here khawanl is formative Masc. Sing.

c. ‘ Jitle vas lawane hai, ta cuke,’ Whatever powers they had to

expend, they expended to the full.

Here lawane is Nom. Plur. Masc. agreeing with vas.

d. ‘Du galhe tal kant pucnis him,’ Two questions I have, which

must be asked from you.

Here pucnii is Fern. Plur. agreeing with galh§

1895.] Trevor Bomford— Language spoken in the Western Panjab. 329

Passive.-

The full form of the addition to the root is ij as in marijan, to he

beaten.

i - .

But it is softened down into two other forms,

a. by substituting w for j, thus ; —

marlwan to be beaten. This is common in Shahpur and Bahawul-

pur, and occasionally is met with in intermediate parts,

b. by leaving out the j altogether, as ; —

marian, to be beaten.

This is the form that Sir R,. F. Burton gives, and it is the form

adopted by the so-called Active past participle which, as will easily be

seen from the examples given, is a Passive participle, thus maria,

beaten.

In addition to these modifications of the original root we not un¬

commonly find.

c. a root in which a is added between the original root of the verb

and the ending. This is the same as the Gujarati Passive.

Thus in the Parable of the Prodigal Son (see Appendix) we have

twice.

‘Mai laiq nahi jo teda putr akhawal,’ I am not worthy that I should

be called thy son.

The following examples are from Mr. O’Brien’s glossary.

‘ Yar asade kS. sala diwahe,’ Let a salam be given to my lover.

‘ Sawan vahae, te Kate rahae, te Poh pilae ; ’ Let the ploughing be

done in Sawan, the sowing in Kate, and the watering in Poh.

‘ Jat dilasa deve, jal velhe bal vahae,’ The jat gives encouraging

promises (to the Banya) when the plough is being driven.

To forms b and c all so-called Precative or Polite Imperatives may

be referred. They are really passive Potentials, see those on page 314.

Thus the common word in Urdu,

‘ Baithie,’ pray sit down, belongs to form b., and here in English we

have retained the idiom for we say ‘ be seated ’ when we

wish to be polite.

‘ Likhie ’ write, is ‘Let it be written.’

‘ Kavir na thiwae,’ Don’t be angry, literally, let not anger be made

to be come.

‘ Kliuda bhulawe,’ May God not forget, is literally ‘ By God may

it not be forgotten.’

Mr. O’Brien in his glossary gives under the head of cheran, to

provoke,

‘ Jangal jat na clierie,’ Do not vex a Jat in the jungle.

lit. Let not a Jat be vexed in the jungle.

330 Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Pahjcib. [No. 4»,

Appendix I.

Notes on the translation of the New Testament into the Multan!

language, by the Serarnpur Missionaries.

This translation was published by the celebrated missionaries Carey,

Marshman and Ward, in 1819.

They evidently intended at first to translate the whole Bible, for

a copy issued in 1819 is called ‘ Vol. 2, Containing the New Testament.’

This is, however, omitted in copies issued in 1821.

Though the title page calls it the Multan! language, the printer’s

marks at the bottom of the pages call it ‘ Wutch ’ or ‘ Wuch ’ which

lead one to imagine that their translator was a native of Uc in the

state of Bahawulpur.

After some deliberation they adopted the Banya characters (and

in those days, probably, more persons could read these than any other

characters), and they had special type prepared for the purpose; but

in the get up of the book they made some mistakes, for it is bound as

an English book with an English Title Page, and the characters are

printed very much smaller in size than they are generally written.

The result is that if it is shown to a Hindu, and he is asked whether

he can read it, he promptly replies ‘ No I can’t read English.’ If he

is asked to look more closely at it, he fails to recognise the characters,

owing to their smnll size, as those that he is in the daily habit of

writing. Only once or twice have I succeeded in getting a man to

recognise the language as his own, and to read me parts of the book.

To thi3, too it must be added that 70 years have made a great difference

in the shape of many of the characters, and even in the words of the

language ; for in those days Multan was not connected with the Panjab,

but, together with Sindh, was nominally part of the Viceroyalty of

Kandahar and was ruled by Afghans.

As for the translation it may be pronounced on the whole good,

especially the gospels of SS. Mark, Luke, and John, and the Acts of

the Apostles. St Matthew’s gospel, on the other hand, is very poor and

was almost certainly the work of a different man. The Epistles, too, are

not satisfactory, as there are many words and expressions in them for

which no equivalent could be found in Mnltani, and the translator has ac¬

cordingly contented himself with copying down in the Multan! characters

the words of the translation before him.

One would be curious to know how many copies were printed and

1895.] Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Panjab. 331

how they were distributed, and what has become of them. About 5

copies are now known to be in existence.

In Plates XXVIII and XXIX will be found the characters used in the

Serampur translation compared with those now used in Multan and Uc.

*

Appendix II.

Extract from Census Report of 1891.

Jatki or Multani is the language of the Lower Indus Valley in this

Province. From its prevalence in the Derajat it is also called Derawal

and also Hindi, Hindko or Hindld. It is also known as Bahawulpuri.

I have entered it as Jatki because, this name was used in 1881, but

the term was used in the schedules only in the Dera Ghazi Khan district.

The term Multani was confined to the districts of Multan and Muzaf-

fargarh while the term Hindki was used on the rest of the Dirajat

frontier. Hindi, Hindko and Hindki are terms much confused by the

people. Hindki is more commonly applied to the Jatki language while

Hindkd is more frequently used for the Panjabi dialect spoken on the

Northern part of the Indus. I have drawn an arbitrary line between

the Baim and Kohat districts and have classed all entries of Hindi, &c.,

South of that line with Jatki and all North of that line with Panjabi.

I can not, however, ascertain what course was pursued in 1881, but the

figures give no clue to the real facts and only show that some different

system of classification of the items must have been adopted in 1881.

The returns from Bahawalpur would seem to imply that some general

orders had been given at the present Census for the return of the lan¬

guage of that state as Panjabi or Hindi instead of Jatki ; for the Panjabi

speakers of this Census are nearly 6 times as numerous as in 1881,

while the Jatki speakers have fallen to a quarter of the previous

figure.

Abstract No. 51 showing the number of 'persons speaking each language

returned in the schedules.

^ Jatki

Panjabi (in Muzaffargajh)

Derawal

Hindki (in Derajat)

79,156

4,416

32,106

576,732

Jatki, i. e.

511

21

Hindi (in Bahawulpur, Bannu, Dera

lshmail and Dera Ghazi

Multani

311,695

895,285

1,899,922

332 Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Panjab. [No. 4,

From Abstract 52 , ice get the following results.

The following returns from certain districts shov: how many people returned

themselves as speaking Western Panjabi.

Notes on the above abstracts.

Bearing in mind the difficulties of ascertaining the character of the

dialect spoken in each district, owing to the variety of local names ; and

remembering that both in the Multan district and the Hazara the

popular name for the local dialect is Panjabi, no matter how much it

may differ from the Panjabi of Amritsar, I think we may say that all

who are returned as speaking Jatki do speak what I have endeavoured

to describe as Western Panjabi. With those returned as speaking

Panjabi it is more difficult to deal, but I should think it probable that

the language of at least two-thirds of the people in Rawal Pindi,

Hazara, Peshawar, Kohat and Bannu, and one-tliird of those in Jhilam

and Shalipur, was more akin to Western Panjabi than to Panjabi

proper.

1895.] Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Punjab. 333

With, regard to Bahawalpur the real figures probably lie about half

way between those of 1881 and 1891. Those of 1881 are certainly over

the mark, for it is unlikely that in those parts of the State which lie

alongside the Montgomery and Lahore districts Western Panjabi is

spoken. There we should find Panjabi, and, on the other hand, in the

Southern parts of the State, the languageis largely influenced by Sindki.

Beckoning roughly in this way, I think we must add another 1,500,000

to the 1,900,000 who are returned as speaking Jatki which will give

about 3,400,000 speaking Western Panjabi; but I must repeat that

I have no certain information from the districts of Shahpur, the Salt

Range, &c., and can only hope that the issue of these notes will bring

some from those parts.

APPENDIX III.

The Parable of the -Prodigal Son in Western Panjabi,

In the Persian Character.

* ^Pld> /J )3 ( 1 I ) ,

p3^ <J3^'~K 3*4 Pi 3^ “ Wf ^33^ 3*f. <33*33 ( i p )

• <3Jr*3f° L <J^°

\jlj* p U3^ CJpl ( | ft )

jl oP1 ‘ ^ U3^ U[ * ’ crt^V j* £ 3&~ oPf ( 1 p )

y ^ ^3 ^3$ < — 3 cT'Pj <■ — ^ U 3* (id)

* crt«-V P'b^ j*3**

- ^ o/tf C^pt 3*3 cPCa jjjl CS'^V OJpf ( M )

* Ia I^ij3 Aj <*«s/ u/ijt c*p>

*» • •

U3$! uj ui)3^}'c *- — ^3*4 c — ^ ^ 3 (J^yA ( | V )

# bj g>pf - £&> ^5‘^x5 ip ))

1 U^T U (/ jl (Jpl - LS&I ( f A )

* fV »(i? c <^p 4- t*i ” _^jb

^3 3^ Ujl uPf ( I 1 )

* D^l ^

- b^J Li?A^ ^ uP ( r • )

I_ <J3? 3\ '-£-)& <Ll Jj^pf i- - ^J5 uy^ 3* 3~J

9

* O'P.^p ^P3

J. i. 43

334 Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Panjab.

^ L l«i jAi c — j Up* p U^v

* uV^^iy., t up

jjf u P &&&S U~*^^ up PP*^ up u*pp uOty jP.

✓

** • « *♦ i / • ^

<P~*b c — ^ c5J°A/C *p'ii‘ *• — &p uPl j t?v up'-p tyd

* «

* y u^?Ot

# ^l*'0 LS^P** L- UpP pf uP[P u^ Up* c$^ 5 4-^v V-rt'^

c*> LyJ jis> Ia Lj - 1>«3 |j.a^ j \j Lt ^ y° yj ^_t ly*

- U Lj i*jf ^_jp *__o 4v^ J lA 5 J **jj jLi ^ 1^1 yd

• # L y ^

^ _

# ^ y 4L_I (yy^v 0-^1^ £^.lj j jj^f

^-3 U^j Ijy y ^ jP, <■ — yd * L y ^ ^ bP u^P^ up

* y*^ uP*p ^ uy^** yl ■

LT y$* \*p ^ uy^b j^d y^U^ yH up

^ (.jIa/O ^Jp^p

j^/Q^yiL U}PP uPj J ^ ■ kPl £T J V'L?^ Up Jp Up

Up Jp. ~ fPtP ^ J^~*. Up^ £- — <-s'i‘3 ^ t-^I - z+^lj

* olj5 <J^ uPp9^ uOp^ upi'0 l«3 isp^t

. s _ ••

^ uij^y ^ y jp, jp i i^y up^

* liy lJy ^ ^^jji uy

^7^1 up p * — ^»'° i*^00 oP ^ ^ ■ i^t ufip up 0^1

# .A t t^AJ fcAO A } lSxX)

■■ •* ^ c ••

Ia lys l^j^J yjf l^y ^ py JpiP (JW>^ L Jpjf cs^*=±- jj

* L y« ^ Uj UAA| - u^3 f^ia^

[No. 4,

( n )

( f )

( rr )

(ro)

( n )

(rv )

( )

( r? )

( r* )

(r i )

(rr )

T7ie mme the Peva-nagari character.

( \\ ) 35f ^TJITI % M ^ II (X9) fgg ;f§

tsr ^ ^n^T 5(T v: w %% fur §■ fsr^n ttrt' ?t irf ^t % i

3; ^itjJtfr ^rresK ^ t%# ii (\\) yfvr fewix m%

fw S|* TJ^f gw cfifT ^iT % ff ^ % gigji ggj ^|1T fsjgj

1895.] Trevor Bomford — Language spoken in the Western Panjab. 335

^TTniT iTT^f qq xprft fqxf |1 ( \8 ) i ^

=qq^ cTI 3) fqx? fqqi ^ ^ftqHT ^JTTJ

( 37 % iw % qrt^f km ^T^Ti^r wum *5 fqq ww^

xRiqJlJ qq^ || ( ^ ) qjq 3)ft =nt ^ ^ sft ^?T

iqrqq wm ^Tq<nT *r q*r sft qrft; sSfj gp* qi qqT ^t h ( ) cr^«nr

C\

Tt^ faq q?T qf *T^ % mf qf Ktet fa^ft %

3T *RfT fqq-T SRqT II ( V= ) 3T ^ ^fR W qrhf W sqqr

3) ^ 5ft $ qrf w qT wk %i *n*Rr 3jq m ^tqsr n (

^af ^ 37 qnqqi fq*tt q^r ?r^i q^r ^^qiqt ^rfr qjiqSr fq^

t%q* qi3j5i q^T ii ( ^°) er^jqr 3-3 qRi#f qiiqii wh eftqr 1 qft

qqi qifi 3R 3>f[ fesT % cr*q qfrro ^?r qq? qRi# 3^ ji^t fam

qj % ^ 11 (^\) q^q ^-% 5ft v: qTfx igqi qT qjq 3Rf5r

Tjqxw q^q*r ^ ^ 37 qrrqq\ fq*ft 5ft qq- qR§qiqi 11 ( ^q) w

qrrq*ir *nqR ff ^rrw qt q?ft ^ q?#t qsnqr qn; fqq qnqt q*q 3jff

qqiqt qjq 37q fqq % q^ q qi€i 355 ^cft iq> « ( ^ ) qi^

^ft% q^ ^nq qr^:i#f ^qi qr^t 3qTqq q ^sft ^qiqq 11 ( ^8 ) *m

3ft %^t q: qq- f t qqr ^tqqi fim q^ftq fqqi ¥T f^u wm 1 1

ct^m qft qiOT ^ 11

o

( ^ ^T ^ ftra “TT Src ffTft %

fq^T tt Jii^Jff 9: w ft ^Tsi ^rgg 11 ( ^ ) gj %<sr ffqr tft ^ ^

sft ^ ^tt 1 11 (rs) ^ gjr^r sft ?ngT Tto tryqi

% s*m %| qj xnw ^Nt Btwrr €tcn f ff ^ni

C\ C\ Cs

insr« 11 ( ) 3T ?§w ^t fsrar m ^tut err ^s'^t ta

S>^

% 3ift fl^traT 11 ( = t ) 3i qr fT 5i^T«r ft=rr Irg ^=r%

eftffit %#t fn^rr ft^JT 3E[5f SS^vif %§■ ^TT «tT

’ftw ftR tri ^r€‘f si^rft ?t w°| sr#f fern rrtft w

fNti ’rra r^iit to ii ( ? ■ ■>) sr^n %^t •5^ ^Tnr %

rA< o v \^/ C\

^ wq qf^t fq=q ^i 37q WtZT -*^TJ ?WT qf^T U

( ^) 37 3)^ ^ qw ^ ^qi %i qft^f ¥ qfqr sft ^ %

%^r % 11 ( 5= ) qj- rgjft TO® % i^sr ^ft^ar OTifsifr Tr ^ra'sft

n! Cv

trt bt^t m ^T ^tqqT f^qt q^tq fqqi ^t vt^t % u

336

G. A. Grierson — Suffixes in the Kdgmiri Language. [No. 4,

/

On Pronominal Suffixes in the Kdgmiri Language.

By G. A. Grierson, Ph. D., C. I. E.

[ Read December, 1895.]

To most students of the Indo- Aryan Vernaculars, the question of

pronominal suffixes has not been a familiar one. They were known to

exist in Sindh! , and the few scholars who had studied Ka^mlrl, remember¬

ed them as the chief difficulty of that language ; but elsewhere in India

they have not been met with in any Aryan speech. They were equally

strange to the Dravidian languages, and the only language on this side of

India, which uses them freely is Saontali. On the other hand, to any one

who has studied Persian, or the Semitic languages, they are familiar. In

Hebrew they occur frequently. LJ.g>, in 'the Genesis i. 11, in the phrase

‘ the fruit tree yielding fruit after his kind,’ the words ‘ after his kind ’

are represented by the one word V mind ,. in which V is merely

a preposition. The word mind , is compounded of the word mm, ‘fashion/

and the pronominal suffix 6, ‘ his.’ So also in Arabic, in the well-known

phrase f XJt pZAfi lalaikum as-saldmu, 1 on you be peace,’ the hum of

‘ alaikum ,’ ‘ on you,’ is a pronominal suffix. Again, in Persian, iJ**3^**^

pursidamash, means ‘ I asked him,’ and the termination ash, ‘ him,’

is a pronominal suffix. All these pronominal suffixes differ from

the full form of the pronouns when used separately. The Hebrew for

‘ he ’ is nt zeh nofc the Arabic for ‘ you ’ is fllf ’antum, not hum,

and the Persian for ‘ him ’ is Ij jj u-rd , not ash.

As not only Persian, but the two other Iranian languages which

border the North-West of India, viz., Pashtu and Baloci, use these

pronominal suffixes, it has been assumed by many philologists that

their use by Sindln and Ka^mirl, the two extreme north-western lan¬

guages of India, was borrowed by them from their neighbouring Iranian

cousins. Others have suggested Arabic influence, brought to bear by

religion on these two Musalmau nationalities. I ‘think that I shall be

able to prove that neither of these two theories is true, but that there

is a North-Western family of Indo-Aryan languages, closely connected

with those of the East of India, which use pronominal suffixes of

purely Indo-Aryan origin.

337

1895.] G. A. Grierson — Suffixes in the Kagmirl Language .

These suffixes have existed in Aryan languages from the most

ancient times, and still exist. We find them for instance in modern

Italian as in date-mi , ‘ give me/ in mediaeval Irish, as fri-m, ‘against

me,’ and ancient Greek as in the enclitic pe, ‘me.’ Going furthest

back we find Zend, the parent of Pashtu and Baloci, with the enclitic

forms md (acc.) me and moi (gen. and dat. ) for the first person, thwd

(acc.) te and toi (gen. and dat.) for the second, and he, hoi (gen. and

dat.) for the third, the direct progenitors of the Pashtu mi (1st. person),

di (2nd. person), and ya (3rd. person), and of the Baloci i (3rd. person).

Similarly the modern Persian forms are derived from the Old Persian

of the Achemenides, through the Pehlevi of the Sassanides. Thus

Prs. am (1st. person) is derived from the Phi. am, 0. Prs. maiy (enclitic

dat.). So Prs. at (2nd pers.), Phi. at, 0. Prs. taiy ; Prs. ash (3rd pers.),

Phi. ash , 0. Prs. shaiy.

In the same way, if we take Sanskrit as the nearest representative

of the ancient Indian Vernacular from which the modern Vernaculars

are descended, we find that it also like Zend and Old Persian had

enclitic pronouns, viz. —

1st. Prs. ; Sg., Acc. md, Dat., Gen., me ; PL, Acc., Dat., Gen., nas.

2nd. Prs.; Sg., Acc ted, Dat., Gen., te; PL, Acc., Dat., Gen., vas.

3rd. Prs.; Sg., Acc. enam (masc.), enat (neut. ), encim (fem.) ;

Pl., Acc. email (masc.), enani (neut.), ends (fem.).

This last is also regularly declined in certain other cases, and in

the dual.

It will be seen from what follows, that a series of pronominal

suffixes, more or less complete, exists in several modern Indo-Aryan

Vernaculars, which too is derived from Old Indian pronouns, including

all the above enclitic forms which have been preserved to us by

Sanskrit.

Ever since I have had opportunities of studying the Ka^miri

language, I have been struck with its evident close relationship to

SindliL This relationship was not easily explained, for, till a few

weeks ago the territories in which these two languages were spoken

were believed to be separated by many hundred miles of country inhabited

by a population speaking a totally different language, — Panjabi. There

was no historical or territorial connexion between these two widely

separated but closely connected languages. The annexed map will

show roughly the hitherto accepted geographical limits of Sindhi,

Panjabi and Ka^miri.

338

G. A. Grierson

Suffixes in the Kdgmirl Language. [No. 4,

Last October, I received from the Rev. T. Bomford, a missionary-

stationed at Multan, a grammar of the Western Panjabi ‘ dialect,’ which

will be found to charge all our former ideas on this subject. We have

hitherto known a dialect of Panjabi called Multani, which has been well

illustrated by the late Mr. O’Brien’s Multani Vocabulary, This hitherto

has been localized in the South of the Panjab, round Multan, in the

districts bordering on Sindh, and, as it bore many close points of resem¬

blance to Sindlii, it was assumed, on the information then available, to

be a sort o± border dialect, through which Sindhi merged into Panjabi.

Mr. Bomford now shows that what has hitherto been called Multani,

from the place where it was first observed, is not a border language

between Sindhi and Panjabi at all. It is the language of the Panjab,

west of, roughly speaking, the Jhelum, till it meets the Pashtu spoken,

west of the Indus. Panjabi has hitherto been measured by the standard

of Amritsar, a town some forty miles east of Lahore, midway between

the Ravi and the Satlaj ; and our grammars, dictionaries, and literature

have been based entirely on the language of the east of the Panjab.

The grammars stated, and it was known as a general fact, that the

language of the western Panjab differed from that of the east, but few

1895.] G. A. Grierson — Suffixes in the Kdgmiri Language.

339

attempts, till Mr. Bomford undertook the task, were made to investigate

the points of difference, and it was too readily assumed that Panjabi had

two dialects, a standard and a western. Mr. Bomford’s grammar shows

that this is not true. That western Panjabi can in no sense be called a

dialect of standard Panjabi , but is altogether a distinct language , closely

connected with , and forming the uniting link between Sindlii and Kagmiri.

These three languages, Sindhi, Western Panjabi, and Kagmiri, now allow

themselves to be classed as forming a North-Western Family of Indo-

Aryan Vernaculars, markedly differing from what has hitherto been

called the Western, but from what must now be called the West-Central,

or Central Family. We thus find ourselves compelled to re-classify

these Vernaculars in the following way.

(The figures show the approximate population speaking each language).

OLD CLASSIFICATION. NEW CLASSIFICATION.

A. Western Family. A. North-Western

Family.

(n) North-Western Group.

Sindhi (2,590,000)

Ki^mirl (4,090,000)

(b) West Central Group.

Panjabi (17,720,000)

Gujarati (11,060,000)

Bajputani, (13,150,000)

Hindi (35,820,000)

(c) Northern Group.

Central Paharl (1,150,000)

Khas or Naipall (3,020,000)

B. Eastern Family.

(d) Past Central Group.

Baiswari (20,000,000)

Biliari (30,000,000)

(e) Southern Group.

Marathi (18,930,000).

(/) Eastern Group.

Bangall (41,340,000).

Assamese (1,440,000).

Uriya (9,010,000).

(a) North- Western Group.

Sindhi (2,590,000)

Kagmiri (4,090,000)

Western Panjabi (3,000,000)

B. Central Famiay.

(b) West Central Group.

Eastern Panjabi ( 14,720,000)

Gujarati (11,060,000)

Bajputani (13,150,000)

Hindi (35,820,000)

(c) Northern Group.

Central Pahari (1,150,000)

Khas or Naipali, (3,020,000)

C. Eastern Family.

(d) East Central Group.

Baiswari (20,000,000)

Bihari (30,000,000).

(e) Southern Group.

Marathi (18,930,000).

(/) Eastern Group.

Barigali (41,340,000).

Assamese (1,440,000).

Uriya (9,010,000).

Total Aryan speaking population of India, 209,320,000.

340

G. A. Grierson — Suffixes in the Kagmiri Language. [No. 4,

The new classification of the North-Western languages is shown

in the accompanying map.

This North-Western Family, while widely differing from the Central

Family, both in grammar and in vocabulary, has many peculiarities

common to all the languages which compose it. One of the principal

points of community is the use of pronominal suffixes, a practice

altogether unknown to the languages of the Central Family but reap¬

pearing in those of the Eastern Family.

I now proceed to consider the pronominal suffixes of Kacmiri, and,

in doing so, shall compare them with those of the other languages of

the North-Western Family. Speaking of Katpnlrl, Dr. Biihler says,1

‘ I believe that it has the greatest importance for the comparative

grammar of the Indian Vernaculars, because, for instance, it so clearly

reveals the manner in which the new cases of the declension have been

formed from the old bases.’ This is certainly true of Ka^niri, but I

think that it, and the languages of the North-Western Family generally,

are of still more importance, as indicating the probable course of future

development of the other Indo- Aryan Vernaculars. Sanskrit and

Prakrit^ are synthetic languages. Most modern Indo-Aryan Verna-

l J. R. A. S., Bo. Br., xii (1877, Ex. No. , 89.

1895. ] (t. A. Grierson — Suffixes in the Kdemirl Language. 341

»

culars, while still retaining traces of the synthetic nature of their earlier

stages of development, are on the whole analytical. In the North-

Western Family we can watch such analytical languages in the very

act of completing the circuit, and becoming agglutinative. So the

‘ weary round of existence’ of languages goes on. First agglutinative,

then synthetic, then analytic, and then agglutinative again. An agglu¬

tinative language is one in which some words have lost their power

of being used as nouns or verbs, and can only be employed as particles,

in which capacity they are added to nouns to form case endings, and

to verbs to form tense and person endings.1 This is exactly what we

see occurring in the North-Western Family, and especially in Ka^mlri.

When a Ka^mlri wishes to say ‘ I am,’ he takes the word for ‘ is,’

and tacks on to it a pronominal suffix meaning ‘ I.’ This does not prevent

him prefixing the full pronoun ‘ I ’ as well. He says, not ‘ I am,’ but

4 1 is-I,’ bo chu-s , in which s is the pronominal suffix of the first person.

Again, if he wishes to say ‘ thou art,’ he says tsg chu-lc , ‘ thou is-tliou ’.

So also for other cases. The word nioru means ‘ killed.’ If he wishes to

say ‘ I killed,’ he says 4 by me killed-by-me,’ me moru-m , in which m is

suffix of the 1st. pers. in the instrumental. If he wishes to add the

person who was killed, and to say ‘ I killed yon,’ he says 4 by me

killed-by-me-you yon, me mori-ma-vg toll1 . Here me means ‘ by me

mor * , is the masculine plural of moru , agreeing with ‘you; ’ m is the

suffix of the first personal pronoun in the instrumental (with a added for

the sake of euphony) ; vg is the suffix of the 2nd. personal pronoun plural,

in the nominative, and fold means ‘you.’ Again bo balrava-h tim ‘I will

heal them,’ is literally ‘I (bo) will-heal(Z)aZr<mt)-them( -k) them (tim)’

(the Future, or Old Present, being one of the tenses which does not

take the personal terminations in the nominative, being a synthetic

tense, derived from the old Sanskrit Present). Again (to illustrate

a- dative pronominal suffix) tain1 dopK-na-s, means ‘he spoke to him,’

literally ‘by him (lam1) spoken (dopu )-by-him ( n , with euphonic a )-

to-him (s)\

From the above, it will be gathered that there are different Karmirl

suffixes for the various cases of the Personal Pronouns, and such is the

case, except that there are no suffixes for the plural of the first person.

The following is a complete list of these suffixes.

First Personal Pronoun.

J. r. 44

1 Beames, Cp. Gr. i, 42.

342

G. A, Grierson — Suffixes in the Kagmiri Language. [No. 4>,

Plur. Nom. as *

Acc. asi

Instr. asi

Dat. as

!

wanting.

Second Personal Pronoun.

h (k).

Third Personal Pronoun.

Sing. Nom. su (masc.), so (fem.) n.

Acc. su, so, n.

Instr. tarn * n.

Dat. tas s.

Plur. Nom. tim (masc.) tima (fern.)

Acc. tim, tima,

Instr. tim an

Dat. timan

In tlie above. Dative forms are sometimes used instead of the

Accusative ; e.g., ho chu-sa-y mar an tse, ‘ I am-I-to-thee beating to thee/

instead of ho chu-sa-t mdrdn tsg, ‘ I am-I-thee beating thee,’ i.e., I am

heating thee. Here, in the first instance, the dative tse , and the dative

suffix y, are used instead of the accusative tsg, and the accusative

suffix t.

The suffix li, of the nominative singular, second person, and of the

plural of the third person becomes & when at the end of a word. Thus

mmM-ha-s ho, ‘killed (morli )-by them (^)-I(s) I,’ ‘ They killed me ; ’

but moru-h, ‘ killed-by-them (k, not h),’’ ‘ they killed.’

In Kagmlri, these suffixes are used only with verbs, not with nouns.

The corresponding pronominal suffixes in the other languages of

the North-Western Family are as follows : —

Western Pafijabl:1—

»

Fiest Pers. Nom., Sing.: — m or s; e. g. aya-m , or dyu-s ‘I came.’

Obi. : — m; e. g. hitu-m ‘ it was done by me,’ ‘ I did.’

1 The examples are taken from Mr. Bomford’s Grammar, and from O’Brien’s

Multani Glossary.

343

1895.] G. A. Grierson — Suffixes in the Kaqihiri Language.

Examples of use ; Ishk tede di gal piyn-m gari , ‘ of tby love the

snare has fallen-io-rae (dativus commodi) upon the neck,’ i. e., ‘ has fallen

on my neck;’ nazar dwi-m matan , ‘ the sight (of him) may com e-to-me

perhaps,’ ‘ perhaps I may see him ; ’ juta-m jdra , ‘ Was yoked-6?/-me the

pair ’ ; ‘ I yoked the pair ’ ; kharu-m, ‘ I (was) standing.’

Nom. or Obi. Plur. : — se ; e. g. ni-se, ‘not -we ;’ ha-se , ‘ We- were ’ (lit.

vvas-we) ; ayo-se , ‘ We came ’ (dyd, old form of dyd , 3rd pers. sing.,

‘.came’) ; kitd-se, ‘it was done-Ty-ws,’ ‘we did;’ Midhid-wdll da khidl pid-se ,

‘ of the girl with braids a fancy (i. e, a fancy for the girl,) has occurred-

to-usd

Second Person, Sing. ; Norn. : — rforo; e. g., ha-vB , ‘ thou-wast ; ’

dy- o, ‘ thon-camest.’

Obi. : — el (dat. i) ; e. g., kit-el , ‘ It was don e-by-thee,y ‘ thou didst ; ’

dpnl berl bor dit-el , ‘ thy own boat was swamped-6?/-£7iee ; Allah na dn-el ,

“may God not bring- dkhd-i (for akha + l) ‘let me say -to-theed

Plur.; Nom. : — re; e.g., ayd-ve, i ye- came;’ hd-ve , ‘ye-were;’

Obi.: — ve or o; e.g., kito-ve , ‘it was don e-by-you;’ ‘ tars na ay-o ,

‘.did not pity com e-to-you (dyd -f o) ; ’ kiyd nd he-ve, ‘ what name is there-

to-youj ‘ what is your name ; ’ ni-ve or ni-vlie , ‘ not-you.’

_ _ • "

Third Person, Sing.; ISTom. : — 5; e.g., mariu-s yar, ‘ beaten- was-

she by her beloved.’

Obi. : — s : kitu-s, ‘ it was do n<d-by-him' ‘ he did ; ’ bukhar hi-s ( he-\-s ),

‘fever is -to-him,’ ‘he has fever;’ ‘ kitu-s mdta , ‘he has made-i£ fat;’

yean j an deo-s , ‘ let -him go.’

Plur. ; Nom. not used ; — Obi. : — lid with nasalization of preceding

vowel, or ni ; e.g ., kito-hd , ‘ it was don e-by-them,’ ‘they did ; ’ ydd dyo-hd ,

“remembrance cam e-to-them ; ’ klidso-ni , ‘he will eat -them.’

It will be seen that, in W.-Panjabi, these suffixes can be added to

verbs, and to negatives. It is doubtf u.1 if they are used with Substantives.

O’Brien says that they are so used, but Bomford has not met an

instance. The series is complete except for the nominative of the third

Person Plural.

SindhI 1

i »*'»." , { ,

First Pers., Sing., Nom. : — se or me ; e.g., haliu-se , X-weni.

(from halio , gone, + se) : Poet, chaddid-se , ‘ 7-was-given-up ; ’ chaddia-i-

me, ‘X(me)-was-given-up-by-him(f),’ ‘ He gave me up.’

Obi.: — me; e.g., piu-me , ‘ -my-father ; ’ nnhu-me, ‘ my daughter-in-

:aw ; chhaddiu-me , ‘given-up-by-me,’ ‘I gave up; ’ chaddid-ma-e , ‘ thou-

wast-given-up -by-me’ ‘ I gave thee up,’ (here e is the nominative suffix of

the Second Pers. Sing., and ma is a strengthened form of me) ; atha- me ,

‘ there-is-fo-rue ’ ‘ est mihi.’

1 Examples from Trnmpp.

344

G. A. Grierson — Suffixes in the Kagmiri Language.

[No. 4,

Plur., Nom: — si, e.g., halia-si, ‘ ice-went’ ; chad did- si, 4 we-were-

given-np.’

Obi.: — U or hU (or sometimes sU), not used with nouns: with

verbs, — e.g., chaddio-sU, 4 given-up-by-us,’ 4 we gave np ; * ath-i i,

4 there-is-Zo-ws ; ’ cliaddid-sTt-e , 4 thou-wast-given-up-fry-tts,’ 4 we gave

thee up.’

Second Pers., Sing. ; Nom. : — §, e ; e.g., hali-% , (for haliu-e) 4 thou -

wentest ; ’ ditli-d (for ditho + e), 4 thou- wast-seen ; ’ chaddi-% , 4 thou-wast-

given-up ; ’ chaddia-i-e , 4 ZZmzz- wast-given-up-by-him, ’ 4 he gave thee

up.’

OfrZ. : — e (in one case -eZ) ; e.g.; piu-e, 4 thy- father ; ’ nuhu-e, 4 thy-

daughter-in-law;’ ahiya-e , or ath-ei , 4 there-is-Zo-Z7zee ; ’ chaddyu-e,

4 Z7zon-gavest-up ’ (Zz’Z., 4 given-up-5?/-Z7zee ’) ; Double suffixes are not used

with the Second Pers., Obi.

Plur.; Nom.: — « orra; e.g., halya-u (for halid-\-ii), 4 yozz-went ; ’

chaddya-u, 4 ycw-were-given-up ; ’ chaddiU-t-va, 4 yozz-were-given-up-by

him,’ 4 he gave you up.’

Obi.: — ra ; e.g., piu-va , 4 yemr-father ; ’ nuhu-va , 4 yozzz’-daughter-

in-law ; ’ atha-va , 4 there-is-Zo-yozt ; ’ chaddyu-va , 4 you-gave-up ; ’ (ZzZ.

4 given-up-by-you.’ )

Third Pers., Sing. ; Nom.: — ordinarily not used, but sometimes se;

e.g., chaddia-i-se, i He (.9e)-was-given-up-by-him.’

Obi.: — This has two forms, one for the instrumental, ?, and one

for the other Obi. cases, si ; e. g., instr., chaddia-i , 4 he gave up,’ (H/.

4 given-up-&y-7zzm ’) : other Obi. cases; — piu-se , 7/fs-father; nuhu-se, his-

daughter-in-law ; atha-se, 4 the re-is-Zo- Turn ’ ; dclind-i-se , 4 it-was-given

by-him(i, instr .)-to-him (se, dat.),’ z. e., he gave to him.

Plur. ; Nom.: — Ordinarily not used, but sometimes ne ; e. g., chaddia-

%-ne, Z7zey(zz.e)*were-left-by-him(?).

Obi. : — two forms, as in Singular : instr., ?7, ; — e. g., chaddid-U, 4 they

left’ (lit. 4 it-was-left-by-them ’) : Other Obi. — -cases, ne ; e.g., piu-ne,

i their- father;’ nuhu-ne , 4 their- daughter-in-law : ’ atha-ne , 4 there-is-Zo

them;' cid-i-ne, 4 it-was-said-&y-7ze?-(? )-to-them(ne),1 4 she said to them.’

It will thus be seen that there is a nearly complete series of these

Pronominal suffixes in Sindhi ; only those for the nominative of the

third person are wanting, and, even in this case, as in all other cases, the

oblique forms can be used for the nominative. All suffixes can be used

for both nouns and verbs except that of the first Pers., PI. Obi., which is

only used with verbs. They can (although no examples are given above)

also be used with adverbs and postpositions.

We are thus enabled to draw up the following table of Pronominal

suffixes as used in the North-Western family of languages : —

1895.] G. A. Grierson — Suffixes in the Kagmirt Language. 345

We now proceed to consider the origin of these Pronominal suffixes.

First Person. — The Sanskrit Enclitic pronouns of the First Person

are, as already stated ; sg., acc., ma, dat. gen., me; pi. acc., dat. gen.

nas. These become in standard Prakrit sg. mam, me ; PL no. FronF

the singular we get the suffix m or me. It is well known that oblique

forms are generally to be referred to a Prakrit genitive, and that there

is a common tendency observable in all Indo- Aryan Vernaculars, for the

oblique form to usurp the functions of the direct form. We have just

noticed that this is at the present day, the case in Sindhi. The form

in s or se is evidently borrowed from the plural, also a commonplace of

Indian philology. The Sanskrit nas , cannot account for the plural

forms. The reason for the abandonment of this enclitic, is probably to

avoid confusions with the n of the third person. It is evident that the

forms se, si, si Z, are based on the corresponding full forms of the Pronouns.

Hoernle, 1 no doubt correctly, accounts for these full forms, by referring

them to the Sanskrit asmad, through a Prakrit oblique *assahi, assaz, or

* amsahi.% The form sn, may be either derived from a Prakrit # assahit ,

or the u may be due to the m of asmad, through a form * asumahi,

asuvdhi , hence asti, sU. According to Brugmann (Grundriss, ii,

803), asmad was originally itself a plural, though used as a singular

in Sanskrit. A by-form of the Sindhi ti, is hn, and this points to the

1 Gd., Gr. p. 280. 2 Cf. H. C. iii, 59, 60; where sm of the loc., becomes ss.

346 G. A. Grierson — Suffixes in the Kagmiri Language. [No. 4,

Apabhrarin^a Genitive PL amhahd , of which it is a much abraded form :

H. C. iv, 897, allows a non-initial non-conjunct m to become a nasalized

v. In mh the m is certainly compound, but such compounds with h

are usually treated as single letters, not lengthening a preceding vowel

by position, so that mh is treated as the aspirate of m, just as dh is the

aspirate of d. This is of every day occurrence in the modern vernaculars.

We may therefore assume a form # avhdhd , from which the transition to

hvaha, liau , hu and U is simple.

Second Person. — The Sanskrit Enclitics are, Sg., acc. tvd , dat.

gen. te ; Pl., acc. dat. gen., vas. The corresponding Prakrit forms are,

Sg. te ; Pl. vo. The Kagmiri obi. form in t speaks for itself. It is

the Sanskrit Prakrit te. The Kacmirl h is of doubtful origin. Gram¬

marians give the Ka^mM suffix as k, and say that, when not the final

letter of a word, it becomes h. It is, no doubt, true that there is a

tendency for a medial k to become h, but that would leave the

existence of the k unaccounted for, nor do I know any Sanskrit or

Prakrit form of the second personal pronoun from which it could be

derived. On the other hand, if we take h as the original form, there

is no difficulty in finding an original in Prakrit, and there is no

inherent impossibility in a final h becoming k. A final h , unvocalised,

does regularly become k in Sanskrit, but I must confess that I have

not met any other example of the change in the modern Indo Aryan

Vernaculars. Assuming, therefore, that h is the original form, it must be

derived, not from the Sanskrit enclitics, but from the Prakrit bhe or uyhe

(Cf. W. Panjabi ni-vhe ), the plural form, corresponding to the Sanskrit

yuyam. 1 If & is the original form, I am, at present, unable to suggest any

derivation. We next come to the forms, v§, o , I (direct), el, e (oblique),

and (Western Panjabi) i and (Kagmiri) y (dative). Trumpp2 derives

these from the Skr.-Pr. , enclitic te, assuming that the t has been elided,

and the e has remained. I am, however, unable to admit this deri¬

vation as correct. In the first place, it would not account for the v in

ve ; in the second place, it would be contrary to the analogy of the

other Pronominal Enclitics. Accordingly to analogy, it is the e not

the t which should be elided, and the t not the e which should remain.

This has actually occurred in Kacmirl. It is much simpler to derive

these forms from the Prakrit blie or uyhe already mentioned, or rather

from their instrumentals bhehi, ubbhehi , umhehi or uyhehi .3 The

plural suffixes of this pronoun, va , ve, o, or u, present, no difficulty.

They are all plainly derived from the Skr.-Pr. enclitic vas, vd.

Third. Person. There is in Sanskrit a partially declined enclitic

pronoun of the second person, having ena for its base. This becomes in

1 H. C. iii, 91. 2 s. Gr., 225. 8 H. C. iii, 95.

1895.] G. A. Grierson — Suffixes in the Kdgmiri Language.

347

Prakrit na,v which is the origin of the Ka9mlrl n, while from its

instrumental plural nelii is derived the Western Panjabi ni and the Sindhi

ne. The other suffixes of the third person must be sought for elsewhere.

Ka9miri s (dat. ), W. -Panjabi s , Sindhi se , are derived from the Sanskrit

asya (not enclitic), through the Prakrit .se.2 In Prakrit the Genitive per¬

forms the functions of the dative. According to the analogy of me and te,

the Prakrit se was probably an enclitic. Trumpp3 derives the instru¬

mental terminations % and U from the Sindhi ina, ‘ by him,’ and une ‘by

them.’ This is not impossible. We may however, derive them directly

from the original Apabhramca forms * avanahi, * avanaliu ; 4 or from the

Ap. ayalii , ayahu , ‘by these.’5 There remain the Ka^miri forms in h,

and the W.-Panjabi in "hs. The latter must have sprung from a form

nliB, which I refer to the Prakrit instrumental plural nehz, just quoted.

The Ka9miri h is weakened from "Ind, and, as in the case of the second

person, it becomes k at the end of a word.

It will an interesting task, to trace what other Indo- Aryan Verna¬

culars preserve traces of this use of Pronominal suffixes. Taking first

the languages of High Asia in the neighbourhood of Kashmir, the only

language which uses these forms in the Turk! dialect, Ghalchah. It,

however, is not Aryan. The languages connected with K^mlrl, viz.,

Shina (of Gilgit), Torwalik (of the Swat Valley), Bushkarik (of the

Swat and Panjkora Valleys), Chiliss (of Chilas), and Burishki, do not,

so far as I can find, use them. Burishki, the language of the Hunza

and Nagar Hills uses Pronominal prefixes, but it is doubtful whether it is

an Aryan language at all. Turning to India Proper, I have already

said that not one of the Hravidian languages uses Pronominal suffixes,

but that Santali uses them with the greatest freedom. Of the Aryan

languages, they are unknown to all except to those of the East and

South of India, in which a number of curious phenomena can only be

explained by the forms in use in Kashmir, Sindh, and the Western

Panjab, more than a thousand miles away.

As regards Nouns, we find remains of pronominal suffixes in the

extreme East India. For instance in Assamese, bap, means ‘father,’ but

1 my father ’ is bapai, thy father is bdpd, and his father is bdpeJc. These

are the same suffixes that we have already dealt with, in dealing with

other languages, and we need not discuss their derivation.

As regards Verbs, in Ka^rmrl, the Pronominal suffixes are in differ¬

ent stages of agglutination, if I may use the expression. Those for the

first and third persons may or may not be used. If a Ka^mirl wishes to

say ‘I killed.’ He may say either me mar11 ‘ by me was killed,’ or be may

say me morti-m, ‘ by me was-killed-by-me.’ For ‘ they killed,’ he may

1 H. C. iii, 70, 78. 2 H. C. iii, 81. 3 S. Gr, 345.

4 Hoernle, Gd., Gr., p. 292. 5 H. C. iv, 365.

(t. A. Grierson — Suffixes in fhe Kaemiri Language.

[No. 4,

34 8

say either timau moru , or moru-k. But for ‘ you killed,1 lie must say told

moruvg, by you was-killed-by-you ; ’ He cannot sa jtohimor11. While,

therefore, the suffixes of the first and third persons, are purely agglutina¬

tive, those for the second have become terminations inseparable from the

verb. The verb in this instance in not in the agglutinative, but in the

new synthetic stage of the language, which is just beginning to

develope. In Biharl (one of the Eastern Family of languages), a great

number of verbal terminations end in ai ; and it is a curious fact that

whenever the near or remote object of the verb is in the second person,

this ai , in the Maithill dialect especially becomes au. Thus, a

Tirhutiya says ham ok'rd k§ marliai , ‘ I killed him,’ but ham tolira kS

marliau ‘I killed you.’ Here the au is evidently an abraded form of this

North-Western va ; and the phrase means literally, ‘ I you killed-you.’

Again a Tirhutiya says, ok'ra gari mo kl mal chat , ‘ in his cart what

property is there ; ’ but tolira gari mo ki mal chau, ‘in your cart what

property is-tliere-to-you,’ in which chau , corresponds to the Kaymiri

chu-va, or to the Western-Panjabi he-ve , or to the Sindhi atha-va ,

‘ there is-to-you,’ ‘ you have.’

We may, however, go much further than this. It can be proved

that the conjugation of the past tense of transitive verbs of the eastern

languages of India, although now active was originally passive. Thus,

the Bangali marildm. means ‘I killed,1 but it must originally have meant

‘ killed by me,1 mSrila-am , in which the am is a Pronominal suffix,

equivalent to the m of the Kaemiri moru-m, and has nothing whatever

to do with the Sanskrit and Prakrit personal endings with which they

have been usually connected. This becomes plain when we compare

the past tense of the cognate Maithill verb. In its simplest form this

tense is conjugated as follows in the masculine :

Singular.

1. mar al- aim

2. maral-e

3. mdral-ak

The corresponding

Singular.

1. mdrab-ahu

2. mdrab-E

3. mdrat

Plural.

maral-i.

maral-dh (old - aim ).

mdral- ( a)nh\ 1

forms of the future, are —

Plural.

m arab-i.%

marab-dh.

mar at- all.

1 The Maithill verb does not distinguish between Singular and Plural, _ only

between honorific and non-honorific. The above arrangement, therefore, slightly

differs from that of my Maithill grammar. The Singular and Plural forms have

been classed according to origin.

2 This form is not used now-a-days in Maithill, but must have existed. It is

used in other Bihari dialects.

1895.] G. A. Grierson — Suffixes in the Kdgmiri Language. 349

The terminations of the Conjunctive Present, (Old Present Indica¬

tive) which is formed directly from the old Skr.-Pr. Present Indicative,

without the aid of suffixes are —

1. maru 1 marl

2. marai 1 mdrah .

3. marai 2 mdrath ®.

Taking these three tenses we note that the Past and Future are

participial tenses ; i.e ., Participles, with Maithill terminations added

to them ; while the Old Present (which I shall call Present for short¬

ness) is a synthetic tense with the old Skr.-Pr. terminations.

It is commonly said that the Participial tenses are conjugated by

taking a participle ( marai or mdrab) and appending to it the termina¬

tions of the present, but a comparison of the forms given above will

show that this is not the case. The terminations of the Past and of the

Future, are not the same as those of the Present, except in the first

person and second persons plural.

In the Future, the terminations of the first and second persons are

pronominal suffixes in the indirect form, added to the future jDassive

participle ; just as Kacmiri has mbru-m , ‘ killed-by-me,’ for ‘ I killed,’

so Maithill has marab-ahu ‘ it is to be killed by me,’ ‘ I shall kill.’ The

first person singular termination corresponds to the Ap. Pr., amliaha ,

as already explained. The l of the first person Plural may be referred

to the Pr. Instr. PI. amhe or bhe (H. 0. iii, 110). The & of the second

singular, occurs in SindhI and has been already discussed. It, also, is an

oblique form. The termination ah of the second singular necessarily

refers us to an older form ahu, which is formed from the North-

Western va, through au , a(h)u. The Future third person is formed

from the Present Participle active , and therefore, if it takes any termi¬

nation, takes the direct form of the pronominal suffixes. As in the

case of all tenses formed from active participles, its simplest form takes

no termination in the singular, while in the plural, it, perhaps, takes a

direct form of the third personal pronoun. We note the same fact in the

third person of the past of neuter verbs which is similarly formed from

an active past participle. Thus calal ‘ he went,’ calaldli ‘ they went ’ ;

but we never meet it in the case of the past tense of transitive verbs,

formed from the passive past participle. We cannot say mdral, ‘ he

killed,’ or mdraldh ‘ they killed.’ With regard to the termination dhy

the a is written d, and is pronounced something like the d in the

English word hat. It scans short in poetry, though written long. It

may be the Sanskrit pronoun of the third person adas , nominative asau ,

1 Obsolete in Maithill. 2 Exists, but rare.

J. i. 45

350 G. A. Grierson — Suffixes in the Kagmiri Language. [No. 4,

or, in Prakrit aha,1 but it is, more probably, merely an old nominative

plural termination of tbe participle, agreeing in gender and number

with its subject. Its feminine is z7i, thus mdratlh , ‘ they (fern.) will

kill,’ sutallh. ‘ they (fern.) slept.’

In the third person of the Past tense of transitive verbs, we see

clearly the passive nature of the conjugation. The termination nhl of

the third person plural, as in the case of the corresponding forms of the

North-West, is derived from the Prakrit instrumental plural nehz ;

hence mdral-(a)nhi means ‘killed by them.’ The k of the third person

singular, I am not able to derive in a way satisfactory to myself,

as I have elsewhere stated ; but it is evidently a pronominal suffix of

the third person with an instrumental power, and is the same as the

Ka^mirl corresponding termination h (k).

We have not by any means exhausted the wild maze of forms,

which is presented by the Maithill verb. I have described above

how the termination ai becomes au, We are now in a position to trace

the origin of this termination ai , which can be added optionally to

almost every form of the verb. Jt is merely the pronominal suffix

of the third person, referring to the object. It is said that it can be

used also when the first person is the object. I do not remember

having met any instance of this, but in tbe nature of things such an

occurrence must be comparatively rare, and the use of the termination

could easily have extended to the first person, once its original mean¬

ing was lost sight of. There are numerous Prakrit pronominal forms

to which it can be referred. Perhaps the simplest would be to

consider it, either as aya, the Ap. Pr., nom. sg. of idam , ‘ this,’ or

as the oblique form ahahi of aha ( adas ), ‘ that.’ We can then

explain mdraVkai (an optional form of maral-ak ) by mdral-k k-\- ai,

i. e., he (ai) was killed ( mdral ) by him (k) : exactly equivalent to the

K^mlri moru-h(a)-n , he (n) was killed (moru ) by them (h, i. e., k).

This k can again be superadded to these forms. At the present day

it appears to be merely pleonastic, as in such a phrase as mdral- kaik

( maral-\ k + ai + k), but sometimes its original force remains, as in

mar'liauk (i.e , mdral -f i + au-\- k), which means ‘ I killed him for you,’

literally ‘ he ( k ) was killed (mdral) by me (i) for you ( au ).’

Another use of the termination nld already described may be

noticed. It may be added to almost any form of the verb to attribute

respect to the object. Thus, a Tirhutiya says, ham ok'rd k§ dekliliai ,

‘ I saw him,’ but ham raja ks dekh'liai-nh *, ‘I saw (His Majesty) the

King.’ Here the nh 1 is simply a plural of respect, and the sentence

means literally ‘ I saw-them, the king.’ So again he says He raja , ham

1 H. C. iii, 87. Cf. iv, 362, eho for esah, in Ap. Pr.

351

1895.] G. A. Grierson — Suffixes in the Kagmirl Language.

ahti h§ deTdili-aunh % ‘0 King, I saw Yonr Honour,’ literally, ‘ 0 King,

I to Your Honour saw-you-them, i.e., Your Respected Honour.’

As regards verbal forms, all the cognate forms of the Eastern

Family of Indo- Aryan Vernaculars can be similarly explained, and I

may claim to have shown a very close connexion, between the modern

languages of the East of India, and those of the North-West, at least

as regards one particular grammatical point.

I reserve for another occasion, the question of the general relation¬

ship which exists between these two families of languages.

352

G. A. Grierson — Radical and Participial tenses

[No. 4,

On the Radical and Participial tenses of the modern Indo- Aryan Languages.

— By G. A. Grierson, Ph.D., C.I.E.

[Read January, 1896.]

In a paper which I had the honour of reading before the Society

at the last meeting, I discussed the question of Pronominal suffixes,

and their use in the conjugation of verbs in the Ka^mlri Language.

I also compared Kaqmiri, in this respect, with the two other languages

of the Indian North-Western family, 'viz., Sindh! and Western Panjabi

and with the Maithili dialect of Bihari, and with Assamese, — languages

belonging to the Eastern family.

In the present paper, I propose to carry this enquiry a step further,

and to ascertain how far the use of pronominal suffixes has obtained in

the case of verbs of other Indo- Aryan Vernaculars.

In my former paper, I showed that these languages should be

classed in three families, — a North-Western, a Central and an Eastern,

the last including, as a sub-division, the Southern Marathi with its

Konkani dialect. I also explained the difference between an analytic,

an agglutinative, and a synthetic language, and I believe that the result

of this paper (amongst other things) will be to show, that it may be

taken as a broad rule, that while the Central Vernaculars prefer an

Analytic, the North-Western, Eastern and Southern prefer an Agglutina¬

tive, or (its further developed form) a Synthetic system of conjugation.

In all these languages, the tenses of the verb may be divided into

three groups, viz., (1) the Radical tenges, (2) the Participial, and (3)

the Periphrastic. The last, as not being necessary for our immediate

purpose, may be dismissed without further notice, beyond explaining that

they are compound tenses formed by adding auxiliary verbs to participles

or to other tenses, as in the Hindi gaya hai , ‘ he has gone,’ formed by

adding the auxiliary verb hai, ‘ is ’ to the past participle gayd, ‘ gone.’ So

also the Sindhi halio dhe {halio, ‘ gone,’ + ahe, ‘ is,’) and the Bengali giydche

(giya, ‘ gone,’ + ache, ‘ is’). Again, the Hindi future is a periphrastic

tense ; thus jaugd, ‘ I will go,’ lit., ‘ I am gone’ ( ga , auxiliary verb) ‘that

I may go ’ (jdu, radical tense) ; and the Wes tern- Panjabi present jdndct,

1895.]

353

of the Modern Indo- Aryan Languages.

‘ I am going,’ compounded of the Participle jandd , ‘ going,’ pins the

auxiliary verb 7id, ‘ I am.’

Radical tenses are those which are derived throughout from a

corresponding Sanskrit-Prakrit tense. That is to say, which are

actual survivals of the old Sanskrit conjugation. The only Sanskrit-

Prakrit tenses which have survived are the Present (including the

Imperative), and the Future.

The following are the Sanskrit-Prakrit forms of the Present tense,

the verb taken as an example being the v/ cad, ‘ go.’

We shall now compare the existing form of the corresponding

tenses in all the Indo- Aryan Vernaculars.

CENTRAL FAMILY.

In all the above, the tense has in modern times gained a condi¬

tional power, and is more commonly used as a Present Subjunctive.

354 G. A. Grierson — Radical and Participial tenses [No. 4,

NORTH-WESTERN FAMILY.

In this, the Ka^mlri form has gained the force of a Future. The

other languages give it a Subjunctive force.

EASTERN FAMILY.

Eastern Group.

1 A late agglutinative form.

2 A form with the pronominal suffix Jc} only used in the imperative.

8 d pronounced something like the a in ‘ ball.’

1895.] of the Modern Indo- Aryan Languages. 355

Southern Group.

In Marathi, this tense has acquired the force of a Habitual Past,

‘ I used to go.’ In Konkani it is a Contingent Future, ‘ I may perhaps go.’

It is thus manifest that in every modern Indo-Aryan language

there is a tense derived direct from the Sanskrit- Prakrit present.

Sometimes Singular forms are used for Plural, and vice versa. The

terminations are corruptions of the original Sanskrit-Prakrit ter¬

minations, and (with the exception of one or two sporadic forms)

nothing has been added to these terminations in the way of pronomi¬

nal suffixes. It is a genuine synthetic tense by origin.

We now come to the Future. The Sanskrit-Prakrit terminations

are as follows : —

356 G. A. Grierson — Radical and Participial tenses [No. 4,

This future has not survived, as a Radical tense in all Indo-Aryan

Vernaculars, as will be seen from the following : —

CENTRAL FAMILY.

In Rajputani and Hindi, the future can also be made periphrastically,

e.g., H. calau-gau , ‘ I shall go,’ lit., ‘ I am gone that I may go.’ In

Eastern Panjabi, Central Paharl, and Naipall, a Periphrastic Future

is the only one used.

NORTH-WESTERN FAMILY.

In SindhI, a Periphrastic Future is used. In Kaymlrl, the old

Present is used as a Future.

1895.] of the Modern Indo-Aryan Languages. 357

EASTERN FAMILY.

Eastern Group.

In Baiswari (the old language of Tul’si Das is taken as the type)

a periphrastic form is also used. In the other languages, the Future

is a Participial Tense.

Southern Group.

Both Marathi and Konkani have a Periphrastic Future, and no

remains of the old Sanskrit-Prakrit tense appear.

With regard to the Sanskrit-Prakrit Future, therefore, the remarks

apply which we have made regarding the Present, but in a modified

form. The tense has survived only in Gujarati, Rajputani, Hindi,

Western Panjabi, and Baiswari. In these languages it is a Radical

Tense. In Eastern Panjabi, Central Pahari, Naipali, Sindhi, and

Marathi (with its Konkani dialect), the Future is a Periphrastic tense,

and need not concern us further. Ka^miri lias the Future as a Radical

Tense, but has borrowed the old Sanskrit Present for the purpose. In

the true Eastern languages, Bihari, Assamese, Bengali and Oriya, the

Future is a Participial tense, and will require subsequent further

examination.

Except the Imperative, which closely resembles the Old Present,

and need not be specially considered, there are no other Radical tenses

in the modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars.

*

We now come to the Participial Tenses. A modern Indo-Aryan

participial tense is not directly derived from any tense in Sanskrit or

Prakrit. It is simply a modern participle to which the function of a

J. i. 46

358 G. A. Grierson — Radical and Participial tenses [No. 4,

tense is given. Pronominal suffixes may or may not be added to it.

Thus, to take the root cal , to go. In Hindi (Braj) its Past Participle

is calyau , ‘gone,’ and to this is given the function of a past tense, and

it is also used to mean ‘ 1/ ‘ thou,’ or ‘ he went,’ without the addition

of any suffix to show what person is referred to. On the other hand, in

Kaynriri, the Past Participle is tsolu, ‘ gone,’ and when the function of a

past tense is given to it, pronominal suffixes in the nominative case are

added to it, to indicate the person who is gone ; thus, tsolu-s , ‘ I went,’

lit. ‘ gone-I,’ tsolu-k, ‘ thou wentest,’ lit. ‘ gone-thou.’ If the subject of

the verb is feminine or plural, or both, then the participle, being an

adjective, is altered to agree with the subject. Thus, the plural mas¬

culine of the Hindi calyau , is cale , and cale is used as a participial

tense, to mean ‘we,’ ‘'you,’ or ‘they went’ (masculine). So the

masculine plural of the Ka^miri tsolu is tsal\ and when the participle

is used as a participial tense, with the subject in the masculine plural,

this form is used, as in tsall-va , ‘ you w~ent,’ in which va is the prono¬

minal suffix of the second person plural in the nominative case.

It has hitherto been assumed that these terminations, added by some

languages, and which I call pronominal suffixes, are merely the old

Sanskrit-Prakrit terminations of the old Present, borrowed for the

purpose (possibly under the influence of false analogy), and tacked on

to these modern participles. Primd facie, the addition of an old Prakrit

termination to a modern form — so that the two form one synthetic

word — is not probable. In the second place, it will be seen that they

are not the same as the terminations of the old Sanskrit- Prakrit present.

Thirdly, we have the evidence of some languages that these termina¬

tions are (at least in them) agglutinative pronominal suffixes, which may

be added or not as fancy seizes the speaker. For these reasons I believe

that I can show that all these terminations of participial tenses are

pure pronominal suffixes added to participles, and are not the termina¬

tions of the Old Present borrowed for the occasion.

The Participles used in the formation of Participial tenses, are the

Past, the Present, and the Future. We shall take them in order. Only

Masculine forms, as a rule, will be given.

The following are examples of Tenses based on the Past Participle.

They are all simple past tenses, and mean ‘I,’ ‘then,’ ‘he,’ &c., ‘ went.’

1895.] of the Modern Indo- Aryan Languages. 359

CENTRAL FAMILY.

Except Naipali, all the above take feminine forms, to agree with a

feminine subject.

NORTH-WESTERN FAMILY.

In Western Panjabi, there is no change for gender.

360

G. A. Grierson — liadical and Participial tenses

EASTERN FAMILY.

Eastern Group.

[No. 4,

Except Baiswarl and Bihari, as shown above, none of these change

for gender.

Southern Group.

1895.] of the Modern Indo- Aryan Ldnguages. 361

Most of the above are examples of the simplest kind of Past tense,

that of a neuter verb, in which the only factor affecting the form of the

verb is the subject, with which the verb must agree in number

and person, and sometimes in gender. In fact the form of this tense is

exactly paralleled by Sanskrit and Prakrit. The Marathi to caVla , is

exactly paralleled by the Sanskrit sa calitah , Prakrit so calid. This

idiom, in which the subject of the sentence is also the subject of the

verb, and agrees with the latter in number, person (and gender), is

called the Kartari prayoga , or Active construction.

When, however, the verb is transitive, the Past Participle is a

passive one, and we have a different set of phenomena. Take the

transitive root mar, 4 kill.’ In Sanskrit, the Past Participle is rndrita,

and sa mdritah does not mean ‘ he killed,’ as sa calitah means ‘ he went,’

but means 4 he was killed.’ If we wish to use this Past Participle in

an active sense, for ‘ he killed,’ we must say 4 tena maritah ’ 4 by him

killed,’ and for’ 4 he killed a man,’ we must say 4 a man (was) killed by

him,’ in which the object of the sentence becomes the subject of the

verb, and the subject of the sentence becomes the agent, in the instru¬

mental case, after the verb. We have the same in the Indo-Aryan

Vernaculars. In Hindi wall mdryau does not mean ‘lie killed,’ but 4 he

was killed.’ For 4 he killed,’ we must say va ne mdryau, 4 by him killed.’

So also 4 he killed a man ’ is va ne manus mdryau, 4 by him a man was

killed.’ So va ne strl marl, 1 is 4 he killed a woman,’ 4 by him a woman

was killed,’ in which the verb agrees in gender, number and person with

the object, not with the subject of the sentence. As the Past Participle

is used passively, this is called Karmani prayoga, or Passive construction.

There is, however, another way of dealing with a Past Participle

passive the impersonal method, familiar to those who remember the

4 actum est de Balbo,’ of our school-boy days. Here the participle is

l It is not suggested that these examples are idiomatic Hindi.

362

G. A. Grierson — Radical and Participial tenses [No. 4,

put in the neuter gender, and the object of the verb is put in the

dative (a kind of dativus commodi). Thus for ‘lie killed the man,’

we may say ‘ by him, with reference to the man (dative), it was killed ’

(neuter singular), 1 vd ne mantis had mdryau ; or for ‘he killed the

woman,’ vd ne strl had mdryau ‘ by him, with reference to the woman,

it was killed ’ (or ‘the act of killing was done).’ This is called the

Bhave yraydga , or Impersonal construction. All these praydgas are

met with in the conjugation of the Past tenses of the Indo-Aryan

Vernaculars, and hence, although it is a twice-told tale, it has to be

again explained, for the sake of what follows. I now proceed to give

examples of the Past tense of transitive verbs.

CENTRAL FAMILY.

For Eastern Panjabi, Gujarati, Hindi and Central Paliari, the Past

Participle of transitive verbs is used, either in the Karmani (passive) or

in the Bhave (impersonal) construction. The forms of the Past Participle

are those given for the neuter verb. The following is an example taken

from Hindi, which language possesses no neuter gender.

(a) Karmani yraydga , — vd ne strl marl , ‘ he killed a woman/

literally, ‘ by him (vd ne) a woman (strl) was killed (marl, fern, of

mdryau, to agree with the feminine noun sti'l),"1 ab illo mulier interfecta.

(b) Bhave prayoga, — vd ne strl had mdryau, ‘ he killed the woman,’

literally ‘ by him (vd ne), with reference to the woman ( strl had), it was

killed ( mdryau , used impersonally, in the masculine, as Hindi possesses

no neuter).’ In unidiomatic Latin this might be represented by ab illo

de mulier e inter/ ectum, for ab illo mulier interfecta.

In Naipali, only the Bhave prayoga occurs. The verb does not

change for gender. The terminations are the same as ‘in the neuter

verb. An example is hamiharu le heti Idi maryad, ‘ we killed the girl.’

Here mdryau is a compound of mdryd, the past participle, ‘ killed,’ and d,

the instrumental pronominal suffix of the first person plural, which we

also find in SindhI. Mdryau means ‘ killed (mdryo)-hy-me (tz).’ and the

whole phrase is literally ‘by (le) us ( hamiharu ) with-regard-to (Idi) the

girl (heti) it-was-killed-by-us (mdryau),'1 the instrumental pronoun being-

repeated in the suffix, just as I have in a former essay shown to be the

case in Ka^mirl.

NORTH-WESTERN FAMILY.

Here we at once see a marked difference between transitive and in¬

transitive verbs ; owing to the change of suffixes. In intransitive verbs,

1 In Vernaculars which have no neuter, the masculine singular is of course

used.

1895.]

of the Modern Indo- Aryan Languages.

363

the subject of the sentence is in the nominative case owing1 to the Kartari

prayoga , and the suffixes are hence also those of the nominative case.

On the other hand, in the case of transitive verbs, either the Karmani

or the Bliave prayoga is adopted, and the subject of the sentence is

necessarily in the instrumental. Hence the suffixes are also those of

the instrumental case.

In Western Panjabi, according to Mr. Bomford’s Grammar, the

forms of the verb are not changed according to the object of the sen¬

tence. The Bliave prayoga is, therefore, the only one in use in that

language. In Sindhi and Ka^miri, both the Karmani and Bliave prayoga

are used. In the first case, the Past Participle must, of course, agree

with the object of the sentence. Thus, Ka^miri, moru or mdru-m ‘I struck

him,’ but mor * or mori-m, ‘I killed them.’ So in Sindhi.

EASTERN FAMILY.

\ .

Eastern G-roup.

In this group, the Past Participle does not change for gender. In

these languages, too, the formal distinction between the nominative and

instrumental cases has disappeared, though the sense that the past

tense of a transitive verb is really passive still remains. The old

Prakrit termination of the instrumental case of the subject has been worn

away, leaving that case in the same form as the nominative. In the

364 Gt. A. Grierson — Radical and Participial tenses [No. 4,

older forms of the language, e.g. in old Baiswari (1630 A.D.), the termi¬

nation hi of the instrumental still existed and was used, hut, now-a-days,

to take Bengali as an example, the hi lias disappeared, and the instru¬

mental has been merged in the nominative. Thus for ‘ he killed the

woman,’ a Bengali says tini stri-ke mdrilen , which means apparently ‘ he 9

(instead of ‘by him’) ‘ with-regard-to-the- woman it-was-killed-by-him

(maril-en) ,’ but tini is really an instrumental of which the case termina¬

tion hi has been worn away, leaving the instrumental the same in

form as the nominative. In old Baiswari, the instrumental of this

pronoun is tinalii. In the Eastern languages even in the case of in¬

transitive verbs, the Bhave prayoga is used. In Sanskrit for ‘ he went,’

we may say either sa calitah ( Kartari ) or tena calitam , ‘it was gone by

him’ ( Bhave prayoga ). So, in Bengali, calilen means ‘it was gone

( calil ) by-him ( en ).’ That the suffixes are in the Eastern Group really

instrumental ( Karmani or Bhave), and not nominative (Kartari prayoga),

is proved —

( 1 ) By the analogy of other languages.

(2) By the fact that the Past Participle is both by origin and

meaning a passive.

(3) By the fact that in Bihar! there are remains of the dis¬

tinction between nominative and instrumental suffixes' still

surviving, the former being used only with neuter verbs

{Kartari prayoga) , and the latter only with transitive verbs

(Karmani or Bhave prayoga).

(4) By the fact that the Perfect tense in Bihar! is clearly in the

Bhave prayoga. It is formed by adding the third person

singular of the Present tense of the Verb Substantive, to

the Past tense. When a Bihar! wishes to say ‘I killed,’

he says maral-ahu. That this means ‘ killed-by-me,’ and

not literally ‘ I killed,’ is proved by the fact that when he

wishes to say ‘ I have killed,’ he does not say maral-ahu

chi, ‘ I killed am,’ but maral-ahu acid, ‘ I killed is,’ or

literally ‘killed-by-me is.’ So for ‘you have killed,’

he says mdral-ah acid, ‘ killed-by-you is,’ not mdral-dh

chdh. It is much as if we were to say in Bengali for ‘ I

have killed,’ maril-am ache, which form, however, is not

employed, a different idiom being used. In the Bihar!

Perfect, this Bhave prayoga is used by Intransitive as

well as Transitive verbs. We say calal-ahu acid, ‘ gone-

by-me it is,’ mayd gatam asti, just as we say maral-ahu

ach\ equivalent to the Sanskrit may a maritam asti . But

1895.] of the Modern Indo- Aryan Languages. 365

in the case of Intransitive verbs we can also use the Past

Participle with the Verb Substantive in the Kartari

praydga. Instead of calal-ahu ach l, we can say calal chi ,

‘ gone I am,’ calito ’ smi , while on the other hand we cannot

use such a form in the case of Transitive verbs. We can¬

not say, for the Perfect active ‘ maral chi , which would

mean, ‘ killed I am,’ ‘ I am killed,’ not ‘ I have killed.’

Biharl, however attempts to use the Kartari praydga in

the case of Transitive verbs, and does so by a curious

periphrasis. Instead of saying marala-ahii ach % ‘ beaten-

by-me is,’ we can also optionally say ‘ by-means-of-(so

and so) -being-beaten I am,’ mdrale chin. Here the Past

Participle Passive is put in the Instrumental case, as if

we were to say in Sanskrit, aham Deva-dattena mdriteua

as mi, ‘ I, by means of the beaten Deva-datta, am.’ It is

true that before all these verbs the subject-pronoun appears

to be in the Nominative case, but, as already explained

that is because no true Instrumental form of any Pronoun

has survived in Maithili, or, indeed, in any Eastern Indian

Language. Instead of saying ‘ mayd mdritam asH ,’ all

the languages of the Eastern Family appaiently say aham

mdritam asti , a purely nonsensical phrase, merely because

the special form for mayd has disappeared altogether, and

the word for aham is used instead of it.

An interesting light on this loss of the sense of the original pas¬

sive meaning of the past tense is shown by the Gujarati corruption of

the Bhdve praydga. In that construction, the passive participle being

used impersonally, should be in the neuter. In Gujarati, however, this

is forgotten, and the passive participle agrees in number and person with

the object of the sentence, which is, according to custom, in the dative

case. Thus tene rani ne man, is in the Bhave praydga, and means * he

killed the queen.’ It should be properly tene rani ne rnciryu , ‘ by him

(tene) with-reference-to-the-queen {rani ne) it-was-killed ( maryu ),’ but

mdryu (neuter) is changed to the feminine mari, to agree with rani, as

if it were in the Karmani praydga, which it is not.

With the exception of Biharl, none of the Eastern languages make

any distinction between the conjugation of the past tense of intransi¬

tive and transitive verbs. I hence, here, content myself, with giving

only the Biharl conjugation of both forms.

J, i. 47

366 G. A. Grierson — Radical and Participial tenses [No. 4,

Bihari (Maithili).

The origin of the above terminations has been discussed in my

previous essay on Ka^mlri Pronominal Suffixes and will be referred to

again. Suffice it to point out here that the intransitive forms of the third

persons singular and plural are adjectival participles used in the Kartari

prayoga , while the terminations of the other persons of the intransitive

verb and of all the persons of the transitive verb are instrumental ones

used in the Bhdve prayUga.

There is one very interesting form in Bengali, the optional form

of the third person singular in eh, to which I wish to draw attention.

It also occurs in the Bengali future ( maribe or marib-eh) third person

singular, which is, as I shall shortly show, also formed from a Passive

participle, and is built upon the principle of the Bhdve prayoga ,

but does not occur in the Past Conditional, which being formed

from the Active Present Participle, is built upon the basis of the

Kartari prayoga. It is now-a-days considered vulgar, but it is a genuine

termination all the same. It is the pronominal suffix h, of the third

person, which we have already met in Kg^mM and Maithili. 1 Thus calila

means ‘ he went,’ but mdril-eh means 4 killed ( mar il ),’ ‘by him (eh).’

We cannot say mdrit-ek, because that would mean ‘ killing-by-him,’

which would be nonsense for the purpose of the idea to be conveyed.

It may be added, that the third person singular of the Bengali Impera¬

tive also ends in k. Thus, marn-k , ‘ let him kill.’

1 See ante pp. 31G and 350.

1895.]

367

of the Modern Indo- Aryan Languages.

Southern Group.

Marathi and Konkani, in the case of Transitive Verbs, use either the

Karmani or Bhdve pray dg a, and do not add pronominal suffixes. lienee

the Past Participles are merely used in a Passive sense, agreeing in gender

and number (when in th e Karmani pray og a) with the object of the

sentence, as already explained. Further examples are therefore un¬

necessary.

The following are examples of tenses based on the Present

Participle. This participle is an Active one, and hence the Kartarl

prayoga is used throughout.

CENTRAL FAMILY.

In Gujarati this tense is a Habitual Past. Its weak form calat is the

Past Conditional. In Eastern Panjabi, Rajputani, Hindi and Central

Pahari it usually has a conditional sense. Naipali uses a periphrastic

form.

368 G. A. Grierson — Radical and Participial tenses [No. 4,

NORTH-WESTERN FAMILY.

In Sindhi, the tense has the power of a Future. In Western

Panjabi, the form (which is borrowed from the neighbouring Rajput am)

is optional. A periphrastic form is more usual. The meaning is that

of a Past Conditional.

EASTERN FAMILY.

Eastern Group.

I Fern., calandia-se, &c. 1 Fem. calati-u.

1895.]

of the Modern Indo- Aryan Languages.

369

In Baiswari, Bihari and Bengali, this is a Past Conditional.

In Oriya, it is, usually, a Habitual Past.

Southern Group.

We now come to tenses formed from the Future Participle. This

is derived from the Sanskrit Participle in tavya , which is a Passive, not

an Active Participle. Calitavya means ‘ to be gone,’ and, as a participle,

can only be used impersonally (Bhave pray og o') in the neuter, calitavyam T

‘ it is to be gone,’ ‘ one must go,’ eundum est. Maritavyah , means ‘ he is

to be killed.’ We should hence expect to find that the passive construc¬

tion is followed, and this, it will be seen, is the case.

Participial tenses from the Future Participle have survived only

in Marathi, Gujarati, and the Eastern Group. In the first two, the

1 Fern. caVt-e ; Neut. eaVt-e, and so throughout.

2 This tense is used in both as a Present Indicative, and as a Past Conditional.

When two forma are given for the same person, the first is the Present and the

second the Past.

3 Fem. caVt-i, Neut , caVt-e, and so throughout.

370 G. A. Grierson — Radical and Participial tenses [No. 4,

tense is used as a Present Conjunctive, and, in tlie last, as a Simple

Future. The forms are as follows : —

CENTRAL FAMILY.

Gujarati.

In this language, the Future Participle is used aloue without

suffixes.

In the case of intransitive verbs, it is used passively and imper¬

sonally, in the neuter gender, for all persons (7 ihdve prayoga) ; e. g., tene

caVvu , ‘ he must go,’ lit. ‘ by him {tene) it is to be gone ( cdVvu ),’ Sanskrit

tena calitavyam.

In the case of transitive verbs, it is used passively, in the Karmani

prayoga , e. g., tene dikri marvi , ‘ he may ’ or ‘ should kill the girl,’

literally ‘ by him (tene) the girl (dikri) is-to-be-killed (marvi, fern, to

agree with dikri).''

EASTERN FAMILY.

Southern Group.

Marathi.

In the case of intransitive verbs, the Bhdve prayoga is followed, as

in Gujarati, e. g., tya ne cdldve , ‘ he must go,’ lit. ‘ by him ( tijci n§) it-

is-to-be-gone (cdldve).' A tendency exists, however, to forget the

passive force of this participle, and thus we sometimes find the Kartari

prayoga adopted, the participle agreeing in gender and number with the

subject, e. g., to cdldvd (masc.), ti cdldvl (fem. ), te cdldve (neut. ), ‘ he,

she,’ or ‘it, may go.’ Moreover, in this case, the second person singular

takes the suffix s, and the second person plural, the suffix t.

In transitive verbs either the Karmani or the Blidve prayoga is

used, and never the Kartari. Thus, ‘ tya ne mdrdvi ,’ ‘ he may kill her,’

lit. ‘ she-may-be killed ( mdrdvi , fem.) by him (tya ne)\ This is the

Karmani prayoga. The Bhdve prayoga is tya ne mdrav§, ‘ he may kill ’

lit., ‘ it-is-to-be-killed (neut.) by him.’ No suffixes are used.

Eastern Group.

In this group of languages the Future is conjugated like other par¬

ticipial tenses. As in the case of the Past tense, both in transitive

and in intransitive verbs, the Bhdve prayoga is alone employed, though

we are not, in this case, able to bring in Bihar! fo our assistance

in proving it, for in that language the tense is defective. The termin¬

ations are nearly the same as those of the Past tense. In the Old

Baiswari of the Ramayan, the Bhdve prayoga is very clearly used,

the simple form of the Future Participle masculine (i.e., neuter)

1895.]

of the Modern Indo- Aryan Languages.

371

being employed for all persons. This clearly shows bow the modern

terminations are all late pronominal suffixes tacked on to a neuter Future

Participle passive used impersonally. Thus the Bengali mdribe, ‘ he

will kill ’ is to be analysed into the neuter Passive Participle marib ,

‘ it-is-to-be-killed,’ and e ‘ by him.’

So also, in the Bengali second person singular, the tense which is

formed from the active Present Participle, — the Past Conditional, —

takes the termination is, e. g., mdritis (Kartari prayoga) , but the tenses

formed from passive participles take the termination i, e. g., marili,

mdribi ( Bhave prayoga). It hence follows that is is a direct pronominal

suffix of the nominative, and i an oblique pronominal suffix of the instru¬

mental. Similarly, in Oriya the termination of the first person plural

is twofold. The direct form is u and the oblique form is u. These

oblique terminations are also used in the Bhave prayoga with the

past tenses of neuter verbs, but they are never used with tenses

formed from the active Present Participle, which unlike the Past

Participle (which is impersonally passive in the case of intransitive'

verbs, and personally passive in the case of transitive verbs) is never

used in a passive construction.

372

G. A. Grierson — Radical and Participial tenses

[No. 4,

In Bihari, the third person is founded on another base, derived

from the Present Participle used in the Kartari prayoga.

It has been necessary to give all this detail, to show that the ter¬

minations of the Participial Tenses have nothing in common with those

of the Radical Tenses. To make this quite clear, I now group together

the terminations, Radical and Participial, of the four typical languages,

Hindi, Kagmiri, Bengali and Marathi.

Hindi.

r

1

Singular.

\

3

r

1

Plural.

_ A _

w

3

Radical Termns.

au

ai

au

ai

Participial Termns —

r

1

Singular.

2

KAgMIRI.

3

r

1

Plural.

2

v

3

Radical Termns.

Participial

Termns.

a wanting i au iu

(SindhI I)

( Kartari s k — — va

(Sindhi si)

t — — vg

(or n) (Sindhi sU)

Bengali.

Plural.

- A -

( Karmani m

r

1

Singular.

_ A -

2

3

r

1

Radical Termns. wanting is

Participial Termns. u (fut. a) is (Dir.) — (fut. e)

i (Obi.)

Marathi.

Singular.

dm

r

1

3

an

(or k)

a

d or e

Plural.

2

3

en

3

Radical Termns. e

C Kartari §

Participial

Termns.

( Karmani

es

u

a

at

1895.]

of the Modern Iv do- Aryan Vernaculars.

373

A glance at the above will show the difference between the termina¬

tions of the Radical and the terminations of the Participial tenses, and

the extreme improbability of their having a common origin.

We can now construct the following Table of pronominal suffixes

in the Indo-Aryan Vernaculars.

1st Person

tSing. Dir.

Sing. Obi.

Plur. Dir.

Plur. Obi.

2nd Person

Sing. Dir.

Sing. Obi.

Plur. Dir.

Plur. Obi.

3rd Person

Sing. Dir.

Sing. Obi.

Plur. Dir.

Plur. Obi.

iW

IH

§

o

^7 IH

K 5

h ,5.

OQ ^

IH

ft

X

HH

m

ft

t-H

■I— i

ft

co

H

PQ

im trj

ft 5

i— i

ft ^

= a

mo

CO

ft

a

CO

<!

ft

£

ft

m

><

M

ft-

o

ft

ft.

•<)

ft

-nj

m, s

m

h (h)

t (dat.

y)

Hi

n

n (dat.

0

m, s

m

se

ve, o

el (dat.

*)

ve

ve, d

me. se

me

si, su

u, su

e, e

{el), e

u, va

va

se (instr,

*)

'hi,

ni

ne (instr.

u)

an

is

au

nasal

nhi

hu

i r

I .1

}- nliiJ,

i I

J L

ahu

or i

dh

o

want¬

ing

a

u, a

am

is

a, e

ah

(dh),

anh *

anhi

want¬

ing

e, ek

en

u

a

e(?)

u

a

—.t

The origin of most of these forms has been discussed when dealing

with Ka^miri suffixes in my former article b I have there more

especially given my views as to the derivation of the suffixes used in the

North-Western languages, and in Biliari. Most of the remaining suffixes

can be explained by a reference to those remarks. Taking them, person

by person, we find the following results : —

First Person. The termination ahu (Biharl), au (Baiswari),

nasal (Baiswari), o (Assamese), u and its weakened form a (pionounced

o in Bengali), u and u (Oriya and Marathi), can all be explained by the

derivation given for the Sindlil iZ, the Ap. Prakrit Genitive Pluial

amhahd ; or perhaps direct forms, such as the Oriya u , may come fiom

1 Ante, pp. 345 and ff.

J. i. 48

374

G. A. Grierson — Radical and Participial tenses

[No. 4,

the Ap. Pr. Nom. Sing, hau, ‘ 1 The terminations B (Naipali), i (Bihari)

are naturally referred to the Prakrit form amhe (both Nominative and

Genitive Plural, H. C., iii, 106, 114, iv, 376), through * mhe, * h§. It

will be observed that in Maithili i is both a direct and an oblique form :

but that, as an oblique form, it can be dropped, leaving the verb in the

Bliave prayoga. In Kacmiri, the suffix of the first person plural is also

dropped. The Bengali am, is, of course, the same as the Kacmiri m7

and is properly an oblique form.

Second Person. The terminations (Naipali, Bengali and Marathi)

presents some difficulty. It may possibly be the Sanski it-Prakrit ter¬

mination si of the second person, which has survived in the Radical

tenses of Bengali and Marathi, but not in Naipali, used by false analogy.

This explanation, besides being, at best, a pis alter, scarcely applies to

Naipali. I prefer, therefore, to consider it as a termination borrowed

either from the first or from the third person. In Bihar! nearly every

form of the first person, can also be used for the second person, so that

there is no inherent impossibility of the s suffix of the first person

being used for the second. Or we may refer to the well known hono¬

rific use of the third person instead of the second. The termination I

(Bihar!), i (Assamese, Bengali), e (Bengali), are originally oblique

forms, the same as the Kacmiri y9 the Western Panjabi el, and the

Sindh! e. It will be noted that the s suffixes of the first person are

direct forms, and this distinction is borne out by Bengali, which has is

for its direct, and i for its oblique suffixes of the second person singular.

The terminations hu, ah (for aliu ), au, a, and U, must be referred to the

suffix h, he, which we have met in Kacmiri and Western Panjabi.

Their origin is one of the many forms of the Prakrit pronoun of the

second person, of which nyhe (H. C. iii, 91), is the most probable. The

Marathi t we have already met in Kacmiri. The oblique singular is

used instead of the oblique plural. It cannot be connected with the

Sanskrit- Prakrit tha (dual tluis ), which would become not t, but h or hu.

Possibly, however, the direct Marathi forms are borrowed by false

analogy from the Radical Tenses.

Third Person. The terminations nhi, anh % and en, have been

already explained in my former paper. 1 They are derived from the

Prakrit nehi. So also, as there explained, ah, as shown by its feminine

form ih, is most probably not a pronominal suffix at all, but merely an old

plural termination of the Present or Past Participle, to which it is added.

The termination e, or a, and also the termination eh, is a weakened form

of ai, as previously explained. With regard to the h in ek , see Ante,

pp. 350, 366. The North-Western forms have already been fully

discussed. 2

r Ante, p. 347.

2 p. 347.

1895.]

of the Modern Indo- Aryan Vernaculars.

375

P. S., On p. 356, I have omitted to draw attention to the fact that,

in Ka^mlrl, the old Present being used as a Future Indicative, the old

^-Future has not been abandoned, but reappears as a Past Subjunctive,

1 (If) I went.’ Its forms are as follows : —

Siim. 1 tsalaha

O •

„ 2 tsalaha-k

,, 3 tsulihe

PI nr. 1 tsalahau

,, . 2 tsalahiu

,, 3 tsalahau

376

M. A. Stein — Topography of the Fir Pantsdl Route. [No. 4,

Notes on the ancient topography of the Fir Panbsal Route . — By

M. A. Stein, Ph. D.

[Read February 1896.3

The following notes on an ancient mountain-route of Kagmir have

been collected by me while engaged in the preparation of an annotated

translation of Kalh ana’s Rajataragginl which is to follow my edition

of the Sanskrit text of that Chronicle. Their publication in the present

form may, perhaps, be acceptable as an illustration of the aid which

a search for the surviving local traditions of Kagmir and a study of its

topography afford for the elucidation of Kalhana’s narrative.1 2 * * * * *

The Pass of the Fir Fantsdl ,8 11,400 feet above the sea, forms the

lowest point in the central part of the mountain-range which, reaching

with its snowy peaks a height of more than 15,000 feet, encloses the Valley

of Kagmlr on the south and south-west. The pass gives access to the

valleys of the two Tohls (Skr. Tausi) of Rajauri (Rdjapuri) and Pruntz

( Parnotsa ) from which easy and direct routes of communication lead

to the central and western Pan jab.

These natural advantages evidently influenced Akbar when he

chose after the conquest of the Valley the route via Bhimbhar and

Rajauri and over the Pir Pautsal for the construction of his ‘ Imperial

Road ’ ( rdh-i shahi) which was to connect Lahore with his summer

residence Kagmir. Along this road passed in the reigns of Akbar’s

1 An abbreviated translation of these notes, has been contributed to the 1 Festgabe ,

offered to Professor Albrecht Weber on occasion of his Fifty Years’ Doctor Jubilee

(18th December, 1895).

2 I write the name according to its usual Kagmln pronunciation. The latter

we find already, with the transcription required by the Sanskrit alphabet, attested

in the form Pdhcdla deva of Qrivara’s Chronicle, iii. 433. The Paharl population

of the valleys to the south calls the pass Pir Panedl. This is also, the form

recorded by the accurate Moorcroft. Anglo- Indice the form Pir Panjdl has been

generally accepted. The name Pantsdl is used for the whole mountain range. The

word Pir, probably of Muhammadan origin, serves in Kagmir as the designation

of every pass j comp. Drew, Jammoo and Kashmir Territories, London, 1875,

p. 157.

377

1895.] M. A. Stein — Topography of the Pir Pants dl Uoute.

immediate successors the almost annual migrations of the Mughal Court

to Ka^mir.

We owe to this circumstance the first European description of

the pass, written by one of the best observers who ever travelled in

India. Dr. Bernier, then in the service of Danishmand Khan, one of

Aurangzeb’s Omras, followed this route to Ka9mir in the spring of

1665, in the train of the Imperial Coart. The account he has left us in

the Ninth Letter to Monsieur de Merveilles of his observations and

experiences, is as attractive as it is accurate.1

The old Imperial Road, though reduced in the course of time to

the condition of a mere bridle-path, — bad at that in many places — has

remained a favorite route for trade and traffic until the recent con¬

struction of the Jhelam Valley Road. It has accordingly been often

described in the works of modern travellers, such as Moorcroft, Von

Hugel, Vigne, Drew and others2, — not to mention the various guide¬

books. Referring to these works for more detailed information, I may

hope that the following brief indications regarding the topography of

the route will be found sufficient for the comprehension of the historical

notices to be discussed below from Kalliana’s RajataraijginI and the

later Sanskrit Chronicles of Ka9imr.

The ascent to the Pir Pantsal Pass begins for the traveller from

the south at the village of Bah ramg alia , the Bhairavaqala of fhivara’s

Chronicle, and follows in an easterly direction the bed of a mountain

stream as far as the hamlet of Pusiana , which is inhabited only in the

summer months and is mentioned under the name of Pusydnanada in

several passages of the Chronicles. Prom the latter placO the road rises

in steep zigzags to the pass which lies about 3,000 feet higher; it then

descends on the Ka9mir side in a gently sloping valley to the Mughal

Sarai of ‘ Allahad which lies about miles further to the east. At

this point steep transverse ridges, descending from the mountain ranges

on the north and south, approach close to the bed of the stream which

flows from the pass, and narrow the valley into a gorge. The ‘ Imperial

Road,’ cut into the precipitous cliffs of the left or northern side and

carried in parts on a masonry foundation, leads down the valley, keeping

high above the stream.

Opposite to the point where the Pir Pantsal stream is joined by

the Puprl river from the south, the road passes the old watch-towers

of Inganari. A short distance further down it crosses to the right

1 Compare Travels in the Mogul Empire, by Framjois Bernier, pp. 406 sqq., in

A. Constable’s careful and well-got up translation, London, 1891.

8 Perhaps best in Travels in Kashmir, Ladalc, Iskardo, etc., by G. T. Vigne,

London, 1812, vol. ii., pp. 261 sqq.

378

M. A. Stein — Topography of the Pir Pantsdl Rotite. [No. 4,

bank of the united stream wliich from here bears the name of Remhyara

(Skr . Romany atari). The valley which is clothed with luxuriant fir

forest, gradually widens, and after a march of about II miles from

1 Allabad Sarai we reach Horapor , the Curapura of the Chronicles, which

is the first permanently inhabited place in the valley and the end sta¬

tion of the route through the mountains. Some four miles below

Hoi^por the Rembyara enters the open valley of Ka^mir.

Kalhana’s first reference to this mountain-route is connected with

a local legend which he relates to us in the account of King Mihirakula' s

reign. Notwithstanding the wholly erroneous date which the artificial

chronology adopted in the first three cantos of the Rajataraijginl assigns

to this prince, modern research could not fail to recognize in the latter

the White Hun ruler of that name whose reign, according to the

epigraphical evidence first collected by Mr. Fleet,1 must be placed at

about 515-550 a.d., and of whom we know from Hiuen Tsiang’s account

that his rule extended also over Ka^mir.

In full agreement with the accounts given of Mihirakula’s cha¬

racter by the Chinese pilgrim Sung-yun who personally met the king-

in Gandliara, and a century later by Hiuen Tsiang, the Ka^irian

Chronicle represents him as a ruler of extreme cruelty. Among other

legendary anecdotes which are intended to illustrate this feature in

Mihirakula’s chai-acter, it is related of him (Rajatararjgini, i. 302-303)

that, when he reached on his return from a tour of conquest through

the whole of India the 1 Gate of Ka^-mlr ’ (Kdgmiram dvaram) and heard

there the death cry of an elephant which had fallen down a precipice, lie

was so delighted by these gruesome sounds that he had a hundred other

elephants forcibly rolled down at the same spot.

The locality here meant is in the text only generally indicated by

the term dvara , which is uniformly applied in the Chronicle to all moun¬

tain-passes leading into Ka^mir. In order to identify it, we have to

turn to the notice of the old glossator A2 in Rajanaka Ratnakantha’s

Codex (see note on i. 302 in my Edition) which says : ‘ From that time

onwards the route by which Mihirakula returned, bears the name of

Hastivanja.’

That this notice is old appears from Abu-l-fazV s Rajataraqgini ex¬

cerpts in the Aln-i Akbari (transl. by Col. Jarrett, JBibl. Ind., ii., p. 383),

in which the place of the event related by Kalhana is referred to under

the name of 1 Hastivatar. That the latter form is only a clerical error for

Hastivanj , easily explained in Persian writing, can clearly be seen from a

comparison of the Persian Chronicles of Ndrdyan Kol and Birabol Kdbseru

1 Compare his paper ‘On the history and date of Mihirakula Indian Antiquary

xv., pp. 245 sqq.

379

1895.] M. A. Stein — Topography of the Pir Pantsal Route.

(MSS. in my possession). These two compilers who, though of a far

more modern date, can be shown to have derived their information from

the same sources, reproduce Kalhana’s anecdote with a remark to the

effect that the locality was in their days still known by the name of

Hastivanj and was situated on the Pir Pantsal route.

The repeated enquiries which I made with reference to these notices

among my Pandit friends at (Jrlnagar, did not yield any result ; neither

they themselves or any of their acquaintances had ever heard the name

‘ Hastivanj.’ I accordingly resolved in October 1891 to visit the Pass

myself. Already at Horapor I found that the name was known to the

Kaijimiri cultivators settled there. When subsequently I reached 1 All-

ahad Sarai I had no difficulty in ascertaining, by a successive cross-

examination of such travellers as hailed from the valleys on both sides

of the Pass, that the high mountain-ridge which stretches from the

south towards the valley of Pir Pantsal stream and ends just opposite

to the Sarai in a precipitous wall of rocks rising about 2,000 feet above

the river bed, bears to this day the name of Hastfvavj.

All the hillmen who passed by, had heard the story that once upon

a time the elephants of some king had fallen over this precipice down

into the gorge of the Pir Pantsal stream. Whether this had happened

by accident or otherwise, they could not tell me ; nor could they name

the king : 4 it was so long ago since it had happened.’

But when I asked the older men, and among them my own guide,

Pir Bakhsh from Bahramgalla, what reason there could have been for

bringing elephants to that height, they did not hesitate with their answer :

it was the old route, they said, which passed over the ridge of Hastlvahj

and along the south side of the valley, before the Emperor Akbar

had made his road.

That this tradition is old, can be shown by reference to another

passage of Abu-1-fazl (l.c., Vol. ii. p. 347) which specifies in the direction

from Bhimbhar to Ka^mir, besides the route of the Pir Pantsal, two other

‘good routes’. Of these he names in the first place that of Hastivatar

(read Hastivanj) , ‘ which was the former route for the march of troops’.1

A glance at the configuration of the mountains or at the maps

published by the Survey of India,2 * is sufficient to explain fully the

1 By Abil-l-fazl’s third route, Tangtalah , is meant a mountain track of that

name which crosses the range about 5 miles to the north of the Pir Pantsal Pass

and is to this day often resorted to by smugglers.— The explanations of a Kagmlrian

informant which are quoted in the translator’s note on this passage, are based on

insufficient local knowledge and hence misleading.

2 Comp. ; Map of Jammoo, Kashmir and Adjacent Districts,’ 1801, 4 miles to 1

inch; Map of Kashmir (surveyed 1855-57), 1877, 2 miles to 1 inch; also Sheets 28,

29 of the ‘ Atlas of India.’

380

M. A. Stein — Topography of the Pir Pantsal Boute. [No. 4,

direction followed by this earlier route. Opposite to ‘Aliabad Sarai

there opens towards the south-west a high alpine valley through which

a path, perfectly practicable for loaded animals, leads to the mountain

lake of Nandan Sar and thence over the JDurhal Pass to the sources

of the Tohi of Rajaurl. This route which was used with advantage

in the years 1814 and 1819 by strong columns of the Sikh army, when

advancing on Horapor, finds its natural continuation on the south or

right side of the Pir Pantsal valley, i.e ., via HasPvanj. Only by keeping

to this side is it possible to avoid wholly the crossing of the Pir Pantsal

stream. The latter, as personal experience showed me in the further

course of my tour, is not easy to ford even late in the year and would

undoubtedly in the time of the melting snows form a still more serious

obstacle.

The mountain-ridge of Hastivahj which in the north, where it falls

off towards the stream, forms a precipitous wall of rock, descends to the

west and east with grassy slopes of a comparatively easy gradient. I

could not retain any doubt as to the practicability of this route when

honest Pir Bakhsh confessed to me that he, in company with friends

from Bahramgalla, had often taken over Hast1 vanj ponies heavily laden

with rice. On all these occasions he had successfully evaded the police

post of ‘Aliabad Sarai and — the Kacpnir export-prohibition. Additional

evidence for the old route here indicated is furnished by the position of

the ancient frontier fort of Kramavarta which will be discussed below.

The name HasPvanj contains in its first part undoubtedly the

Ka9miri stem hast1 ‘ elephant,’ derived from Skr. liastin ; for the second

part -vanj I am unable at present to find any clear etymology.1 In the ab¬

sence of all indications as to the earlier history or original meaning of the

1 Abu-1-fazl explains according to Col. Jarrett’s translation vatnr (recte vanj)

by ‘ injury ; ’ but the word is not found with this meaning in modern Kacjmiri. The

above quoted Persian compilators render vauj by raftan. The inhabitants of the

neighbouring valleys know themselves, as far as I could ascertain, of no explanation

of the name. The derivation from Skr. bhayga, suggested in the note of the transla¬

tion, is based on an erroneously supposed form of the name (hastibhaiij) and is unten¬

able.

[While these pages were passing through the press, the learned Editor of this

Journal has favored me with an interesting note pointing out that a root \/vanj

meaning ‘ to go ’ occurs in Western Panjabi. As Kafjmiri, Western Panjabi and

Sindhi belong to one group of Indo-Aryan-Yernaculars, the North-Western, this

root might have been used in Kac^miri too at an earlier stage of the language.

The \/vanj is not found in modern Ka^miri, and if the information given to me

by my friends from Bahramgalla is correct, it is unknown also to the Pahari dialects

spoken in the valleys immediately to the south of the Pir Pantsal —For Western

Panjabi forms of this root see Bhai Maya Singh’s Panjabi Dictionary, Lahore 1895,

p. 1194, and O’Brien’s Glossary oj the Mnltdni Language , Lahore, 1881, p. 276.]

3S1

1895.] M. A. Stein — Topography of the Pir Pantsal Route.

name, we cannot speak with any certainty of the relation it bears to the

legend above recorded. Still, it will be well to remember the numerous

legends of the West wliich modern research has traced back in their

origin to ‘ popular etymologies ’ of old local names, and accordingly to

keep in view the possibility that in the case of ITasPvahj , too, the name

may have given rise to the story or at least to its localization at that

particular spot. Whatever our views on this point may be, it will be

clear from the evidence collected above that Kalhana has preserved for

us here, as in many other instances, an old local tradition.1

The other references of the Chronicle to this route through the

mountains may be discussed conveniently in connection with the pas¬

sages iii. 227 and v. 39. In the first named passage Kalhana relates to

us how the poet Matrgupta , whom the great Vikra maditya- liars a of

Ujjayini had nominated regent of Ka^mlr, found, after crossing the

mountains, the Ka^mirian ministers waiting for him on the border of

the Kingdom. As the place of meeting Kalhana indicates the ‘ dhakJca

called Kambuva , 4 which was then situated in the locality called Kranm-

varta , but is now ( i.e ., in Kalhana’ s own time) at Curapura.1

From the second passage we learn that it was fiira, the powerful

minister of king Avan tivarman (circiier 855-883 a. d.), who transferred

the 4 dhahha ’ from Krdmavarta to the town of Qurapura which he had

founded himself.

The general direction in which we have to look for the localities

here referred to, is sufficiently indicated by the mention of Curapura.

which is undoubtedly identical with the present Hor por , the end

station of the Pir Pantsal route, as shown above. This is proved, apart

from the identity of the names (which is clearly established by the

phonetic laws of Ka^mirl),2 by the numerous passages of the

Rajataraijgiin and the later Chronicles which mention Qurapura either as

1 Bernier witnessed on the Pir Pantsal an accident which forms a curious

counterpart to the legend above discussed. It occurred on the ascent from Pusiana

and must, therefore, be located on the opposite (Panjab) side of the Pass. The long

line of elephants which carried the ladies of Aurangzeb’s seraglio, got into con¬

fusion on the steep road, with the result that fifteen elephants fell down the

precipice and were lost. The curious map of Ka<jmlr which is reproduced in Con¬

stable’s translation, p. 408, from the Amsterdam Edition of 1672, shows graphically

the ‘Fire Penjcle’’ mountain with the troop of elephants rolling down its slopes.

2 In Qurapura Hvrapor we have the regular phonetic change of Skr.

Kafjm. k, as illustrated, e.g., by Skr. gat a, Kacm. hath 1 hundred 5 ; £7 amald, Havial

(name of Pargana) ; garad, harud ‘autumn’. For the shortening of the u of the

first syllable compare Skr. tida , Ka<pn. till ‘mulberry’; sindura, sindor ‘red lead’;

suc[i, siits[an ‘needle’, -pura at the end of local names appears in Kagmlrl al¬

ways as —por; compare Kalydnapura, Kalampor ; Suyyapura. , Sopor; Parihcisapura ,

• Paraspor, etc.

J. i. 49

382

M. A. Stein — Topography of the Plr Pantsdl Route. [No. 4,

the entrance station for those arriving in Ka^mir from Rdjapuri

(Raj auii), Bhairavagala (Bahramgalla), Pusyananada (Pusiana), or vice

versa ns the starting place for travellers leaving Kacmit* in that direction.1

For the identification of Kramavarta , however, and for the eluci¬

dation of the otherwise unknown term ‘ dliakka ’ we have to turn again

to the glossator A2 who in his note on v. 39 has explained Kramavarta

by Kdmelanakotta and dhakka by drayga.

The word drarjga (or drayga) is used everywhere by Kalhana and

the later Chroniclers (as I hope to prove fully in the second volume of

my Rajataraijgini Edition) for the designation of those frontier forts

or watch-stations which closed in old times all passes leading into the

Valley. Serving at once the purposes of defence, customs and police

administration, these fortified posts have survived on most of the routes

until quite recent days. 2

1 Compare Raj at. vii. 1348. 1352; viii. 1051. 1266. 1577 sqq. ; Qrivara, i. 109

iii. 433; iv. 531. 589. 611, etc.

2 Apart from the frontier watch-station discussed above we find mention in Rajat.

vii. 1596. 1997. 2010 of another drayga , bearing the name of Kdrkdta, which closed

the Tdshamaiddn route leading to Lohara, the modern Loharin. On a tour under¬

taken in the autumn of 1892, which led me to the identification of Lohara, I was

able to trace also the position of this watch-station, as indicated by the old towers

still found above the village of Drang ( eireiter 74° 36' E. Long., 33°57' N. Lat.).

Another frontier-post which is mentioned under the designation of drayga in

Raj at. viii. 2507. 2702, has left its name to a high valley of the Lolab Pargana

still known as Drang, through which a difficult mountain-path leads to the ancient

shrine of the goddess Qarada in the Kisangaygd Yalley. See the abstract of my

paper ‘ Tours archaeological and topographical in and about Kagmirf Academy, Novem¬

ber 25, 1893.

The famous gate in the gorge of the Vitasta below Vardhamiila (Baramfda) which

already Hiuen Tsiang knew as the western entrance of the kingdom (see Life of

Hiuen Tsiang, transl. Beal, p. 68), must also have once borne the name of drayga,

though Kalhana, viii. 413. 451, — as already Alberuni before him (see Professor

Sachau’s translation, I., p. 207) — mentions it only under the general designation of

dvdra ‘ gate.’ This is proved by the fact that the ruined old gateway, situated

on the right river bank just below the town, is known by the people to the present

day under the name of Drang. Moorcroft does not mention this name which I

myself have heard used on repeated visits ; but he describes the place with his

usual accuracy : ‘ Below the town the whole space between the river and the

mountain is closed by a wooden rampart and folding gates. In the time of the

Afghans a strong guard was posted at this place, and the gateway was kept in good

repair’ ( Travels , II., p. 280).

‘ Roads and draygas ’ in general are referred to in the passage Rajat. viii. 1991

and custom revenue from draygas in verse 258 of the Fourth Chronicle.

'ihe terms drdygika, drdygin, draygilca which frequently recur as technical

designations of certain officials in the copper-plate grants of the Valabhi dvnasty

(comp. Corpus Inscriptionum In die arum , III., p. 169), are in all probability to be

383

1895.] M. A. Stein — Topography of /he Plr Pantsal Route.

We are all the more justified in accepting the glossator’s statement

as to the identical meaning of the term dhaJcJca, as the same frontier-post

after its transfer to furapura is directly mentioned by Kalhana under

the name of Curapuradrayga. We find this designation in vii. 1352 and

in the interesting passage viii. 1577-1580, which relates, how the

commander of this frontier-station (draygadhipa, draygBga) caught and

executed in July- August 1128 a.d., the rebel Utpala, King Sussala’s

murderer, who was passing through the mountains on a roving expedi¬

tion from Pnsyanancida (Pusiana).1

Even later yet, about the end of the fifteenth century, Crlvara

knows the drayga of (furapura , iv. 582, and refers evidently to the same

place when relating, i. 408, of Sultan Zainu-l-£abidln that the latter

established on the route of furapura a hospice for travellers and settled

at the customs station ( gulkasthana ) of the same route load-carriers

from Abhisdra (i.e., the country about Bhimbliar).

explained according to tlie above interpretation of drayga. The form drayga is

found in my MS. of the Kagmirian commentary on Mankha’s K5£a as the equiva¬

lent of rak§dsthdna ‘ watch-station, ’ s. v. gulrna .

[Since this paper was sent to the press, Messrs. Levi and Chavannes’

important publication, L’ltineraire d’Ou-K’ong (Journal Asiatique, Septembre-Octo-

bre 1895) has reached me. The Chinese traveller, whose life and wanderings it

records, passed four years (759-703 a.d.) in Kacpnir in study and pilgrimages. We

owe to him besides interesting notices of the sacred buildings he visited there, the

following curious account of the “ Gates ” of the Valley {l.c., p. 356).

‘Le royaume (de Cachemire) est entoure des quatre cotes par des montagnes

qui lui font un rempart exterieur ; on y a ouvert en tout trois chemins sur lesquels

on a etabli des fermetures.’ In the routes which lead in the east towards T'ou-fan

(Tibet) and in the north towards Po-liu (Baltistan), we can easily recognize the

passes of the Zuji-ld and the Trdgabal (of Gilgit Transport notoriety), respectively.

The third route, £le chemin qui part dela porte derouest,’ leading towards Gandhdra,

can be no other but the road which passes through the Varahamula gorge. The

Plr Pant^fd route may possibly be intended in the following description of a fourth

route closed in Ou-K'ong's days : ‘Ilya encore un autre chemin; mais il est tou-

jours ferine et ne s’ouvre pas pour un instant que lorsque une armee imperiale fait

l’lionneur de venir.]

1 The commanders of these frontier-posts play under the title of margeqa,

mdrgapati, a great part in tke narratives of the later chroniclers. Their duties were

entrusted in Mughal times to hereditary ‘ Maliks ,’ true “ Lords of the Marches” who

retained considerable power and revenues until the time of the Sikh conquest.

Their descendants, though deprived long ago of their privileges and most of their

Jaglrs, are found residing to this day at the entrance of the valleys leading to the

more important passes, e. g., at §Jupiyon on the way to Horapor. For interesting

information regarding the Maliks and the routes in their charge, see the detailed

account given by Baron Von Hiigel, Kaschmir und das Reich dev Siek, Stuttgart, 1840

ii., pp. 167 sqq.; i., p. 347.

384

M. A. Stein — Topography of the Pir Pantsal Route, [No. 4,

The above mentioned tour enabled me to identify the position of

Kramavurta as well as the later site of the guard-station after its

transfer to Curnpura. The name Kamelanakotta by which the gloss

of A 2 renders Krarnavarta, lias survived to the present day in the form

cf Kamelanhot, as the designation of a rocky hillock which occupies, on

the right side of the valley and just opposite to the towers of Inganarl,

the angle formed by the uniting streams from the Pir Pantsal and

RuprI Passes. This hillock which rises with steep and in parts pre¬

cipitous slopes to a height of about 200 feet above the bottom of the

valley, is the last isolated off-slioot of h high mountain-range descending

from the south-west. Another branch of the same range, runninsr in

a more northerly direction, we have met with already in the ridge of

Hash v an j.

The top of the hillock forms a small plateau about 200 feet long

and 50 feet broad. At its ends stand two octagonal watch-towers, built

of massive though coarse masonry and connected by a double stone

parapet. This little fort, along with other towers of a similar con¬

struction found along the route, does not probably, in its present

form, date back beyond the years immediately preceding the Sikh

conquest of Ka^mir, when the Pathans endeavoured on successive occa¬

sions to hold the pass against the troops of Fatteh Khan and Ranjit

Singh advancing from Rajauri b Still it is evident that the military

importance of the position must have been recognized at a far earlier

period.

Kdmelanlwt commands completely the paths which lead between

its foot and the near river beds toward Hast'vavj-Plr Pantsal to the west

and the Ruprl Pass to the south. The existence of an earlier fortifica¬

tion in this locality is attested by the fact that we find the name already

in the gloss of A2 with the appended designation ledtta 6 fort, ’ Ka^rnhi

hot, The form Xdmelan shows the stem Kamel with the addition of the

Katpniii suffix of the plural genitive (objective), - an «<Jskr. - dndm.

As Kamel itself may be traced back on the evidence of cases of

1 Baron Von Hugel who passed the little fort in the antnmn 1835, describes

correctly its shape and situation ( l . c., i., p. 198), but calls it ‘ the castle of Inganali

Killah,'1 evidently confusing its name with that of the towers opposite on the

northern bank of the Pir Pantsal stream. Moorcroft who followed this route in

1823, mentions in the same locality two towers named Kamil Koth and states that

they were erected with other defences by ‘Ata Muhammad Khan, Afghan governor

of Ka<pnTr, against the invading force of the Afghan Wazir Fatteh Khan ( Travels

ii , p. 295). The encounter in which ‘Ata Muhammad Khan was defeated, was

fought close to Kamelankot. As this event took place only 11 years before Moor-

croft’s visit, the information given to the latter as regards the towers, may be

assumed to have been correct.

1895.] M. A. Slein — Topography of the Ptr Pants at Ponte. 385

analogous phonetic change to Skr. Kramavarta , Kamelanlwt corresponds

to a Skr. * Kramavartanam hofta A

The evidence here indicated enables us to recognize with certainty

in Kamelankot the Kramavarta of Kalhana and thus the earlier position

of the frontier-station guarding the Plr Pantsal route. As regards the

name Kdmhuva which this station bore according to iii. 227, I am

unable to give any information. As the name is not found again in the

Rajataraqgini or the later Chronicles the assumption seems justified that

it was forgotten at an early period on account of the transfer of the

watch-station to Curapura and the consequent employment of the new

designation Curapuradrarjga.

The later position of the frontier-post is indicated by a local tradi¬

tion still surviving at Hdrapor , which relates that at a spot situated

about 1|- miles above the village, where rocky spurs projecting from

the hill sides reduce the level ground of the valley to a narrow defile,

there stood once an ancient gate. This place which is covered by

dense fir-forest, bears now the name of Ilahl Darwdza, 1 the Gate of

God’; but the father of the present Muqaddam for Lambardar), a

safedr&sh of very advanced age, remembered to have heard in his youth

the name Prang also.

Old coins are often found at this spot, and in the under-growth

the remains of ruined walls can still be traced. A monument of ancient

art is seen about 330 yards higher up the valley, where a large rock,

lying close to the river bank, shows in three richly decorated niches,

over 4 feet high, well-carved relievo representations of temples of the

Ka^mlrian style.

Horapor which until the recent construction of the Jhelam Valley

Road saw a considerable amount of trade and is still the seat of a

customs-station, is traditionally believed to have once extended for

nearly three miles along the banks of the Rembyara. Until some 15

years ago all subjects of the Maharaja who wished to leave Kacmir by

this route, had to show permits and to pay a small poll-tax at the police

posts which were stationed at Horapor, Inganari and ‘Allabad Sarai.

These posts were known in the official Persian by the name of

1 For the phonetic change of Skr. Krama- > Kagm. Kdm- we have the

evidence of an exact parallel in the well-known name for the western portion of the

Kagmir Valley, Kamrdz < Skr. Kramardjya (Rajat.). The length of the vowel in

Kdm[el is easily accounted for by the assimilation of v to the preceding m (in the

intermediate form * Kramvart reduced from # Kramavart under the action of the

stress-accent which falls on the first syllable) and by subsequent ‘ supplementary

lengthening’; for the latter comp. Kagm. Danotar < Skr. Dhanvantari, Examples

for Kagm. I being the phonetic derivative of Skr. r + dental are Ivagm. dval[un :

Skr. dvarta ‘whirlpool,’ mul^mut : Skr . mardita ‘rubbed.’

386 M. A. Stein — Topography of the Pir Panbsdl Ponte. [No. 4, 1895.]

rahdari and have been frequently noticed in the accounts of European

travellers since the early part of the present century. An interesting

passage of Alberuni (transl. by Sacliau, I., 206) shows that in old times

strict control was also exercised at such places over those who wished

to enter the country.

The historical data which we have endeavoured to elucidate in con¬

nection with this ancient mountain-route, can claim, perhaps, only a

locally limited interest. Yet their detailed discussion here may have

been of some use as showing that we can expect mutatis mutandis in

the mountains of Ka^nrir that tenacity in clinging to local traditions

and local names which characterizes the population of so many parts

of Alpine Europe.

INDEX

TO

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,

Vol. LXIV, Part I, for 1895.

A.dil Shall, coins of, 52.

Aduji Shah, coins of, 52.

Agglutinative conjugation, explained,

341, preferred by North-Western and

Eastern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars, 352.

Agra, mint at, 173, 174, 186.

Ahmad Shah, copper coins of, 181.

Ahmadabad, mint at, 172, 173, 175.

Ah5m Coins, notes on, by E. A. Gait, 286.

Ahom Era, 568, A.D., 288.

Ah5m method of computing time, 287.

Ahsan Shah, coins of, 51.

Aln-i-Akbart, suggestions for Second

'Edition of, 163.

Ajmir, mint at, 174.

Akbar Shah, coins of, minted at Ddgam,

69 & ff.

■■ rare coins of, 40.

- , copper coins of, 172, 173,

180, 186.

Akbar Shah, II, copper coins of, 175,

184.

Akbarabad, mint at, 178, 182, 185.

Akhi Shaikh, account of, 206, 225.

Alaf, country of, wrongly identified with

Aleppo, 30, 32.

‘Alafi, an Arab tribe, from whom Balochls

probably descended, 33.

‘Alamgir, II, copper coins of, 182.

‘Alau-d-din ArOhar Shah, coins of, 52.

‘Alau-l-haqq, father of Nur Qutb ‘Alam,

account of, 206.

Allahabad, mint at, 43.

Alwar, mint at, 185.

Analytical conjugation, explained, 341,

preferred by central family of Indo-

Aryan Vernaculars, 352.

Ancient Buddhist Statuettes, Art. on, by

V. A. Smith and W. Hoey, 155, 159.

Aniya^ga-bhIma, King of Orissa, 131, 132.

Anwar, Shaikh, son of Nur Qutb ‘Alam,

account of, 208.

Arabic, Pronominal suffixes in, 336.

Arohar Shah, coins of, 52.

Assamese, Pronominal suffixes in, 347,

363, 371.

Aurangzeb, copper coins of, 174, 176

177, 178, 179, 180, 181.

- - rare coin of, 44.

‘Azlmabad, mint at, 181.

Badaklishan, invasion of, by Muhammad

Haidar, 114.

Baghalla-devi, Queen-consort of Orissa,

131.

Bahraich, mint at, 40.

Bairat, mint at, 174, 179, 180, 181.

Bakhtiyar Khilj! extirpates Buddhists

in Bihar, 55.

Baloch, Origin, Art. by Ool. E. Mockler, 30.

- , Origin of name, 36.

BalScI, Pronominal suffixes in, 337.

Bara GU9A1, Jaintia King, 246.

Barfimfila in Ka^mir, identified, 381.

Barah Chatra, entrance of KdsI to plains

at, 2.

Bengal, Buddhism in, 55.

Bengali, Pronominal suffixes in, 363, 368,

371.

Bernier’s account of PIr Pantsfd route,

376.

Beveridge, A. S., Art. on Muhammad

Muqlm Harawl, 166.

- , suggestions by, for

Second Edition of Aln-i-Akbarl, 163.

Beveridge, H., Art. on KhiirshJ.d Jahdn

Numd, 194.

Biianu-deva King of Orissa, 132.

Bhartpur, mint at, 185.

Bhata Veluka, grant to, 124.

Bhdve prayoga , meaning of term, 362.

Biharl, Pronominal suffixes in, 348.

Bijapur, mint at, 178.

Bindraban, mint at, 185, 186.

BIr Bandh, n. of an old dyke of the

Kosi, 14.

Blochmann’s Am, suggestions for Second

Edition of, by A. S. Beveridge, 163.

Bol-pd, the villagers of Tibbat, 90.

Bomford, Rev. T., notes on Grammar of

Language spoken in Western Paiijub,

290,

388

Index.

Bore-hole, Calcutta, 21.

Brahmaputra and Ganges, Watershed

between, 3.

Buchanan Hamilton on the K5sl, 4.

Buddhism as described in the Tantras,

a religion of wine and women, 56.

- in Bengal since the Muham¬

madan Conquest, Art. on, by Ilara

Prasada Qastri, 55.

— — - still survives among the low

castes in Bengal, 57.

Buddhist Statuettes, Ancient, Art. on, by

V. A. Smith and W. Hoey, 155, 159.

Buddhists existed till a late period in

Bihar and Bengal, 57.

- mode of persecution of, by

Hindus, 55.

- of Bengal converted to Islam,

57.

- slain by Bakhtiyar Khilji, 55.

Burglars, Indian, method of obtaining

tools, 28.

C in Skr. = Kagmiri h, 380#

C a it anya, Buddhism existed in Bengal

till liis time, 57.

Calcutta, Bore-hole, 21.

- , effect on, if Bliagiratjii becomes

main stream of Ganges, 20.

- - , mint at, 186.

- - , skit on, by Ghalib, 197.

Calukya, Eastern inscriptions, 123.

Canbah, the nomads of Tibbat, described,

90.

Cand Khan, mosques built by, 202, 205.

Candella copper-plate, Art. on, by V. A.

Smith and W. Hoey, 155.

Candella inscriptions, list of those

known, 157.

Candra-lekha, Queen-consort of Orissa,

131.

Qarat Candra Mitra, Art. by, on North

Indian Folk-lore about Thieves and

Robbers, 25.

Catra Gaddi, falls of K5si at, 2.

Cedi, dynasty of, 256, 258.

- , Matsya, and Karusa, Art. on, by

F. E. Pargiter, 249.

- , position of, 253.

Central family of Indo-Aryan Verna¬

culars, 338.

Ciiattra-simha Jaintia king, 246.

Chinese method of counting years, 288.

Chunar, mint at, 38.

Q19U-PALA, King of Cedi, 257.

Cmacara Tantra, Buddhism described

in, 56.

Qivendiia-narayana Koch King, 240.

CoDA-DEvi, Queen-consort of Orissa,

132. 5

C5da-gai&ga, King of Orissa, of the C5

family, 131.

Coins, Ah5m, notes on, by E. A. Gait, 286.

- copper, of Ahmad Shah, 181.

- Akbar Shaii, 172, 173,

180, 186.

- Akbar Shah II, 175, 184.

- ‘Alamgir II, 182.

- Aurangzeb, 174, 176,

177, 178, 179, 180, 181.

- Farrukhsiyar, 179, 180.

- - Islam Shah, Suri, 173.

- Jahandar Shah, 186.

- JahangIr, 173, 174, 175,

176.

- Muhammad Akbar, 184.

- Rafi‘u-d-darajat, 175.

- Sahib-i-Qiran San!, 181

- Salim !|hah, 172.

- - Shah ‘Alam, 177, 182,

183, 184, 185, 186.

- Shah Jahan, 174, 175,

176, 181, 186.

- , Mogul copper, Art. by C. J.

Rodgers, on, 171.

- ‘Adll Shah, 52.

- Aduji Shah, 52.

- Ahsan Shah, 51.

- Akbar, 40, 69.

- ‘Alau-d-dln Arohar Shah, 52.

■— Ardhar Shah, 52.

- Aurangzeb, 44.

- Quklerjmug, Ahdm king, 286.

- Qunenpha, Ahdm king, 287.

- Qupatpha, Ahom king, 286.

- DamghanI Slnlh, 52.

- Gadadhar Siqha, Ahom king, 287.

- Ism'ail Fath 53.

- Islam Shah, Suri, 38.

- Jahangir, 44.

- Jaintia kings, 242.

- Koch kings, Article on, by E. A.

Gait, 237.

- Ma'bar 49 & ff.

- Muhammad Shah, 39, 45.

- Nasiru-d-din Mahmud, 52.

- Nasratu-d-din, 52.

- Pramata Siqha, Ahom king, 287.

- Raghu-deva, 238.

- Shah ‘Alam, 46.

- Shah Jahan, 44, 69.

- Shamsu-d-dln, 52.

- Sher Shah, Suri, 37.

- Sikandar Shah. 52.

- - old, found in Ka9mlr, 384.

- rare Muhammadan, 37 & ff.

gri-dharma-maygala, a Buddhist epic, 58.

- - - , article on, by Hara

Prasada Qastri, 65.

compared with La-

lita-vistara , 65.

Index .

389

Cubit of Sikandar Shall, 211.

QuKLEijjMUiy, Ahom king, coin of, 286.

Qukti-mati, position of.

Qunenpha, Ah5m king, coins of, 287.

Qupatpha, Ahom king, coin of, 286.

Qurapura, identified, 380, 384.

Cuttack, mint at, 180.

Damgha.ni Shah, coins of, 52.

Dam-giri , a mountain disease of Tibbat,

84, 94, 101, 120.

Damla, mint at, 182.

Darendra-narayana, Koch king, 240.

Daru-l-jihad, mint at, 45.

De Barros* Map of Bengal, 21.

Dehli, mint at, 174.

Devendra-narayana, Koch king, 240.

Dhairyendra-narayan, Koch king, 240.

Dhakka, meaning of term in Ka9mir,

' 381, 382.

Dhan Manik, Jaintia king, 246.

D harm a, the modern Bengal form of the

Buddha, 58. • v

Dharma-worship, a form of Buddhism,

described, 59.

Dharma-maygala, a Buddhist epic, see

Qri-dharma-marjgala.

DogaS, see Dogam.

D5gam, legends concerning, 72, 78.

- - mint, Art. on, by W. Vost, 69.

- or D5gao, site of, 69 & ff.

' Dol-bak , a tribe of Tibbat, 91.

Domacarya, a Buddhist teacher, 60, 63,

' & ff.

D5m worship of Dharma is Buddhism, 58.

Draygd , meaning of term, 381.

Eastern group of Indo- Aryan Vernacu¬

lars, 338.

Ekddld, site of, 213, 227.

Elicpur, mint at, 177, 178, 180, 186.

Era of Ahoms, 568, A.D., 288.

E aqir Muhammad, mosque built by, 299.

Farrukknagar, mint at, 182.

Farkukhsiyar, copper coins of, 179, 180.

Fathpur, mint at, 186.

Ferguson on the Kosi, 4, 10.

Future, as a radical tense in modern

Indo- Aryan Vernaculars, 357.

Gadadhar SmnA, Ah5m king, coin of,

286.

Gait, E. A., Art. by, on Koch coins, 237.

• - , notes on Ahom coins, by, 286.

• - - notes on Jaintia history, by,

242.

Ganges and Brahmapatra, Watershed

between, 3.

Gaur, account of, 216.

- , insalubrity of, due to deflection of

K5sl, 10, 22.

Gedrosia, modern Balochistan, 30.

Ghulam Husain, author of Riydzu^s-

saldtin, tomb of, 198.

Ghalib, author of a skit on Calcutta, 197.

Ghana-rama, author of £ri-dharma-maij -

gala, 58.

GnAYASu-D-DiN incursion of, into Orissa,

156.

Gold in Tibbat, 92, 93.

Gorakhpur, mint at, 42.

Grierson, G. A., Art. by, on Pronominal

suffixes in Ka^miri, 236.

- , Art. by, on Radical and

Participial tenses in modern Indo-

Aryan Vernaculars, 352.

Gulbarga, mint at, 177.

Gulhata? Gulhana? mint at, 179, 184.

Guna-devi, Queen-consort of Orissa, 131.

GuNAigKA Vijayaditya, Query the same

as Kulastambha-deva, 124.

Gupta, use of word as a family name, 162.

Gurgan , meaning of title, 82.

TT

in Kagmiri represents Skr. 9, 380.

Hkfizabad, mint at, 45, 181.

I?aidarabad, mint at, 177.

Hara Prasada Qastri, Article by, on

Buddhism in Bengal, 55.

— - Art. by, on Qrl-

dharma-maygala , 65.

- Art. by, on Visna-

pur Circular Cards, 284.

Harendra-narayana, Koch king, 240.

Harinaghatta estuary, probable old mouth

of K6sl, 19.

Hasan Gango, king of Ma‘bar, 53.

Hastivanj, in Ka9mlr, identified, 379.

Hebrew, Pronominal suffixes in, 336.

Hindikl language, same as Western Pan¬

jabi, 291.

Hindu persecution of Buddhists, mode

of, 55.

Hira-devi, Queen-consort of Orissa, 132.

Hoey, W., see Smith, V. A.

Horapiir, in Ka9mir, identified, 380, 384.

Huangho, changes in course of, 16.

Hunter’s, Dr. W. W., views on the K5si,

5, 10,

Husainabad, mint at, 46, 182.

Husain Shah, grave of, 220.

Ilaiii Bakhsh, author of Khurshid Ja-

hdn Numd, 194.

Indira, Queen-consort of Orissa, 131.

390

Index.

Indo- Aryan Vernaculars, modern, clas¬

sification of, 339.

- Radi¬

cal and Participial tences in, Art. on,

by G. A. Grierson, 352.

Indra-simha, Jaintia king, 246.

Inscriptions on Buddhist Statuettes, 160.

Irish, pronominal suffixes in, 337.

Islam Shah, Suri, coins of, 38.

- — - , copper coins of, 173,

Islamabad, mint at, 183.

Ism'ail Fath, coin of, 53.

Italian, pronominal suffixes in, 337.

J agannath, Temple of, builder of, 135.

Jahandar Shah, copper coins of, 186.

Jahangir, copper coins of, 173, 174, 175,

176.

- , rare coin of, 44.

Jaintia coins, 242.

- history, notes on, by E. A. Gait,

242.

- — — ■ kings, list of, 246.

Jakalla-devi, Queen-consort of Orissa,

132.

Jalalpur, mint at, 41.

Jalalu-d-din, moved capital from Pan-

dua to Gaur, 200.

- . . . , tomb of at Pandua, 211.

Jannatabiid, a name of Gauf, 216.

Japanese method of counting years, 288.

Jasamanik, Jaintia king, 246.

Jasamanta Ray, Jaintia king, 246.

Jatki language, same as Western Pan¬

jabi, 291.

Jaunpur, mint at, 39-

Jaya-narayana, Jaintia king, 246.

Jayantdpura = Jaintia, 244.

Jhansi, mint at, 182.

Jovian cycle, used for computing, time

amongst Alioms, 287.

Kabul, mint at, 174, 180, 181, 186.

Kaijmir, Imperial Road to, 375.

- , places in, identified, 379, & ff.

Katjmiri, importance of language for

comparative philology, 340.

- Language, Pronominal suffixes

in, Art. on, by G. A. Grierson, 236.

• - pronominal suffixes, 341.

Kalanaur, mint at, 43, 186.

Kalmati, a Baloch tribe, 31.

Kamala-devi, Queen-consort of Orissa,

132.

Kamelanakotta, in Ka^mir, identified,

381, 383.

Kamarnava, king of Orissa 130, 131.

Kdmbuva in Katjmlr, identified, 380.

Kamrdzy in Kaymir, Skr. Kramarajya,

384,

Kau<pka, the sapta kaugikd, 3.

Karatoya, a river in ancient times, 5.

Karmani prayoga, meaning of term, 361.

Kartari prayoga , meaning of term, 361.

Karusa, Cedi, and Matsya, Art. on, by

F. E. Pargiter, 249.

- , position of, 255.

Kastura, Queen-consort of Orissa, 132.

Kasturikamodini, Queen-consort of

Orissa, 131.

Khitae, written character of, 97.

Khdrshid Johan Noma , Art. on, by H.

Beveridge, 194.

Koch coins, Art. on, by E. A. Gait, 237.

- , half-coins, 239.

- , kings, list of, 240.

Kokah, a gold producing country in Tib-

bat, 92,

Kosi, old beds of, 6, 7.

■ ■ ■ river, ancient references to, 2.

- , changes in the course of,

Art. by J. A. Shillingford, 1 & ff.

- , falls of at Catra Gaddi, 2.

- , the seven Kosls, 3.

Kramarajya, in Ka^mir, identified, 384.

Kramavarta, in Ka9mlr, identified, 380.

Kuj and Baluj, Baloch tribes, 31, 35.

Kulastambha-deva, inscriptions of, Art.

on, by Man Mdhan Chakra varti, 123.

Kusi, see K5si.

ahindi language, same as Western Pan¬

jabi, 291.

Lahor, mint at, 174, 179, 182.

Laksmana-sena at Gaur, 216.

Laksmi-dev! Queen-consort of Orissa,

132.

LaksmI-narayana, Jaintia king, 246.

- , Koch king, 240.

Lalita-vistara, compared with Qri-dhar-

%ma-maygala, 65.

Lhasa Cathedral, description of, by L.

A. Waddell, 259.

Lucknow, mint at, 178, 186.

j\lla‘bar, coins of Musalman kings of,

Art. on, by C. J. Rodgers, 49.

- -, locality of, history of, 53.

Mada-narayana, Koch King, 240.

Madana-pala*9armman, sendpati of Para*

marddi Deva, the Candella, 156.

Madana-varmma-deva, predecessor of

Paramarddi-deva, the Candella, 156.

Mahendra-narayan.a, Koch King, 240.

Mailapur, mint at, 180.

Maithill, pronominal suffixes in, 348.

Majha Gu^aI, Jaintia king, 246,

Makhdum Shaikh, Mosques built by, 210.

Maldah, described in Khdrshid Jahdn

Numdy 198.

*

Index ,

391

Maldives, converted by Tabriz!, 234.

Man!, a celebrated painter, account

of, 122.

Man Mohan Chakravarti, Art. by, on

inscriptions of Kulastambha-deva, 123.

- . - - - , Art, by, on

inscriptions of Nrsiihha-deva, 128.

Marathi, pronominal suffixes in, 329.

Ma‘sum Saudagar, mosque built by, 199.

Matsya, Cedi and Karusa, Art. on, by

F. E. Pargiter, 249.

Matsya, position of, 251.

Ma'zam Alagh Shah, mosque built by,

199.

Mihirakula, date of, cruelties of in

Kagmir, 377.

Mines in Tibbat, 92.

Mint at Agra, 173, 174, 186.

- • Ahmadabiid, 172, 173, 175.

- Ajmir, 174.

- Akbarabad, 178, 182, 184, 188.

— Allahabad, 43.

- - Alwar, 183.

- ‘Azimabad, 181.

— - Bahraich, 40.

- Bairat, 174, 179, 180, 181.

Bhartpur, 185.

— — — Bijapur, 178.

- - Bindraban, 185, 186.

. - - Calcutta, 186.

- Chunar, 38.

- - Cuttack, 180.

■ — Damla, 182.

. . . ■— Daru-l-jihad, 45.

- Dehli, 174.

- D5gam, 69 & ff.

- Elicpnr, 177, 178, 180, 186.

- Farruklinagar, 182.

- Fathpnr, 186.

- Gorakhpur, 42.

■ - - Gulbarga, 177.

- Gulhata ? , Gulhaua P , 179.

- Hafizabad, 45, 181.

- Haidarabad, 177.

- Husainabad, 46, 182.

- Islamabad, 183.

- Jalalpur, 41.

- Jaunpur, 39.

- Jhansi, 182.

- - Kabul, 174, 180, 181, 186.

- Kalanur, 43, 186.

- Lahor, 174, 179, 182.

- - Lucknow, 178, 186.

- Mailapur, 180.

- Hominabad, 184.

- Multan, 174, 176, 180, 181.

- Mustafabad, 46.

- Nahan, 182.

- Najibabad, 183, 186.

- Narnol, 44, 177, 181.

Oudh, 40.

Mint at Patna, 174.

- Peshawar, 181.

- Qandahar, 44, 174.

- Saharanpur, 183.

- Shah j ahamibad. 45, 176, 180, 182,

184.

- ShSiapur, 177.

- Surat, 175, 176, 177, 178.

- Ujain, 176.

— — Udaipur, 176.

Mints of Mughal Copper Coins, 192.

Mir Qutb ‘Alam, Shrines of, 200 and

ff, 203.

Mirak Jalair, identified, 165.

Mirak Khan Arghun, identified, 163.

Mirak Khan Bahadur, identified, 163.

Mirak Khan, identified, 163.

Mirak Khan Jujak (Jinkjank, Kinhak,

Kinjak), identified, 163.

Mirak Khwaja, Chengiz Khan, 165.

Mirak Khwaja, identified, 165.

Mirak Mirza, Kawaz! Khan, identified,

165.

Mockler, Col. E., Art. by, on Origin of

the Baloch, 30.

Mogul Copper Coins, Art. by C. J.

Kodgers, on, 171.

Mdminabad, mint at, 184.

Mongolian method of counting years,

288.

Mughal copper coins, 171.

- , mints of, 192.

Muhammad Akbar, copper coins of, 184.

Muhammad bin Tughlag, coins of, 51.

Muhammad Haidar, an old explorer of

Tibbat, 82.

- , invades Tibbat,

98.

Muhammad MuQiM Harawi, Khwaja,

167.

— - - , Khwaja,

identified as father of Nizamu-d-din,

166.

Muhammad Muq!m, Khwaja. son of

MirakI, 167.

Muhammad Muqim, Mirza, 167.

Muhammad Shah, copper, coins of, 176,

178, 180, 186.

- - , rare coin of, 45.

Muhammad Shah, Suri, coins of, 39.

Muhammadan Coins, Art. on rare, by

W. Vost, 37.

Muhammadans of Eastern Bengal, pro¬

bably originally Buddhists, 56.

Multan, mint at, 174, 176, 180, 181.

Multani Language, same as Western

Panjabi, 290.

Mustafabad, mint at, 46.

Muq!m Khan, 167.

Muqim Naqshbandi, 167.

Muqims of Akbar’s time, 1G6.

392

Index ,

N ahan, mint at, 182.

Najibabad, mint at, 183, 186.

Nara-Narayana, Koch King, 240.

Nara-simha-deva, King of Orissa, 132.

Narnol, mint at, 44, 171, 181.

NASiRu-DmiN Mahmud, coins of, 52.

Nasrat Shah, building of, at Gaur, 217.

Nasratu-d-din, coins of, 52.

Nai^gama, Queen-consort of Orissa, 130.

NTmatu-l-lah, buildings erected by, at

Pandua, 201.

Ni‘matu-l-lah, condemned to death by

Aurangzeb, 218. His biography, 224.

Nizamu-d-din Ahmad Bakhsh, son of

Muhammad Muqim Harawi, 166.

North-Western family of Indo- Aryan

Vernaculars, 339.

Notes on the ancient geography of the

Pir Pantsal Route, by M. A. Stein,

Ph. D., 375.

Nrsimha-deva, king of Orissa, 132.

Nrsimha-deva IV, of Orissa, inscrip¬

tions of, Art. on, by Man Mohan Cha-

kravarti, 128, 132.

Ociki language, same as Western Pah-

_ jiibi, 291.

Odantapuri, last Buddhist capital in

Bihar, destroyed by Muhammadans,

55.

Oriva, pronominal suffixes in, 363, 368,

’371.

Ondh, mint at, 40.

P adma, river, 19.

Pandua, account of, 200.

Panjab, changes in rivers of, 18.

Panjabi, Western, an independent

language, 338.

— - Parable of Prodigal

Son, in, 333.

- , Participles in, 324.

. — . - , population speaking

it, 291, 331.

— - - , Pronominal suffixes

in, 291, 342.

— - , translation of New

Testament, by Serampur Mission¬

aries, into, 330.

- , were spoken, 291.

Paramarddi-deva, Candella king, in¬

scription of, 155.

Parbat Ray. Jaintia king, 246.

Pargiter, F. E., Art. by, on Cedi,

Matsya and Karusa, 249.

Parmal, see Paramarddi-deva.

Participial and Radical tenses of Indo-

Aryan Vernaculars, compared, 372.

Participial tenses in Modern Indo- Aryan

Vernaculars conjugated by help of

pronominal suffixes, 357.

Participle, Future, tenses formed from,

in Modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars,

379.

- , Past, tenses formed from, in

Modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars, 358.

- , Present, tenses formed from,

in Modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars,

367.

Pashtu, pronominal suffixes in, 337.

Patna, mint at, 174.

Persian, pronominal suffixes in, 336.

Peshawar, mint at, 181.

Pir Pantsfil route to Kagmir, account of,

376.

Pramata Sii^ha. Ahom King, coins of,

287.

Prana-narayana, Koch King, 240.

Pratapa Ray, Jaintia king, 246.

Pratapa-simha, Jaintia king, 246.

Present, Ancient, in Modern Indo-Aryan

Vernaculars, 353.

Prodigal Son, Parable of, in Western

Panjabi, 333.

Pronominal suffixes in Arabic, 336.

- in Aryan languages

derived from enclitic pronouns, 337.

- - in Assamese, 347,

363, 371.

- in Baloci, 337.

- in Bengali, 363, 368,

371.

- in Bihari, 348.

- in Hebrew, 336.

- , Indo- Aryan, General

Table of, 373.

- - , Indo-Aryan, Origin

of, 373.

- in Irish, 337.

- in Italian, 337.

- in the Ka^miri

language, Art. on, by G. A. Grierson,

236.

- - - in Maithili, 348.

- in Marathi, 379.

- in Oriya, 363, 368,

371.

- — — - in Western Panjabi,

291, 342.

- in Pashtu, 337.

- in Persian, 336.

- in Santali, 347.

- in Sindhi, 336, 342.

Proverbs about thieves, 28.

Prthivi-varmma-deva, predecessor of

Paramarddi-deva, the Candella, 156.

Qandahar, mint at, 44, 174.

Quf? and Balus, Baloch tribes, 32, 35.

Index.

393

Radical and Participial tenses of Indo-

Aryan Vernaculars, compared, 372.

Radical tenses, in Modern Indo-Aryan

Vernaculars, 353.

Rafaqu-d-din, son of Nun Qutb ‘Alam,

account of, 208.

Raf!‘u-d-darajat, copper coins of, 175.

Raghava, king of Orissa, 131.

Raghu-deva, coin of, 238.

Raja-raja, king of Orissa, 130, 133.

Raja-sundari, Queen-consort of Orissa,

130.

Rajendra-narayana, Koch king, 240.

Rajendra-Simha, Jaintia king, 246.

Rama-simha, Jaintia king, 246.

Raverty, Major H. G., Article on Tib-

bat three hundred and sixty-five years

ago, by, 82.

Rind, a Baloch tribe, 31.

Riydzu-s-saldtm, tomb of author of, 198.

Rodgers, C. J., Art. on coins of Musal-

man kings of Ma‘bar, 49.

Rodgers, G. J., Art. by, on Mogul

copper coins, 17 1 .

Rupa-narayana, Koch King, 240.

Sadguna-devi, Queen-consort of Orissa,

131. '

Saliaranpur, mint at, 183.

Sahib-i-Qiran San!, copper coins of,

181.

Salim Shah, copper coins of, 172.

Santall, pronominal suffixes in, 347.

Shah ‘Alam, copper coins of, 177, 182,

183, 184, 185, 186.

- , rare coins of, 46.

Shah Jaiian, coins of, minted at D5gam,

69 and ff.

- , copper coins of, 174, 175,

176, 181, 186.

- , rare coins of, 44.

Shahjahanabadj’mint at, 45, 176, 180, 182,

184.

Shah Jalal Tabriz!, shrines of, 202,

230, Account of, 200 and ff.

Shamsu-d-din, coins of, 52.

Sher Shah, Suri, coins of, 37.

Shergarh, mint at, 37.

Shillingford, P. A., Article on changes,

in the course of the Kusi river, 1.

Sholapur, mint at, 177.

Shuja‘at Khan. Muqim-i-‘Arab, 167.

Sikandar Shah, coins of, 52.

- , cubit of, 211.

- , mosque built by, 211.

SindhI, pronominal suffixes in, 336, 342.

Sita, Queen-consort of Orissa, 132.

Smith, V. A. and Hoey, W., Art. on An¬

cient Buddhist Statuettes, and a Can-

della copper-plate, 155.

Stein, M. A., notes by, on ancient topo¬

graphy of PIr Pantsal Route, 375.

Sundarbans, estuaries in, 19.

Sundar Ray, Jaintia king, 246.

Surat, mint at, 175, 176, 177, 178.

Synthetic conjugation explained, 341,

preferred by North-Western and

Eastern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars, 352.

Tabriz!, see Shah Jalal.

Taochiva , name of Jovian cycle, amongst

Ahoms, 287.

Tarkesar, pilgrims to, 26.

Thibet, properly Tibbat, q. v., 82.

Thieves and Robbers, North-Indian

Folklore about, by Qarat Candra

Mitra, 25.

Thieves, Proverbs about, 28.

Tibbat, described by ‘Abdu-l-Karim,

119.

- - - , Muhammad Haidar’s account

of, 86.

- , old accounts of, 83.

- , rivers of, 88.

- , the religion of, 96.

- , three hundred and 65 years

ago, Art. by Major H. G. Raverty,

82.

- , tribes of, 90.

Tibet, properly Tibbat, q. v., 82.

Tibetan method of counting years, 288.

Tista river, history of, 15.

Ucci, language, same as Western Pan¬

jabi, 291.

Udaipur, mint at, 176.

Ujain, mint at, 176.

Upa-plavya, position of, 252.

Upendra Narayana, Koch King, 240.

Vajrahasta, king of Orissa, 130.

Vana-simha, Jaintia king, 246.

Varahamula, in Kagmir, identified, 381.

Vasu, king of Cedi, 256.

Vasudeva-Narayana, Koch King, 240.

Vi jay a Manik, Jaintia king, 246.

VIjaya-Narayana, Jaintia king, 246.

V!ra-bhanu deva, king of Orissa, 132.

ViRA-NARAYANA, Koch King, 240.

Visnupur Circular Cards, Art. on, by

Hara Prasada Qastri, 284.

Vost, W., Art. by, on Dogam mint, 69.

Vost, W., Art. by, on Rare Muhammadan

coins, 37.

Waddell, L. A., description of Lhasa

Cathedral, by, 259.

Index.

MAP

of

ANCIENT INDIA

to illustrate paper on

Ancient, Cedi Matsya &. Karusa

Litli. at tide Indian. Art Cottage, Calc\Ltti

Journal, As. Soc., Bengal, Yol. LXIV, Part I, 1895.

PLATE I

Reg. No. 62. As Soc.— Mar. 95.— 650.

Journal As. Soc Beng Vol LX IV, Part 1, 1 89 B.

PLATE H.

hoto- etching.

Survey of India Offices, Calcutta, June 1895.

RARE MUHAMMADAN COINS.

Journal As. Soc. Be.ng-Vol.LXIV. Part 1,1 895.

PLATE IH^

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Photo-etching.

Survey of India Offices, Calcutta, June 1895.

RARE MUHAMMADATST • COINS.

Journal, As. Soc., Beng. Vol. LXIV, Part I, 1835.

PLATE IV.

C. J. Rodgers del.

Lithr "by S. C. Mondul.

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Journal, As. So©, Berg. Vo], LX IV, Part I, IQ 95.

PLATE V.

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Journal A s. Soc. B e n g. Vol. LX I V, Pa rt 1,1895.

PLATE

Photo -etching.

Survey of India Offices, Calcutta, June 1895.

COINS MINTED AT DOGAM.

VI.

Journal, As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. LXIY, Part [, 1895. PLATE YII.

Journal, As. Soo. Beng\,Vol. LXLV, PU, 1895

PLATE VIII.

.Lith.! by 8. C. Mondul,

STATUELTE OF THE BUDDHA, FOUND AT

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PLATE XII

MOGUL COPPER COINS

Journal, As. Soc. Ben^Vol.LXIV, Ft. I, 1895

PLATE XIII

C- <J. Rocig'ers del.

MOGUL ■ COPPER COINS

A . C. dioweDiaxy Liih.

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Journal, As. Soc.Beng., Vo], LXIV, Pt.I, 1895

PLATE XIV

A. C Chowdhary Lith.

C.J. Rodgers del

MOGUL COPPER COINS

A. C. Chowdhary- Lith.

MOGUL COPPER COINS

C J. Rodgers del:

Journal, As, Soc. Beng.J/ol.LXIV, Pt.I, 1895

PLATE XVI

C. J. Rodgers del:

MOGUL

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Journal, As. Soc. Bong.,Vol.DOV, Ft 1,1895

PLATE XVII

C. J. Rodgers del:

MOGUL COPPER

COINS

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Journal, As. Soo.Beng., Yol. LXLV, Pb. 1,1895

PLATE X.V1II.

C . J. K od^ers cel.

MOGUL COPPER COINS.

LitK. by S. C. Mondul.

Journal, As. Soo. Beng„ Vol LX TV, Pt. 1,189

PLATE XIX.

C.J. Rodgers del.

MOGUL COPPER COINS.

Lit a. "by- g. Q. MoncluL

Journa, As. Qoo. Beng.j Vol. L XIV, Pb. 1, 18 9 5

PLATE XX.

C. J. Rodgers del.

MOGUL COPPER COINS.

Lith: by 3. 0. Mondial.

Journal, As. See. Benq , Vol. LX1V, Part I, 1895.

PLATE XXVII

AHOM COINS.

Photo etching

Survey of India 021063, Calcutta, May 1896.

Journal, As. Soc.Beng./Vol. IJXIV,PartI. 18 95 .

Plate XS

THE CHARACTERS USED IN SER AMP UR VERSION COMPARE D

WITH THOSE IN MODERN USE .

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Plate ^mX.

THE CHARACTERS USED IN SERAMPUR VERSION COMPARED

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PLATE XXL

Journal, As. Soo. Beng., Vbl. LX1V, PLl, 1895

C. J. Rodger a del.

jjith: by 3. G Mondu.1.

MOGUL COPPER COIN'S

Journal, Ag. Soo. Beng., Vol.LXIT, Pt.I, 1895.

PLATE XXII.

Ch&s. J- Rodgers del.

MOGUL COPPER COINS.

Lith: Ay S. G.Mondu.1.

4

Journal., As. 8 oo. Beng1., Vol. LX1V, Pt.I, 1895

PLATE xxur.

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Lith by S C Mondul

MOGUL COPPER COINS

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Plato XXIV.

Journal, As. Soo. Beng. Vol.LXIV; Pt.I, 1885.

KOCH AND JAINTIA

Zith. tTrvvtcd By IV TVcwmcw, &- C9 Coles UUo

COINS.

MAP

of

ANCIENT INDIA

to illustrate paper on

Ancient Cedi Matsya &. Karusa

Scale in Miles

10 0

Litt. at tie Indian Art, Cottage, Calcutta

Plate, XXVI.

tournal , As Soc 3eng Vol LXIV. Part 1,1895.

THE CATHEDRAL OF LHASA.

(From a. Native Drawing )

Liith. at the Indiaji Art Cottage . Calcutta.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL

VOL,. LXIV.

PART II. (Natural History, &c.)

(Nos. I to III.— 1895.)

EDITED BY THE

ATURAL

ISTORY

^Secretary.

“ It will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of science

in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing, and send them to

the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such communications shall be long

intermitted ; and it will die away, if they shall entirely cease.” Sir Wm. Jones.

CALCUTTA :

PRINTED AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS,

AND PUBLISHED BY THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY, 57, PARK STREET.

1896.

.u: : i ) . : '

.

-

’

.

. • .

.S v

*

* ' -

;;

LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS.

Page

Alcock, Alfred; — Description of a New Species of Oxyrliyncli

Crab of the Genus Parthenope . 296

- ; — Materials for a Carcinological Fauna of India.

No. 1. The Brachynra Oxyrhyncha. ( Plates III , IV and, V.) 157

. - ; — On a new species of Flying Lizard from Assam.

{ Plate III) . 14

Bose, J. C. ; — On Polarisation of Flectric Pays by Double Re¬

fracting Crystals. ( Plate VI) . 291

Cummins, H. A. ; — Description of a New Lathraea from the Past¬

ern Himalaya . 137

Fink, Frank; — Contributions to the Theory of Warning Colours and

Mimicry, No. 1. Experiments with a Babbler (Crateropus

canoms) . 344

Godwin- Austen, H. H. ; — No. 3. Notes on, and drawings of, the

animals of various Indian Land Mollusca (Pulmonifera) .

{Plate VII)... . 151

King, George; — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 16

- and Pantling, R. ; — On some New Orchids from

Sikkim . • . 329

- and Prain, D. ; — On a new species of Renantliera... 328

Nice'ville, Lionel de, and Martin, L. ; — A list of the Butterflies

of Sumatra with especial reference to the Species occurring in

the north-east of the Island . . 357

Oedham,.C. F. ; — Natural History Notes from 3. M. Indian Ma¬

rine Survey Steamer 1 Investigator ,’ Commander C. F. Oldham,

R. N., commanding. — Series II, No. 18. — i. The Topography

of the Arabian Sea in the Neighbourhood of the Laccadives.

ii. The Physical Features of some of the Laccadive Islands,

with Suggestions as to their Mode of Formation. {Plates I

and II) . 1

Pedler, Alexander; — Notes on the bleaching action of light on

colouring matters . 139

Prain, D. ; — Novicise Indicse IX. Some additional Papaveracese. 303

Ranking, George ; — A contribution to the History of Artificial Im¬

munity . 299

*

V

* .... . s

H

• -

\

• •

• * r »

%

t

Dates of Issue. Part II, 1895.

No. I. — Containing pp. 1-138, with Plates I, II and III, was issued

on April 15th, 1895.

No. II. — Containing pp. 139-298, with Plates III, IY, Y, YI and

YII, was issued on July I8tli, 1895.

No. III. — Containing pp. 299-555 was issued on February 1st, 1896.

LIST OF PLATES.

II.

III.

III,

I. — Contour Chart of the Arabian Sea h

of the Laccadive Islands.

Temperature Curves.

Draco nor villi.

Lambrachseus ramifer.

Physachseus ctenurus.

„ tonsor.

GrypacJueas hyalinus.

Inachoides dolichorhynchus .

Apocremnus indicus.

IV. — Naxia investigatoris.

j Macrocoeloma nummifer.

[_Maia gibba,

p Achaeus cadelli.

\ Chorilibinia andamanica.

J Gollodes malabaricus .

v Paratymolus liastatus.

VI. — Polarisation of Electric Pay.

VII. — Indian Land Shells.

V.-

the Neighbourhood

.

I >

'

■

.

<• * •

'

*

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Vol. LXIV. Part II.— NATURAL SCIENCE.

No. I. — 189S.

* Natural History Notes from H. M. Indian Marine Survey Steamer

1 Investigator,’ Commander C. F. Oldham , _R. N., commanding.

Series II., No. 18. — i. The Topography of the Arabian Sea in the

Neighbourhood of the Laccadives, ii. The Physical Features of some

of the Laccadive Islands , with Suggestions as to their Mode of Forma¬

tion. — By Commander C. F. Oldham, R. N.

With Plates I & II.

[Received 15th September : — Read 7th November.]

i. Topography of the Arabian Sea in the Neighbourhood of the

Laccadives.

Sections and Temperatures.

Only in recent years has any exploration been made of the bottom

of the ocean in Indian Seas, beyond the hundred-fathom line.

Before 1881, the hundred-fathom line, on the West Coast of Hindu¬

stan, was well sounded out by the officers of the Indian Navy, but no

attempt had been made to define its limits in either the Bay of Bengal

or Gulf of Martaban. Since 1881, the officers of the R. I. M. S. “ Inves¬

tigator ” have yearly been employed, during the fine season, in surveying

the coasts, sounding out to deep water, and taking-deep sea soundings

and temperatures when making passages to and from the surveying

ground. Prom the soundings and temperatures obtained in the Bay of

Bengal, Commander A. Carpenter, in 1887, was enabled to write a paper

* Communicated by the Natural History Secretary.

J. II. 1

2

C. F. Oldham — Topography of the Arabian Sea.

[No. 1,

on “ The Mean Temperature of the Deep Wafers of the Bay of Bengal.”*

Since then, owing to the survey of the Laccadives and the frequent

passage of the “ Investigator ” past this group, a large number of deep

soundings and temperatures have been accumulated in the Laccadive

area. Advantage is now taken of these soundings to draw a chart

shewing the contours in this region (see Plate I).

In the latitude of Bombay the hundred-fathom line is distant

about one hundred and twenty miles, the soundings deepen seaward

from the coast gradually, forming a shelf, which narrows on proceeding

southward, until in the latitude of Cape Comorin it is only thirty miles

broad.

The general slope seaward, beyond the hundred-fathom line, is from

two to three degrees : it is broken occasionally by ridges or spurs of

comparatively shoal water, and in latitude 11° N. a ridge, on which are

situated the Elicalpeni Reef and Androth Island, projects for fifty

miles to the south-west. In the Laccadive area the eleven hundred

fathom line encircles the whole group, connecting the reefs at this depth

with the neighbouring slope from the coast of Hindustan. Two tongues

of deeper water narrow the connection with the slope from the coast,

and an extensive tract of depths over eleven hundred fathoms occupies

a position east of the Laccadives, on a line between the tongues.

The western islands and reefs are all situated on an extensive plateau

of under a thousand fathoms, and are separated from the eastern by

a narrow flat, averaging a thousand and twenty fathoms. The most

northern of the group is a submerged reef, situated on the eastern side

of a plateau of under nine hundred fathoms ; the next two are also

submerged reefs, rising from a similar plateau ; south of these are three

lagoon reefs, likewise connected by depths under nine hundred fathoms ;

and still further south are two groups each containing two reefs, and

three isolated reefs, all rising from similar depths. The eastern reefs

consist of three, namely, the two northern, situated on the ridge already

mentioned as jutting out from the coast slope, and another island rising

abruptly from depths of eleven hundred fathoms.

Minikoi, in lattitude 8° 15° N., sometimes spoken of as being one

of the Laccadives, is separated from that group by depths of over

twelve hundred fathoms, but has a submarine connection with the

Maldives to the southward.

The outer slope from the plateau on which the islands are mostly

situated is gradual, until the floor of the ocean is reached in depths a

little over two thousand fathoms.

Soundings and temperatures obtained during the months of October

# J. A. S. B., Yol. LVI., Pt. II., 1887, pp. 230-232.

1895.]

C. F. Oldham — Topography of the Arabian Sea.

3

although in different years — the thermometers used being the Miller-

Casella pattern, constructed by Cavy of London ; and the observations

being corrected for the errors supplied from Kew Observatory — shew

that the waters of the eastern part of the Laccadives, in depths over six

hundred fathoms, are considerably warmer than the waters towards

the Hindustan coast, and than those to the westward of the Laccadives.

On the plateau a temperature of 41° F. is reached at a depth of 905

fathoms, while the same temperature is met with at 790 fathoms on the

thousand fathom line near the coast.

The bottom temperatures on the western side appear somewhat

erratic, but with one exception they all tend to shew a higher, tempera¬

ture over the plateau than on either side. The surface temperatures

vary from 77° F. to 83° F., the highest temperature being in the neigh¬

bourhood of the reefs.

The isothermal lines vary in deptb to 400 fathoms, after which

they are even to 600 fathoms, from 700 until the bottom is reached they

dip downward in the centre owing to the warmer waters over the

Laccadives.

A curve shewing the mean temperature at different depths

from the surface to 1,300 fathoms, is shewn in black at Plate

II. From the surface to 100 fathoms the curve depends on one

series of observations taken every 25 fathoms ; from 100 to 400 fathoms,

it depends on twelve observations at varying depths, and from 400 to

1,300 fathoms, the curve is the mean result of fifty-six observations : all

these observations were taken in the months of October, November, or

April, at the change of the monsoons. The curve shewn in red on the

same figure is taken from Commander Carpenter’s paper on the mean

temperature of the deep waters of the Bay of Bengal. It is derived

from observations taken during the fine season — November to May.

The Arabian Sea curve to 100 fathoms depends on so few observa¬

tions that it is not desirable, up to this depth, to make any comparison

with the Bay of Bengal curve. Beyond 100 fathoms, where the

observations are numerous, it will be noted that there is a difference

of about one to two degrees ; the Arabian Sea on the west coast of

Hindustan in October, November, and April, being that amount warmer

than the Bay of Bengal. At a depth of 1,300 fathoms the two curves

coincide.

Sections of some of the Laccadive islands and reefs — the direction

of the sections taken being generally at right angles to the length

of the islands — show that the under- water slopes vary from 10 to 27

degrees, and that the slopes of the lagoon islands are rather steeper than

that of reefs, at Betra Far and Feremul Far. At Kardamat the bottom

4

C. F. Oldliam — Topography of the Arabian Sea. [No. 1,

slopes 19 degrees each side : Kiltan has a slope of 23 degrees on the

west side and 27 to 10 degrees on the east : Cliitlac has the steepest

slope on the east side, namely, 27 to 10 degrees, and 13 degrees on the

west.

The sections of Kavaratti and Agatti are very similar, they have both

a slope of 13 degrees on their west sides, and a more gradual declivity on

the east sides.

In Peremul Par and Betra Par, which are lagoon reefs, the slopes vary

from 14 to 16 degrees in the former, and 10 to 20 degrees in the latter.

From the above it will be seen that the narrowest atolls, viz.,

Kardamat-, Kiltan , and Ohitlac have the steepest slopes.

The under-water slopes beyond the two-hundred-fathom line would

appear to depend principally on the shape of the peak on which the

atolls are situated.

ii. The Physical Features of some of the Laccadive Islands, with

Suggestions as to their Mode of Formation.

The Laccadives (see Plate I), a group of coral atolls and reefs,

lying from one hundred and twenty to two hundred miles from the

West Coast of Hindustan, extend from Latitude 10°. N. to 14° N., and

Longitude 71° 30' E to 74° E.

This area contains four submerged coral reefs, six coral reefs with

sand cays, or small uninhabited islets, and eight inhabited atolls. Five

of the atolls and three of the reefs were examined during the visits of

the “ Investigator ” in October and November 1892-93-94; and are de¬

scribed in the following notes : —

Kiltan Island is two miles long N. N.-W., and S. S.-E., and

a quarter of a mile broad, having a shallow lagoon on its side. The

highest part of the island, which is about 25 feet above high water¬

mark, lies on the eastern side : from here there is a general slope down¬

wards to the lagoon, its north and south extremes curving slightly to

the westward. In places, ridges of coral and coral-sand stretch along

in the direction of its length, breaking the general slope lagoonwards.

The island is formed of coral sand, coral sand rock, and broken

fragments of coral reef rock, overlying a hard conglomerate composed

of fragments of reef corals. The coral-sand rock may be seen exposed

on the lagoon beach of most of the Laccadive islands ; it is of a friable

nature, but its surface becomes very hard when exposed to the air.

Most cf the houses are built of blocks of this stone, which are cemented

together with chunam. Good water is obtained by sinking wells until

the conglomerate reef rock is reached.

1895.] 0. F. Oldham — Physical Features of the Laccadives. 5

On the eastern shore the beach is composed of broken boulders of

reef corals and comminuted fragments. On this side the reef extends

a hundred yards from the beach, and then goes off into deep water; the

reef does not dry, and a boat in fine weather can always pass over it and

ground on the beach off the ends of the island ; shallow water of 5 to 7

fathoms extends over half-a-mile. The lagoon appears to be 6 to 8 feet

deep, and has two openings to it through the reef. These openings

would soon close by the growth of the coral did not the natives periodi¬

cally clear the passages.

The island appears to be extending lagoon wards, by the accumula¬

tion of coral sand washed from the reef; its extremes are also being

added to by the sand and debris washed up by the currents. Its surface

is thickly planted with coconuts, jungle being found only on the extremi¬

ties and where the island has extended lagoon wards.

Mention has already been made of the reef on the eastern side

of the island ; that on the western side is different in character, being

a reef a-wash at low water, which extending from the extremes of the

island, encloses the shallow lagoon. Owing to the weather no examination

was possible, but viewed from seaward it appeared to be formed of coral

in vigorous growth : the soundings obtained shewed a gradually increas¬

ing depth from the reef to the 20-fathom line, where it drops into deep

water.

Chitlac Island extends N. N.-E. and S. S-W. If miles, and is about

one-tliird of a mile broad. Like Kiltan it forms the eastern side of a

coral atoll. Ridges and mounds of sand and coral were observed in

different parts, the highest mound being about 30 feet above high

water. On the eastern side, inside the beach, is a long narrow depression.

The eastern beach is covered with big boulders of reef corals. The

fringe reef extends 20 to 30 yards from the beach, uncovers at low water,

and has growing coral at its edge ; its surface being strewn with coral

debris.

The north point of the island extends about 20C yards beyond the

coconut plantation, and curves towards the lagoon ; the first 100 yards

of this extension is covered with littoral plants, the last part with large

boulders of coral broken off the fringe-reef, which here is very narrow.

Sand has been washed up and has accumulated amongst the boulders.

The north point of the island has altered in appearance since the

last survey in 1848. At that time, an island existed off the north end,

which at present is connected to the main, and covered with bushes.

The natives report that the connection was made in November, 1891,

during a storm from the N.-E.

6

C. E. Oldham — Physical Features of the Laccadives. [No. 1,

The reef enclosing the lagoon has two openings through it, that to

the northward being broad and shallow with numerous patches of grow¬

ing coral. An examination with a water-glass shewed that, off the

eastern and southern sides, coral was growing in 5 to 7 fathoms, and

everywhere off the western side of the atoll it appeared to be growing

luxuriantly. An attempt was made to collect some, but owing to defec¬

tive means none was obtained ; the grapnel sent down, after catching

several times and. bringing nothing up, eventually caught a large mass

of madrepore, and was lost.

Inside the lagoou, and in the northern entrance, numerous patches

of Porites, Madrepore, and blue coral were growing, except towards the

south end where the bottom is principally coral sand. The absence of

live coral towards the south end is no doubt due to the reef here being

almost continuous, preventing the current and tides from supplying

food, and the coral being killed by the accumulation of sand washed

from the reef. In all parts where the tide ebbed and flowed live coral

was observed.

Good water is obtainable on the island, and as in Kilt an, is no doubt

the drainage from the soil resting on the conglomerate coral rock.

I found several pieces of volcanic rock, and a green stone on the

north end of the island ; they were said by the natives to have been

brought from Byramgore Reef, where a steamer with stone ballast had

been wrecked.

Kardamat Island extends 4| miles N. N.-E. and S. S.-W., with an

average width of about a quarter of a mile. Like Kiltan and Chitlac it

is situated on the eastern side of an atoll, and forms about one-third the

circumference. The centre of the island, and oldest part, is well covered

with coconuts. It seems to be formed principally of blown sand

overlying coral-sand rock. The latter can be observed in many places

on the lagoon edge ; where it is exposed between high and low water, it

generally dips at a slight angle towards the lagoon.

The extremes of the island carry a scanty vegetation of jungle 6 to

8 feet high, but attempts are being made to grow coconuts over the

whole island.

The northern point of the island is formed by a spit of sand on

which I found a quantity of pumice, extending inland for about fifty

yards from the extreme point ; it is strewn all over the surface, and

varies in size from a marble to half a foot in diameter.

Although there is a large quantity on the point, it is not more than

is frequently found washed up on coral islands in other parts of the

world, where, as is the case at Kardamat, the currents are favourable

1895.] C. F. Oldham — Physical Features of the Laccadives.

7

for collecting and washing up whatever may be floating in the neigh¬

bouring seas.

This pumice was first noticed by the surveying officers during their

visit in the autumn of 1892, and is mentioned by Dr. Alcock in

in his Administration Report for that year.

The south extreme of the island is a sandy point along which vege¬

tation is gradually creeping as the point extends.

The fringe-reef which fronts the eastern edge of the island is

narrow, and has growing coral on its edge, only the surface of the reef

being encrusted with Nullipore, or cemented into a reef flat.

The remaining part of the atoll, not occupied by the island, is a

coral reef, awash at low water, the only openings being to the N.-E., and

very narrow. In consequence, there is very little live coral within the

lagoon, the most notable patches being in the neighbourhood of the

entrance and towards the western side, opposite the centre of the is¬

land. The lagoon is from 2 to 6 feet deep.

The soundings shew that the bottom slopes steeply on both the east

and west sides of the atoll, from about 20 fathoms into deep water, but

towards the N. N.-E. and S. S.-W., the direction in which the atoll

soundings shew a much more moderate slope, there is a depth of 272

fathoms at two-and-a-lialf miles from the north point, compared to 500

fathoms at one-and-a-quarter mile from the east side, and 730 fathoms

at one-and-three-quarter mile from the west side of the atoll.

Petra Par. This is an atoll six miles north and south, and three

miffis broad, with an islet on its north-east end, and two sand cays

joined by patches of sand, on its eastern side. The islet is nothing but

a sand cay, covered with coconuts, extending nearly half-a-mile along

the reef. Its inner side, which is washed by the waters of the lagoon, is

probably the oldest part, as it carries the tallest coconuts ; here the sea

is encroaching, the roots of the trees are exposed, and several have

fallen. The north-east side of the islet is formed by a shallow bay in

which are several slabs of coral-sand rock, which jutting out beyond the

line of the beach shew that that part of the beach has been washed away.

The extremities of the island are increasing in the direction of its

greatest length.

The encircling reef dries nearly everywhere at its edge at low

water springs ; it is broadest on the eastern and southern sides, and has

only one opening through it, just south of the islet.

I examined the northern and western sides of the reef, and the

other surveying officers visited the other portions. The middle of

the western side is about 250 yards broad, and on the extreme western

8

C. F. Oldham — Physical Features of the Laccadives.

[No. 1,

part is a,n iron band boiler which must have been part of a wreck ;

it is embedded about one foot and lies completely on the reef, so that

at low water I was able to walk round it. Two clumps of coral about

one foot in diameter were growing on its outside, and several smaller

inside.

The reef here dries about one foot at low water and is covered

with live coral. Of the latter the branching Madrepores were the most

common, but a Porites and Brain-coral were also numerous.

The north side of the reef is the narrowest; it dries 3 feet at low

water, is about 100 yards broad, and is composed of piled up coral, broken

off the growing edge.

Inside the lagoon the average depth is from 3 to 4 fathoms. Here

are numerous coral clumps awash or dry at low water. I examined two

of them and found that coral was growing on the sides, but the top was

dead, and covered with Nullipore.

Inside the reef, from the islet round the western side to the sand

cays on the south side, is a remarkable broad shelf with about half a

fathom water over it, formed of dead coral and sand, the coral being in a

state of decomposition.

This shelf is about half a mile broad on the north-west part, increas¬

ing as the width of the growing reef increases, and reaching a width of one

mile to the southward. On its inner side it drops suddenly into the

general depths of the lagoon which I have already mentioned as being

from 3 to 4 fathoms.

I think that this shelf may be accounted for on the supposition

that the coral reef commenced to grow at the inner edge of the shelf,

and has worked seaward, leaving behind it a reef-flat, which is kept at its

present level by sand and debris being washed in from the outer edge,

and by the solvent action of the sea- water. The eastern side of the atoll,

not being so favourably situated as regards the currents and tides, has

not grown seaward sufficiently and rapidly to leave a reef-flat behind ; it

is here also that sand and debris collect which would also assist in

retarding the growth of the coral.

The soundings shew a fairly corresponding slope on all sides, from

the edge of the reef out into deep water.

Peri Mul Par. This reef, which only dries at low-water springs, is

somewhat crescent shaped, the concave side being open to the northwest.

Its longest diameter is seven miles, and its width four miles. The edge of

the reef shews at low water, but at high water and in smooth weather it

is difficult to distinguish, and in many places does not break. The encir¬

cling reef is very narrow, and I am informed by the officers who examin¬

ed it that it is only growing at the outer edge.

1895.] C. F. Oldham — Physical Features of the Laccadives.

9

Inside the reef, and extending towards the centre for about one

mile, all round the south west and north sides, is a shallow flat or

shelf with depths over it of under one fathom. It consists of sand and

broken coral, and seems, as in Betra Par, to be formed by the seaward

growth of the reef and the dissolving action of the sea- water. Inside

this reef-flat the depths are from 3 to 6 fathoms, the centre part con¬

taining ridges of coral which run N. N.-W. and S. S.-E. ; towards the

N.-E. side there are fewer coral-heads, and here are several good boat

entrances.

At the N.-E. corner of the atoll is a small sand cay with coral

boulders piled up on its eastern side. Patches of sand, which shew at

low water, are also found on the eastern side of the atoll.

From the appearance of the reef, the reef-flat, and the soundings,

it is evident that the reef is growing westward and southward at a

greater rate than in other directions.

Kavaratti. Like the other eastern atolls of the group, consists of an

island, with a coral reef on its western side enclosing a shallow lagoon.

The island is 2§ miles long N.-E. and S.-E., and three-quarters of a mile

broad towards its north end, narrowing to about a cable half a mile from

its south extreme. The coral reef forming the lagoon runs parallel to

and is about six cables from, the beach, it is awash at high water near

the north end, but covers nearly half a fathom about the centre.

On the lagoon side the island has sand hillocks 15 to 20 feet high,

lining the beach fof about half the length of the island from the N.-W.

extreme ; in the centre of the island is a fairly level area, the land slop¬

ing up gently as the eastern beach is approached.

The beach on the N.-E. side is strewn with large coral boulders ; the

eastern beach is exceedingly steep, with a narrow fringe reef. The

natives of this island seemed better off than in most of the Laccadive

islands ; they own several large boats which trade with Cochin.

A comparatively wealthy and intelligent native who had lived here

all his life was questioned as to changes that had occurred in the con¬

figuration of the island. According to him the most frequent gales are

from the south west, when large quantities of sand are blown up and

deposited on the western side of the island, only to be washed away by

the currents and winds of the other season. Good water is obtained

from wells about 10 to 12 feet deep, formed by cutting through a thin

stratum of coral rock below which the fresh water seems to lodge.

Agatti ( Aucutta ) group, comprises two atolls situated N.-E. and

S.-W. of each other towards the extremes of an extensive plateau carry-

J. ii. 2

10

C. F. Oldham — Physical Features of the Laccadives.

[No. 1,

ing from 5 to 10 fathoms on it, which inside the 100 fathom line extends

from 15 miles and forms a slight carve, the convex side to the N.-W.

The southern atoll has the island of Agatti situated on its eastern

side ; a broken coral reef forming a shallow lagoon extends in two arms,

like claws, from its north and south extremes, leaving a good entrance

for boats between. The island is four miles long by half a mile broad,

its greatest breadth, as in Kavaratti, being towards its north end,

narrowing to a point to the southward ; a narrow shallow channel

separates the south point from the small island of Kalputhi. On the

western and southern side of the island a long line of coral-sand rock

is exposed on the beach, as though the preceding south-west monsoon

wind had removed the loose sand in the neighbourhood ; also towards

the south end a line of it is visible in the lagoon thirty feet from the

shore, while on both sides of the sandy spit forming the south point bro¬

ken and dead branches of the bushes lie on the spit. Towards the north

and north-west, where the island has its greatest breadth, the lagoon

beach is being added to, and coconut trees are being planted : in fact,

the whole of the north end is very level, and leads to the idea that it

has been comparatively recently formed by the deposition of sand from

the reef and southern part of the island. The eastern side is steep too,

with a narrow fringe-reef. Kalputhi is situated to the south of Agatti

and is formed of coral rock and sand ; its northern point extends in a,

sandy spit towards Agatti.

The northern atoll extends five miles east and west, and has an

average width of two-and-a-half miles. The coral-reef enclosing the

lagoon is somewhat rectangular in shape, and is continuous, except on

the western side, where there is a broad shallow entrance ; in the centre

is the island of Bungarra, and two other islands and some islets are

situated towards the eastern side of the atoll ; they are all very low and

level, and no fresh water is obtainable ; as at Betra, they appear to be

merely sand-cays covered with vegetation. Bungarra, the centre islet,

shewed signs of being washed away on its north and west sides, the

coconuts on these sides having fallen and lay rotting on the beaches.

The central portion of the lagoon is full of coral heads, with 2 to 4 fa¬

thoms of water between, but all round the inside of the reef is a level

flat, similar to the flat at Betra and Peremul Par ; it has an average width

of one-third of a mile, except on the south side, where it attains a width

of about three-quarters of a mile. Flood tide was found to set S. S.-E.,

ebb N. N.-W.

Off the western side of Bungarra, and extending out towards the

entrance, are two long sandy arms which curve round towards each

other and dry ; they are probably formed by the deposition of the sand

11

1895.] C. F. Oldham — Physical Features of the Laccadives.

during ebb, as follows — as soon as the level of the lagoon during ebb

has fallen to the level of the encircling coral reef, the remaining waters

have to escape by the channel on the western side ; the current then is

strong, and the island lying in the track, it rushes past with consider¬

able velocity ; the waters of the lagoon are filled with sand carried in

during flood, and the eddy currents deposit this sand on the western

side of the island, forming the two spits. From the soundings and the

appearance of reef and reef-flat it seems probable that the reef is ex¬

tending southward more rapidly than in other directions.

Suheli Par , of an oval-shape, extends nearly nine-and-a-half miles

N. N.-E., and S. S.-W., with a width of about three-and-a-half miles.

A very narrow fringe reef, broken to the N.-W., encloses a lagoon with

depths of 4 to 7 fathoms in it. The S. and S.-E., sides of the atoll are

occupied by a shallow sandy flat similar to the flats in Betra, Peremul,

and Bungarra reefs. The reef flat extends along the east side to the

north extreme, but is much narrower here than on the S. and S.-E.

sides.

Two islands are situated on the reef-flat, one on the extreme north

point, and the other three-quarters of a mile from the edge of the reef

on the south-east side of the atoll. They are both very low and level ;

and like the islands at Betra and Bungarra are sand-cays, covered with

vegetation. The northern of the two has in several places the sand of

which it is formed cemented into coral-sand rock, which shews plainly

on the eastern side, and there is still in process of formation. On the

western side this rock has been broken up by the south-westerly gales,

and is strewn over the beach just above high-water mark ; the northern

and southern extremes are formed by sand spits which appear to be

extending. The south island I had no opportunity of examining, but

the plan of it shews that it has two arms or spits of sand extending

from the extremes to the northward, in the direction taken by the ebb

current. No good water exists on either island. In addition to the

islands, a sandy spit and patches of sand, which dry, extend for more than

a mile along the N.-E. side of the atoll.

A shallow flat with 4 to 5 fathoms on it extends off the north end

for about a mile, otherwise the hundred-fathom line lies about 2 cables

from the reef. From the existence of the 2’eef flat the atoll appears to

be extending most rapidly to the south and south-east sides. The islands

are apparently formed first as sand cays.

Peculiar characteristics to be noted from the foregoing observations.

1. Kiltan, Chitlac, Kardamat, Kavaratti and Agatti are all situated

on the eastern side of the atolls ; at Betra Par there is an islet and two

12 C. F. Oldham — Physical Features of the Laccadives . [No. 1,

sand-cays, at Peremul Par a sand cay and patches of sand, at the north¬

ern atoll Agatti, some small islets, and at Suheli Par two islets and some

sand-cays ; these again are all formed on the eastern side of the reefs,

with the exception of the island of Bungarra in the north atoll of the

Agatti group.

2. At Kiltan, Chitlac, Kardamat, Kavaratti and Agatti, the shallow

depths where live coral exists, and the flourishing condition of the edges

of the coral reefs on the western and southern sides, also the extensive

shelf of reef-flat inside the outer reefs at Betra Par, Peremul Par, and.

the northern atoll Agatti, shew that the atolls are all extending west¬

ward, southward, and in the case of Suheli Par south and south-east¬

ward more rapidly than in other directions.

3. The islands and islets are extending at their extremities, and in

some cases are being added to on the lagoon side.

4. The larger the atoll the deeper the lagoon.

5. No signs of elevation or subsidence were observed. The islet

at Betra Par, although being washed away on its N.-E. and S.-W. sides,

is extending at its extremities.

6. Large boulders of coral rock are found on the beach, on the east

and north east sides of the islands.

7. With one exception, that of Peremul Par, the entrances to the

lagoon are on the north-east, north, and north west sides : that is, to

windward.

A careful study of the strong winds found in the neighbourhood

of the Laccadives establishes the fact that the strongest of the ordinary

monsoon winds is from west, this sometimes has a force of 4 to 5 ; also

the vast majority of winds are from some point between N. N.-E. round

to S.-W. It is evident that these winds and the seas caused by them,

could not have piled up large boulders and blocks of coral on the E.

and N.-E. lee sides sufficient to form the foundations of the present

islands ; there must have been some other agency at work, and this is

probably to be found in the hurricanes of these seas. Hurricanes are

rare at the Laccadives, but between these islands and the coast of India

and to the south-eastward over the southern end of the Indian Penin¬

sula, hurricanes are comparatively frequent. Their course is to the W.

N.-W. or north-westward, passing up between the Laccadives and the

Malabar coast. (One of these storms is mentioned in the description of

Chitlac). During these storms the w'inds at the Laccadives would be

E., N.-E. (the N.-E. being very strong) N. and then N.-W. At the

latter point the wind would be moderating.

The seas due to the hurricanes would strike on the eastern and

13

1895.] C. F. Oldham — Physical Features of the Laccadives.

north-eastern sides of the atolls with tremendous force, smashing and

tearing the coral boulders off the edge and hurling them on to the cen¬

tre of the reef ; here then would be the foundation for the future island.

The currents and tides and ordinary monsoon winds would then be suffi¬

cient to complete the remainder of the building up process. The strong

winds of the south-west monsoon would cause sufficient sea to grind por¬

tions of the reef to sand, and this would be carried by the currents over

and around the atoll to the lee side ; here eddy currents, due to the ob¬

struction of the atoll, would occur, depositing sand and debris to assist in

raising the reef above high water ; seeds would be brought by the sea

or deposited by the birds ; then man assisting, the once barren reef

would develope into the present thickly planted coconut island ; each

gale occurring would assist in adding to its size, and it may be that the

parallel ridges noticed in some of the islands are due to the successive

gales.

The cause of the more vigorous outward growth of the reef to

the southward artd westward, I have little doubt is due to the tides and

currents. In these seas the currents vary with the monsoon, being

nothing more than drift currents, except where their speed is accelerat¬

ed by some obstruction, as off the south coast of Ceylon. In the Lacca¬

dives, the observations of currents are exceedingly scanty. Those

observed during the Investigator’s visits appeared to be entirely due to

wind.

The Admiralty current-chart, compiled from the greatest number of

observations obtainable, shews that the currents are from east and north¬

east during the north-east monsoon, and from north north-west to south¬

west during the remainder of the year, this latter period lasting from

March until October, or for eight months. The east-going currents are

strongest, would cany most food to the coral reefs, and striking first on

the western side of the atolls, would give up a portion of the food which

they carry ; then the sand formed by the breakers would be carried

from the weather side and be deposited to westward, tending to retard

the coral growth on the eastern side and to assist in forming the present

islands and islets.

The tides are not strong in the Laccadives; the flood sets to the north¬

east past the northen reefs and east and south-east in the neighbourhood

of the southern ones, that is, in a course at right angles to the length

of the reefs.

The flood would be a food-bearer to the reefs, aud therefore the tides

would be another agent assisting the outward growth of the reefs to the

south-west and westward.

It is difficult to account for the positions of the openings to the Ja-

14

A. Alcock — New species of Flying Lizard from Assam. [No. 1,

goons, which are as already stated on the north-east, north or north-west

sides of the lagoon.

According to Dana * the waves with the rising tide dashing over

the windward side of the reef, tends to keep open a leeward channel for

the passage of the water. This is evidently not the case in the Lacca¬

dives, as the channels are generally on the weather side, but the position

varies considerably without any apparent reason.

On a new species of Flying Lizard from Assam. — By A. Alcock, M.B.,

C.M.Z.S., Superintendent of the Indian Museum.

With Plate III.

[Received 15th October — Read 7th November.]

Draco norvillii , n. sp.

Nostril nearly vertical. Tympanum scaly and hidden. The wing-

membranes with three broad scarlet bands : the lateral gular folds

scarlet beneath.

Head one-fourteenth to one-fifteenth of the total length. Snout

hardly longer than the diameter of the orbit.

Nostrils tubular : pierced at an angle of about 17° from the vertical.

Tympanum scaly and hidden. A scaly knob at the posterior angle

of the orbit. Upper head-scales unequal, keeled : nine upper labials.

Gular appendage of the male a little longer than the head, broadly

foliaceous, and covered with large thin scales : much resembling that of

D. blanfordii. Nuchal fold just distinguishable. Dorsal scales small,

smooth, unequal ; not, or not much, larger than the keeled ventrals. In

the lateral series of enlarged scales there are not more than ten on

either side, and these are very irregularly disposed, and have, most of

them, tag-like keels. The forelimb stretched forward reaches beyond

the tip of the snout by almost the length of the hand. The adpressed

hind- limb reaches to the axilla.

Colours in spirit on the dorsal aspect : lichenous-mottled ; with

shades of dull metallic blue predominating on the crown of the head and

on the posterior thoracic region ; and with shades of dull purplish brown,

with well defined black spots, on nape, neck, shoulders, and anterior

thoracic region : wing-membranes beautifully reticulated mottled and

speckled at base, and traversed by three dull red cross-bands, which are

darkest near the edge. Of these cross-bands the most anterior extends

* Corals and Coral islands, James Dana, page 211 .

1895.] A. Alcock — New species of Flying Lizard from Assam.

15

from the edge to about the middle of the wing, where it is lost in an

indistinct bifurcation : the most posterior extends from the angle of the

wing, along its posterior border, right up to the groin, first bifurcating:

while the middle one, which also ends in a bifurcation, is in extent,

intermediate between the other two.

Median gular fold light lemon-yellow ; lateral gular folds dull

scarlet beneath.

The dull red bands on the wing membranes, and on the under-surface

of the gular side-folds are described as scarlet in life.

In accord with Mr. Boulenger’s Synopsis of the Genus j Draco (Cata¬

logue of the Lizards in the British Museum, second edition, 1885,

pp. 253-255), this fine species would be placed with D. quinquefasciatus

in the second section of the genus as follows : —

Section 1. Nostril lateral, directed outwards : 17 species.

Section 2. Nostril pierced vertically, directed upwards: —

A. Tympanum naked (_D. hsematopogon , 1). mela-

nopogon, D. blanfordii , D. dussumieri , D. tseni -

opterus , D. obscurus).

B. Tympanum scaly ( D . quinquefasciatus , D. nor -

villii).

Its place among the Indian species of the genus is shown in the

following table, modified from Mr. Boulenger’s Synopsis in the Fauna of

British India , Beptilia and Amphibia , p. 112 : —

A. Nostrils lateral : tympanum scaly . D. maculatus.

B. Nostrils vertical : —

1. Tympanum naked . J). blanfordii ,

D. dussumieri , D. tseniopterus.

2. Tympanum scaly and hidden . _D. norvillii.

A single specimen was taken by Dr. F. H. Norvill of Doom Dooma,

Upper Assam, to whom I have much pleasure in dedicating the species.

16 Gr. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. — By George King,

M.B., LL.D., F.R.S., C.I.E., Superintendent of the Royal Botanic

Garden , Calcutta.

No. 7.

In working out the difficult family of Meliacese , I have had the

great advantage of being able to consult a suite of the specimens of

Blume and Miquel, which were kindly lent to me, for the purposes of

comparison and study, by Drs. Suringar and Boerlage, of the Leiden

Herbarium. Many specimens, chiefly of Bornean species, were, through

the kindness of its Director, Mr. W. T. Thiselton Dyer, F.R.S., also lent

to me from the Kew Herbarium, some of which were enriched by notes

by Dr. 0. Stapf, a member of the staff of that Institution.

Order XXVII. Meliacese.

Trees or shrubs. Leaves alternate, exstipulate, usually pinnate,

rarely simple or bipinnate ; leaflets opposite or alternate, usually quite

entire and more or less oblique at the base. Flowers hermaphrodite or

polygamo-dioecious, regular, usually in axillary panicles. Calyx 3- 6-

lobed, sometimes entire or with free sepals, usually imbricated in bud.

Petals 3-6, free or rarely connate at the base, sometimes adhering to

the lower half of the staminal tube, valvate or imbricated. Stamens

3-12, inserted outside the base of the hypogynous disk ; filaments

connate in a tube or rarely free ; anthers erect, usually sessile on the

tube, included or exserted, 2-celled, dehiscing longitudinally. Hypogy-

nous disk tubular annular or obsolete, free or connate with the ovary.

Ovary usually free, 2- 5-celled ; style single, stigma disciform or capitate;

ovules 2, rarely more, collateral or superposed, raphe ventral, micropyle

superior. Fruit capsular, drupaceous or baccate. Seeds exalbuminous or

sometimes with fleshy albumen, often enclosed in an aril. — Distrib.

About 700 species, mostly tropical.

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 17

Key to the Genera.

Stamens united in a tube.

#Cells of ovary with 1 or 2 ovules in each.

Leaflets serrate ; fruit drupaceous ... 1. Melia,

Leaflets entire ; fruit baccate or capsular.

Flowers and staminal tube narrow, elongate ; style elongate.

Stigmas 5 or 5-toothed ; leaves trifoliolate ; fruit

baccate ... ... ... 2. Sandoricum,

Stigmas entire, single; leaves pinnate; fruit capsular

or sub-capsular.

Petals in 2 rows; ovary 7- to 9-celled, with 1 ovule

in each cell; disk short, inferior to ovary 3. Megaphylljia.

Petals in a single row ; ovary 2-to 4-celled.

Disk short, anuular; ovules solitary in the cells

of the ovary ... ... 4. Chisocheton.

Disk cylindric, longer than the ovary ; ovules 2

in each cell of the ovary ... 5. Dysoxylum.

Flowers and staminal tube globose or turbinate, style

short or absent.

Anthers included or incurved.

Petals 3 ; fruit dehiscent or not ... 6. Amoora.

Petals 5; fruit indehiscent.

Style none ... ... 7. Aglaia.

Style short, thick ... ... 8. Lansium.

Anthers exserted, never incurved, only partially united

into a tube (in two species of Walsura not united.)

Petals 5; fruit baccate, indehiscent ... 9. Walsura.

Petals 4 or 5 ; fruit capsular, dehiscent 10. Heynea.

**Cells of ovary 2- to 8-ovuled; stigma discoid; fruit capsular ;

seeds large, fleshy, not winged ... ... 13. Carapa.

### Cells of ovary with numerous ovules in each ; stigma

capitate ; fruit capsular ; seeds thin, winged 12. Chickrassia.

Stamens distinct.

Cells of ovary 8- to 12-ovuled; seeds membranous, winged

13. Cedrela.

Cells of ovary with 1 or 2 ovules, fruit baccate ; seeds not

winged ... ... ... ... 9. Walsura.

1. Melia, Linn.

Trees with pinnate or 2- 3-pinnate leaves, toothed or entire leaflets

and panicled axillary flowers ; pubescence often stellate-mealy. Calyx

short, 5-6 lobed, imbricated. Petals 5-6, free, spathulate-oblong, patent,

J. n. 3

18 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [NoVl,

imbricated in bud. Staminal-tube cylindrical, dilated at base and apex,

10- or 12- striate and -toothed; anthers 10 or 12, included or partly ex-

serted, short, inserted near apex. Dish annular. Ovary 3- 6-celled ; cells

alternate to the sepals when equal in number to them. Style slender,

nearly as long as the tube, stigma capitate ; ovules 2, superposed. Fruit

drupaceous. Seeds with thin fleshy albumen; cotyledons foliaceous.

Pistrib. About 12 species ; Indo-Malayan.

Petals concave, obtuse ; ripe drupe 1 to P5

in. long ... ... ... 1 . M. composita.

Petals flat, sub-acute ; ripe drupe ‘6 to -7 in.

long ... ... ... ... 2. M. Azedarach .

1. Melia composita, Willd. Sp. Plant. II. 558. A tall tree ; young

branches rather stout, at first covered with pale loose stellate pubescence,

ultimately smooth and of a dark colour. Leaves 1 to 2 feet long, bi- or

occasionally tri-pinnate, the leaflets on each pinna 5- to 11, petiolulate,

from ovate-lanceolate to ovate-rotund, often oblique at the base, acumi¬

nate, serrulate or entire; the main nerves 7 or 8 pairs, sub-horizontal,

rather distinct on the lower surface ; both surfaces sparsely stellate-

pubescent when young, ultimately glabrous. Panicles shorter than the

leaves, pedunculate, spreading, stellate-hairy, many-flowered. Floivers

•3 to '35 in. long. Calyx lobes erect, ovate-lanceolate, stellate-tomentose

outside, pubescent or glabrous inside, much shorter than the petals.

Petals linear-spathulate, concave, pubescent externally, puberulous

internally. Staminal tube nearly as long as the petals, slightly

expanded at the 10-toothed mouth ; the teeth bifid, silky-puberulous

on both surfaces; anthers exserted, pubescent. Stigma 5-toothed.

Drupe ovoid, 1 to 1‘5 in. long, smooth, yellowish. Seeds one in each

cell, smooth, pointed. W. and A. Prod. I. 117. (excl. syn. M. superba ,

Roxb.) ; Dalz. and Gibs. PI. Bomb. 36 ; Thwaites Enum. PI. Ceyl.

59; Becld. FI Sylvat. t. 12; Brandis For. Flora 69. M. dubia, Hiern

(not of Cav.) in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 545; De Cand. Monog.

Phan. I. 453; Trimen Flora Ceylon Vol. 1. 243 (exc. Prom all the syn.

M. superba , Roxb.). M. robusta, Roxb. Hort. Beng. 33; FI. Ind. II, 397.

M. australasica , Adr. Juss. in Mem. Mus. XIX, 257. M. sethiopica and

M. Bombolo, Welw. Apontam. Phyto-Geogr. Prov. Angola, 584 and 561.

M. argentea , Herb. Ham. ex Wall. Cat. 1254 C.

Malacca: Maingay Xo. 317 (Kew Dist.), and probably in some of

the other provinces. Distrib. Brit. India, Ceylon, Australia, Angola.

This is a widely-spread species, and has received many names.

From the synonymy above quoted, I have excluded M. sup>erba Roxb.,

which I believe to be a distinct species, with which the tree named

M. Birmanica by Kurz (Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. 43, pt. 2, p. 183 ;

19

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula.

For. Flora Burm. I, 213) is probably identical. In Roxburgh’s original

descriptions of M. superba and M. robusta , he carefully states the differ¬

ences on which be depends for tlieir separation. These are as follow: —

M. robusta.

Leaves bi-pinnate, 12 to 18 in.

long.

Flowers small, white, inodorous.

Bracts solitary, filiform and often

very long.

Sepals ovate-oblong.

Staminal tube with the segments

of its mouth minute and filiform.

M. superba.

Leaves bi- tri-pinnate, 2 to 4 feet

long.

Flowers small, dull white, with an

offensive smell.

Bracts small, lanceolate, caducous.

Sepals ovate-lanceolate, incurved,

mealy.

Staminal tube 10-rib bed, hairy in¬

side, each of the ten teeth of the

mouth divided into 3 4 or 5 short

subulate segments.

Specimens of both trees were growing in the Calcutta Garden when

Roxburgh described them, the one having been received from Sunda,

the other from Malabar. Roxburgh, of whose sagacity and judgment

one has a thousand examples, considered them as quite distinct, and it

would take a great deal more evidence than has been produced to make

me believe that they are conspecific. The Malabar plant (M. robusta') is

clearly the same as the Ceylon species which has since been identified

with M. composita , Willd., Sp. Plantar. II 559. I cannot however agree

to the view, first put forward by Mr. Hiern, that M. composita Willd.

should be reduced to M. dubia , Cav. Cavanilles describes three species

of Melia , viz., M. azedarach , azedirachta , and dubia , and he gives figures

of the first two, but not of M. dubia. He describes flowers of the latter

as like those of M. Azadirachta in size, the staminal tube as 6-toothed

with a possibility of more teeth (“ an pluribus ? ”), and the stigma as

peltate. Now, as a matter of fact, the flowers of M. composita Willd. are

in size and other respects like those of M. Azidarach, and not like those of

M. Azadirachta. The mouth of the staminal tube is many- toothed, and

the stigma is ovoid, 5-toothed, and not peltate. Cavanilles’ description

points to a plant belonging to some other genus than Melia, whatever

the “ original specimen” named M. dubia in the Herbarium of the Uni¬

versity of Rostock may be ; and it is on that specimen which the reduc¬

tion of M. composita to M. dubia is based. (See Hiern in Hook. fil. FI. Br.

Ind. I, 545.) Ho authentic specimen of M. superba is, so far as I know,

in existence (the specimens issued by Wallich, under this name, being

really M. robusta, Roxb.). In my opinion M. superba Roxb., (the Sunda

i.e., Malayan) species, cannot on account of its staminal tube (densely

villous internally and with numerous minute teeth at the mouth) be in-

20 Gf. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula . [No. 1,

eluded, like M. robusta , Roxb., under M. composita, Willd. For the teeth

of the mouth of the staminal tube of the latter are at most bifid, while

its inner surface is nearly glabrous. The only specimens of Melia known

to me which fits Roxburgh’s description in these and other respects, were

collected in Burma by the late S. Kurz, and were described by him

under the name M. birmanica, (Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, 1874, ii. 183;

For. Flora Burmab, I, 213). And I know of no other specimens of M.

birmanica than those of Kurz’s collecting. Certainly Maingay’s No. 317

(Kew Distrib. ) is not the same, as I have determined by dissecting

flowers of both. M. composita , Willd., is not really very distinct from

the Japanese M. Toosedan , Sieb. and Zucc., which, in turn, is closely

allied to M. Azadirach. There are, by the way, in the Calcutta Herba¬

rium, specimens from the Kliasia Hills, Munipore, the plains of Assam

and also from Sumatra, which, as far as I see, cannot be distinguished

from Japanese specimens of M. Toosedan. If this identification be cor¬

rect, the geographical area of the latter species will have to be largely

extended.

M. Azadirachta, Linn., is not found in the Malayan Provinces even

planted. But M. Azadarach, Linn., is very common planted. It pre¬

sents several varieties, some of which have been elevated to the rank

of species.

Roxburgh describes a Penang plant which he names Melia tomen -

tosa. Of this no specimen is known now to exist. But he left an

excellent coloured drawing of it in the Calcutta Herbarium, which shows

it to be no Melia but a Ghisocheton. Jack describes (Malayan Miscel¬

lanies I, 12) a Penang species which he named Media excelsa. The only

specimens known of this are what Wallicli issued (under this name)

as No. 1253 b. of his catalogue. The only Wallichian specimens of this

which I have seen are without flowers : they have simple long pinnate

leaves, and their facies is not that of Melia but of some other genus.

2. Melia Azidarach, Linn. Sp. PI. ed. I., 384. A small tree ;

young branches rather slender, at first scurfy-puberulous, afterwards

dark-coloured and glabrous. Leaves 1 *5 to 2 feet long, bi-pinnate, gla¬

brous when adult ; pinnae about 3 pairs, the uppermost often 3-foliolate ;

pinnulse 5 to 7, opposite or sub-opposite, obliquely ovate or oblong-ovate,

acuminate, shortly petiolulate, 1*5 to 2 in. long, when young coarsely

serrate, when adult serrulate or sub-entire. Panicles shorter than the

leaves, shortly pedunculate, spreading, lax, few-flowered, at first stellate-

puberulous but ultimately glabrous. Flowers ‘35 in. long. Calyx-lobes

oblong-lanceolate, pubescent. Petals flat, oblanceolate-spathulate, puber-

ulous. Staminal tube lilac, expanding at the 30-toothed mouth, glabrous

1895.] Gr. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula.

21

outside, sparingly pubescent inside. Style clavate at the apex ; stigma

10-lobed. Drupe oblong, smooth yellowish, *6 or *7 in. long. Linn. Hort.

Cliff. 161 ; Cav. Diss. 7 t. 393, p. 207 ; Roxb. Hort. Beng. 33 ; FI.

Ind. ii. 395; Wight Ic. t. 160; Wall. Cat. 1250; DC. Prod, i, 621,

Boiss. FI. Orient, i. 954 ; W. & A. Prodr. i. 117 ; Adr. Juss. in

Mem. Mus. xix. t. 13, f. 4 ; Bot. Mag. t. 1066 ; Bedd. FI. Sylvat.

t. 13 ; Brandis For. Flor. 68 ; Miq. FI. Ind. Bat. I, Pt. 2, p. 533 ; Ann.

Mus. Lugd. Bat. V. 5 ; Kurz For. Flora Burmah. I, 212 ; Hiern in

Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 544 ; C. DC. Monog. Phan. I, 451. M. sem-

pervirens , Sw. Prodr. 67 ; Bot. Beg. t. 643 ; Boxb. Hort. Beng. 33 ; FI.

Ind. ii. 395 ; Wall. Gat. 1252 ; Dalz. fy Gibs. Bomb. FI. Suppl. 15.

M. Buhaytm, Boyle III . Bot. 144 ; Griff. Itin. Notes 355, 403.

Planted in most of the Provinces, and in all the warmer parts of

both the Old and New Worlds.

2. Sanodricum, Cav.

Trees with trifoliolate, coriaceous, entire leaflets, the lateral with a

short, the terminal with a long petiolule. Flowers pentamerous with

imbricate aestivation, in axillary panicles. Calyx cup-shaped, its tube

adnate to the base of the ovary, its lobes short. Petals free, oblong,

obtuse. Staminal tube cylindric, nearly as long as the petals, the

mouth 10-toothed. Anthers 10 or 8, included. Dish tubular, embracing

the ovary and base of the style. Ovary immersed in the calyx- tube,

narrowed upwards into the columnar style, 5-celled, each cell with

2 collateral pendulous ovules. Style clavate at the apex. Stigmas 5,

erect, sub -cylindric, fleshy, each surrounded at the base by a fleshy ring.

Berry superior, sub-globular, fleshy, indehiscent, 3’5-celled, and with as

many arillate seeds ; the aril papery outside, pulpy inside. Distrib :

About seven species — all Indo-Malayan.

Stigmas united, radiating, their apices re¬

curved

Stigmas distinct, erect, sub-cylindric.

Staminal tube cylindric, ventricose in

the upper half

Staminal tube cylindric, not ventricose.

Leaflets emarginate ...

Leaflets more or less acuminate ...

1. Sandoricum radiatum, King, n. sp. A tree 40 to 80 feet high.

Leaves 6 to 12 in. long ; leaflets sub-coriaceous, broadly ovate, sub¬

oblique, acute or shortly acuminate, the base slightly cuneate ; upper

surface glabrescent or glabrous, the lower pubescent on the midrib and

8 to 10 pairs of spreading sub-promineut nerves; length 3 to 6 in.,

1. S. radiatum.

2. S. Maingayi.

3.

4.

S.

emarginatum.

indieum.

22 Gr. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula . [No. 1,

breadth 1- 75 to 4 in.; petiolules *2 to *5 in., the terminal one P5 to 2’5

in. Panicles with few short branches, slender, 3 to 5 in. long, few-

flowered, lax. Flowers *25 in. long ; the pedicels about as long, slender,

pubernlous. Calyx cupular, less than half as long as the petals, with

5 shallow broad sub-acute teeth, puberulous. Petals narrowly elliptic,

longer than the staminal tube. Staminal tube cylindric, not ventricose,

ridged, glabrous, its mouth with ten subulately bifid teeth : anthers

ovate with broad bases, included. Ovary cylindric, tapering into the

short style ; stigmas radiating, their apices recurved. Fruit unknown.

Perak: Wray No. 3345 ; King’s Collector No. 6001. Singapore:

Ridley No. 4822.

This differs from the other three species in its stigmas which unite

to form a radiate discoid mass, the edges being recurved ; while the other

three species have erect slender un-united stigmas.

2. Sandoricum Maingayi, Hiern in Hook. fll. FI. Br. Ind. I, 554.

A tree. Leaves 6 to 8 in. long : leaflets elliptic, sub-glabrous, sub-acu¬

minate, the base obtuse or sub-acute ; main nerves 6 to 8 pairs, de¬

pressed on the upper, prominent on the lower surface, spreading ; length

2 to 5 in., breadth 1 '5 to 3 in. ; petiolules *35 in., the terminal one 1*25

to 175 in. Panicles shorter than the leaves, lax, puberulous. Floivers

*35 to '45 in. long, their pedicels of about the same length; bracteoles

minute, subulate. Calyx fleshy, obscurely toothed, minutely pilose.

Petals three times as long as the calyx, fleshy, elliptic, blunt, glabrous.

Staminal-tube cylindrical, ventricose in the upper half, ridged; the mouth

with 10 bifid teeth. Stigmas erect, rather long. Fruit unknown.

C. DeCand. Mem. Phan. I, 462.

Malacca ; Maingay (Kew Distrib. No. 328).

I have seen only Maingay’s Malacca specimens. They resemble

S. borneense, Miq ., of which I have seen the type specimen ; but that

species has narrower and longer leaflets with more numerous lateral

nerves ; it has also smaller flowers.

Mr. Hiern describes this as a tree, M. C. DeCandolle as a shrub.

3. Sandoricum emarginatum, Hiern in Hook. fll. FI. Br. Ind. I, 553.

A tree. Leaves 5 to 7 in. long ; leaflets obovate to elliptic, the apex

emarginate and usually mucronate, slightly narrowed to the oblique

base ; main nerves 5 to 6 pairs, spreading, slightly prominent ; length

2 to 35 in., breadth 1*25 to 2 in., petiolules *35 to ’5 in., the terminal

one 1 to P25 in. Panicles short, dense; flowers '2 in. long, shortly pedi¬

cellate. Calyx cup-shaped, slightly accrescent. Staminal-tube with

8 or 10 sub-glabrous emarginate teeth. Fruit (immature) sub-globular

or obovoid, densely and minutely tomentose. C. DeCand. Mem. Phan. I,

461. S. Beccarianum , Baill. in Adansonia, 264.

Malacca: Maingay (KewT Distrib. No. 331).

23

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula.

I have seen only Maingay’s imperfect specimens of this. The above

description is copied chiefly from Hiern.

4. Sandoricum indicum, Cav. Diss. VII, p. 359, tt., 202, 203.

A tree 30 to 40 feet high. Leaves 9 to 18 in. long; leaflets broadly

ovate to ovate-rotund, shortly and abruptly acuminate, the base rounded

or sub-cuneate, slightly unequal ; main nerves 8 to 12 pairs, spread¬

ing, impressed on the upper, prominent on the lower surface when dry ;

upper surface glabrous, lower pubescent or puberulous, becoming

glabrescent when old; length 4 to 8 in., breadth 2 to 4-75 in.; lateral

petiolules 3 to 4 in., terminal 2 to 3 in. Panicles several, scattered

near the apices of the branches, only a few inches long, few-flowered,

minutely rusty-tomentose. Flowers ‘4 or *5 in. long ; pedicels ’25 in.,

pubescent. Calyx minutely tomentose. Petals linear-elliptic, obtuse,

fleshy, glabrous. Staminal tube narrow, fleshy, striate, glabrescent out¬

side and puberulous inside. Fruit sub-globose, obtusely 5-angled at

least when young, densely but minutely pubescent, T5 to 2 in. in diam.,

filled with a yellowish acid edible pulp ; arillus with many spongy

woody fibres; seed brown, glossy. W. & A. Prodr. i. 120 ; Blume Bijdr.

I. 163 ; Adr. Jus. in Mem. Mus. xix. t. 16, f. 15 ; Hassk. Retzia, i. 146 ;

Roxb. Cor. PI. iii. 58, t. 261 ; PI. Ind. ii. 392; Wall. Cat. 1249; Kurz

For. FI. Burma, I, 217 ; Heirn in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 553 ; De

Cand. Mon. Phan. I, 461 ; Miq. FI. Ind. Bot. I Ft. 2., p. 541. Sandoricum

nervosum , Blume Bijdr. I., 165 ; Miq. in Ann. Mus. Lugd. Bat. IV, 30.

S. ternatum , Blanco FI. Filijp. ed. i. 346. S. glaberrimum, Hassk.

Retzia , i. 145. Trichilia nervosa , Vahl Synib. i. 31. Melia Koetjape ,

Burm. FI. Ind. 101. T. venosa, Spreng. Syst. iii. 68.

In all the Provinces except the Nicobar Islands. Distrib. Siam ;

the Malayan Archipelago, Burma.

The fruit of this is edible, and on that account the species is occa¬

sionally cultivated.

3. Megaphylljia, Hemsl.

A tree. Leaves large, pinnate ; leaflets opposite, slightly oblique.

Panicles extra-axillary, narrow and raceme-like, shorter than the leaves.

Flowers more than 1 in. across when expanded Calyx cupular, fleshy,

sub persistent, annulate and thickened below the middle; its tube

adnate to the base of the ovary, its mouth irregularly 3 to 5-lobed.

Petals 10, narrowly elliptic, thickly coriaceous, in two rows, free, imbri¬

cate. Staminal-tube cylindric, its mouth obscurely crenulate ; anthers

10, included. Disk cushion-shaped, many-lobed. Ovary seated on the

disk, depressed, 7- to 9-celled ; style thick, stigma capitate, ovules one

from the central angle of each cell. Capsule large, sub-spherical, 7- to

24 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

9-lobed, 7- to 9-celled, the pericarp very thick. Seeds exalbuminouS)

compressed, exarillate, glabrous, with large hilum and conferruminate

cotyledons.

Distrib. A single Malayan species.

Megaphyll^ea Perakensis, Hemsl. in Hook. Ic. Plant, t. 1708. A

tree 20 to 40 feet high. Leaves when adult 6 or 7 feet long ( fide Hem-

sley), glabrous, the petiole and rachis compressed; leaflets oblong, sub-

coriaceous, sub-acute; the base oblique, sub-truncate or cuneate ; the

larger 12 to 15 in. long, 3 to 4 in. broad; petiolules *35 to '75 in.;

main nerves 10 to 12 pairs, spreading, curving, slightly prominent be¬

neath. Panicles 16 to 20 in. long ; the lateral branches short, racemose,

few-flowered; the main rachis 4-angled, compressed. Flower-buds

clavate, narrowed into a pseudo-stalk as long as the pedicel proper.

Flowers 1 in. long, and about P25 in. in diam. when expanded, their

pedicels '35 in. long. Calyx shortly cylindric, with a thick lobulated

ring outside near the thickened base, puberulous outside. Staminal-tube

shorter than the petals, pubescent inside below the insertion of the

anthers, otherwise glabrous. Anthers elliptic. Ovary and lower half

of style minutely tomentose. Fruit globular-pyriform, densely but mi¬

nutely tomentose, about 3 in. in diam. ; the pericarp 1 in. thick. Seeds

1 in. long.

Perak; at elevations of 3,000 to 4,000 feet, Scortecliini, Wray, Curtis,

King’s Collector.

This genus was placed by its author provisionally next to Chisoche-

ton to which it is no doubt closely allied, the points in which it chiefly

differs from that genus being its two-ranked petals and 7- to 9-celled

ovary. I give the length of the leaves as 6 to 7 feet on ihe authority

of Mr. Hemsl ey who, in his figure, shows the leaflets as very numerous.

None of the Herbarium specimens which I have seen enable me to esti¬

mate either the length of the former or the number of the latter.

4. Chisocheton, Blume. ( Schizochiton .)

Trees or shrubs. Leaves equally pinnate ; leaflets entire, opposite

or sub-opposite, more or less oblique. Flowers polygamo-dioecious, in

extra-axillary, rarely axillary, divaricately-branched panicles and nume¬

rous ; or in spike-like racemes or cymes and few. Calyx small, cup-shaped

or cylindric, entire or 4 -5-toothed. Petals 4-5 or more, usually

linear-elongate or cylindric, at first cohering in a tube- especially

below, at length spreading, somewhat imbricated or valvate. Sta-

minal tube elongate, slender, tubular, 4 to 12-lobed at the apex, lobes

entire or toothed ; anthers linear, equal in number to and alternate

with the lobes, included or somewhat exserted. Lisk short and fleshy,

25

1895.] Gf. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula.

or tubular. Ovary short, 2- 4-celled ; style filiform, usually exceeding

the staminal tube; stigma capitate or cylindric, usually with a ring at

its base ; ovules usually one in each cell. Capsule sub-globose, often

beaked, thickly coriaceous, 2- 4-celled. Seeds often enclosed in an

imperfect aril ; cotyledons usually peltate. — Distrib. An Indo-Malayan

genus of about 22 species.

Inflorescence only a few inches long , much shorter

than the leaves , spike-like , few -flowered ; fruit

beaked.

Flowers ’5 in. long, narrowly cylindrical

in bud ... ... ... 1-0. spicatus.

Flowers *9 in. long, widely cylindrical in

bud ... ... ... 2. 0. pauciflorus.

Inflorescence extra-axillary , spike-like , a foot long

or upwards , including the peduncle.

Flowers confined to the terminal two

inches of the inflorescence, the pedun¬

cles very much longer ; flowers '5 or *6

in. long, 4-merous, cylind.ic in bud;

fruit beaked ... ... ... 3. 0. Kunstleri.

Flowers on short lateral branches scattered

along the rachis of the inflorescence.

Flowers 75 to *1 in. long, 4- or 5-

merous, clavate in bud; fruit beaked

Flowers 1*25 to 1*5 in. long, cylin¬

dric in bud ; petals 7 to 9 ; fruit

not beaked

Flowers on distant lateral glomeruli 1*25

to 1‘5 in. long; petals 5; fruit sub-

globular, not beaked

Inflorescence extra-axillary , paniculate.

Young shoots, under surfaces of leaves,

petioles, and inflorescence pubescent or

tomentose.

Panicles as long as the leaves ; flowers

•25 in. long ; petals 4, anthers much

exserted from staminal tube

Panicles about half as long as the

leaves; flowers "45 in. long; anthers

included in staminal tube

Rachises of leaves and both surfaces of

leaflets minutely pubescent ; panicles

J. ii 4

4. G. penduliflorus .

5. C. rubiginosus.

6. C. princeps.

7. C. glomeratus.

8. C. erythrocarpus.

26 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

puberulous ; flowers '5 to '6 in. long,

their buds very clavate ; calyx with an

annulus below its teeth ... ... 9. G. annulatus.

Rachises of leaves sub-glabrous ; midrib

and nerves of leaflets minutely pubescent

on the lower surface when young ; flow¬

ers -5 to '6 in. long, cylindric in bud;

catyx not annulate ... ... 10. 0. macrophyllus.

Leaves everywhere glabrous.

Petals 5 ; leaflets 2 to 4 pairs ;

panicles longer than the leaves, much

branched; flowers *5 in long; sta-

minal tube truncate with about .14

broad shallow teeth ... ... 1 1. G. macrothyrsus .

Petals 4.

Mouth of staminal tube almost

entire, slightly waved ; flowers

’4 or *5 in. long ... ... 12. G. laxijlorus.

Mouth of staminal tube with 6

long lanceolate teeth.

Flowers greenish- white, foe¬

tid ; fruit pyriform, gla¬

brous, deep red in colour... 13. G. patens.

Flowers yellow, fragrant ;

frnit turbinate-globular,

yellow when ripe ... 14. G. divergens.

1. Chisocheton spicatus, Hiern in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 550. A

tree about 30 feet high ; young shoots and inflorescence deciduously

tawny -tomentose. Leaves 8 to 12 in. long, equally pinnate ; leaflets

2 or 3 pairs, opposite, membranous, oblong-lanceolate to elliptic or

ovate, shortly and bluntly acuminate, the base cuneate, slightly obli¬

que ; upper surface quite glabrous, the lower with the nerves and

midrib puberulous ; main nerves 4 to 6 pairs, curving ; length 2’5 to 5

in., breadth 1*35 to 2 in., petiolules *25 to 35 in. Panicles spike-like,

axillary, 2 to 3 in. long, angled, adpressed-pubescent, few-flowered.

Flowers *5 in. long, their pedicels about ‘1 in. , pubescent. Galyx deeply

cup-shaped, tomentose, the mouth truncate sub-entire or irregularly

toothed. Petals 5 (sometimes 4 ?) much larger than the calyx, narrowly

elliptic, united by their edges, and densely and minutely adpressed rusty -

tomentose outside, glabrous inside. Staminal tube nearly as long as

the petals, narrowly cylindric, densely adpressed-pubescent outside,

the mouth with 5 broad teeth. Stamens 5, elongate, narrow, inserted

27

2895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula.

below the month, included. Ovary narrowly elliptic ; the style long,

cylindric ; sligma capitate with a large central mamilla. Fruit transver¬

sely oblong, tapering to each end, the upper end compressed, acute, the

lower terete, minutely rusty-tomentose ; seeds two, sub-compressed, ‘5

in. in diam., length (including the tapering ends) nearly 2 in., breadth

*75 in. C. DeCand. Mon. Phan. I, 535.

Malacca: Maingay (Kew Distrib.) No 363. Perak: Scortechini.

Distrib : Sumatra, Borneo.

The fruit of this is very peculiar, being in shape something like a

spear-head. The central part, in which the two seeds are contained,

is trans versely-oblong and thick ; above this is a long compressed coni¬

cal prolongation filled with a little pulp, while at the base the fruit is

gradually narrowed into a stalk. The sparsely-flowered spike-like in¬

florescence is also peculiar in the genus.

2. Chisocheton pauciflorus, King, n. sp. A shrub or small tree;

young shoots slender, puberulous, the bark dark when dry. Leaves

5 to 15 in. long, equally pinnate ; leaflets thinly coriaceous, 2 rarely

3 pairs, oblanceolate or oblong-lanceolate, sometimes ovate or elliptic,

shortly and rather abruptly acuminate, the base cuneate ; the upper

surface glabrous, shining; the lower dull, glabrescent, reticulate, puberu¬

lous on the midrib and nerves ; main nerves 5 or 6 pairs, ascending,

curving, slightly prominent beneath ; length 2'5 to 9 in., breadth 1 to

4 in., petiolules T to '2 in. Panicles or racemes from 1 to 3*5 in. long,

extra-axillary, puberulous, 2- to 6-flowered. Flowers about '9 in., long ;

their pedicels '25 to '5 in., puberulous. Calyx fleshy, tubular, the mouth

entire and truncate or with 4 or 5 shallow teeth, tomentose, about *25

in. long. Petals 4 or usually 6, free, about '8 in. long, fleshy, spathu-

late-elliptic or elliptic, blunt, minutely tomentose outside, glabrous in¬

side. S 'taminal tube nearly as long as the petals, sub-glabrous, obscure¬

ly toothed at the mouth ; the anthers from 4 to 8 or 10, varying with

the number of petals, small, elliptic, included. Disc small, flat, tomen¬

tose. Ovary conical, tapering into the long cylindric style, sometimes

narrowly cylindric (probably abortive). Stigma cylindric, obscurely 4-

lobed at the apex. Fruit (unripe), elliptic, with a stout acute apical

beak, tapered at the base, everywhere tomentose, the calyx persistent

and slightly accrescent.

Perak: Scortechini; Wray, No. 2681; King’s Collector, Nos. 3128,

3313, 3396, 3467 and 4455.

This species resembles G. spicatus , Hiern, in leaves ; but has much

larger flowers. Its fruit is as yet unknown. This also resembles G. di-

versifolius, Miq., in leaves, but has larger flowers.

3. Chisooheton Kunstleri, King, n. sp. A shrub 6 to 20 feet

28 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsulay [No. 1,

high. Leaves 12 to 18 in. long, their petioles and rachises rusty-

tomentose ; leaflets 3 to 5 pairs, oblong-oblanceolate or lanceolate,

cuspidate, slightly narrowed to the cuneate base. Upper surface

glabrous except the tomentose midrib ; under surface rusty-tomen-

tose, the 16 to 18 pairs of spreading curving main nerves

prominent. Spikes supra-axillary, solitary, on very long peduncles,

rusty-tomentose ; peduncles 6 to 12 in., the flowering part about 2 in.

Flowers *5 to ’6 in. long, crowded, subsessile, minutely bracteolate.

Calyx cylindric, about ‘1 in. long, densely tomentose, the mouth with

4 minute teeth. Petals 4, oblong, concave at the apex, yellowish, seri¬

ceous outside, glabrous inside. Staminal tube shorter than the petals

and coherent with them below, glabrous, with a few scattered coarse

hairs near the middle outside, the mouth with 4 broad emarginate

or erose teeth ; anthers 4, elliptic, included. Ovary ovoid, sericeous ;

style cylindric with a few scattered hairs, stigma cylindric with a

thin annulus at its base. Fruit sub-globular, tomentose, with a long

thick apical beak, *75 in. in diam., the beak ‘5 in. long.

Perak : King’s Collector, Nos. 4502, 7783, Scortechini.

4. Ceisocheton penduliflorus, Planch, ex Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind.

I, 550. A shrub or small tree; young branches tawny-tomentose. Leaves

15 to 24 in. long, their rachises tawny-tomentose : leaflets 5 pairs, oppo¬

site, with occasionally a terminal odd one, elliptic to ovate, the upper

occasionally sub-obovate, all shortly acuminate ; rounded at the base,

or narrowed from above the middle to the sub-acute minutely cordate

sub-oblique base ; main nerves 15 to 18 pairs, spreading, rather pro¬

minent beneath ; upper surface glabrescent, the midrib and nerves

pubescent ; the lower reticulate, sparsely pubescent, the midrib tomen¬

tose : length 3 to 9 in., breadth 1*5 to 3 in., petiolules less than *1 in.,

tomentose. Panicles about as long as the leaves, supra-axillary, on

long drooping tomentose slender peduncles ; the lateral branches few,

short, densely flowered. Flowers *75 to nearly 1 in. long, on very short

pedicels, dull red, 4- or 5- merous, clavate in bud, the lower part very

slender especially in the barren flowers. Calyx short, tubular, the

mouth entire or 4- or 5- toothed, coarsely pubescent. Petals 5, linear-

spathulate, concave and thickened towards the apex, longer than, and

in their lower part coherent with, the staminal tube, pubescent in the

middle and glabrous on the edges outside. Staminal tube narrow, with

a few coarse adpressed hairs near the apex outside, the mouth rather

deeply 3- to 6- toothed, the teeth emarginate or erose. Anthers 3 to 5,

narrow, elongate, sessile, included or slightly exserted. Ovary sub-

ovoid, short, sub-glabrous. Style long, slender, adpressed-pubescent

below, glabrous above. Stigma discoid, thick, surrounded at the base

29

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula.

by an annular band. Fruit (unripe) ovate, tomentose, on a very short

thick stalk, *75 in. diam. ; the apex with a curved thick blunt beak.

C. De Cand. Mon. Phan. I, 536. Melia penduliflora, Wall. Cat. No. 1255.

Penang; Porter, Curtis. Malacca: Maingay (Kew Distrib.) No.

325. Perak ; Scortecliini, Wray, King’s Collector.

In this species the flowers are of two kinds. One set, which are

longer than the other, are very conspicuously clavate, the lower part

being filiform ; in these the ovary is small and infertile and the stamens

are included. The other set have shorter thicker less clavate flowers,

fertile ovaries, and exserted stamens.

5. Chisocheton rubiginosus, King n. sp. A tree 20 to 30 feet

high. Leaves 2 to 3 feet long, the petiole and rachises tawny-tomentose,

sub-compressed. Leaflets 4 to 8 pairs, coriaceous, sub-opposite, elliptic

to oblong, very shortly acuminate, slightly narrowed to the rounded mi¬

nutely sub-cordate base : upper surface glabrous, except the tomentose

midrib and main nerves, sub-reticulate ; the lower reticulate, rusty-pubes¬

cent; main nerves 12 to 18 pairs, spreading, rather straight, prominent

beneath ; length 5 to 12 in., breadth 25 to 4 in., petiolules about *1 in.

Panicles spike-like, supra-axillary, about half as long as the leaves, on

long peduncles, the branches very short and crowded near the apex, brac-

teolate. Flowers rather crowded, 1*25 to 1*5 in. long, on very short

pubescent pedicels. Calyx cylindric, cup-like ; the mouth truncate, entire

or with 8 or 10 shallow irregular teeth; tomentose outside, glabrous inside.

Petals usually 7 sometimes 8 or 9, linear, sub-spathulate, slightly concave

and thickened at the apex, 1 to 1*25 in. long, tomentose externally,

glabrous internally. Staminal tube shorter than the petals and free from

them, narrowly cylindric and glabrous below, slightly expanded and

pubescent at the mouth; mouth with 10 to 15 linear erect teeth : anthers

from 10 to 15, elongate, alternating with the teeth and of about the

same length. Ovary ovoid, sericeous like the cylindric style ; stigma

cylindric. Fruit (unripe) ovoid, rugose, densely rusty-tomentose, 1'5 in.

long.

Perak : Scortecliini, Wray, King’s Collector.

This species is allied to C. princeps , Hemsl., but has a different

inflorescence and smaller leaves. I think it possible that this may be

Melia tomentosa Roxb., a species from Penang, of which there is no speci¬

men extant, but of which there is a drawing (reduced in size) in the

Calcutta Herbarium. The only serious discrepancy is that Roxburgh

describes and figures only five petals ; whereas in all the Perak specimens

which I have examined there are at least 7, and in many 8, or 9, and in

one even 10 petals.

6. Chisocheton princeps, Hemsley in Hook. Ic. Plant, t. 1844.

30

G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1;

An unbranched tree 10 feet high. Leaves 9 to 10 feet long ; the rachises

somewhat compressed, puberulous. Leaflets coriaceous, opposite, oblong,

acute, the base rounded and slightly oblique : upper surface rugulose,

shining, glabrous except the tomentose midrib and main nerves ; lower

surface reticulate-areolate tawny-pubescent ; main nerves 15 to 30 pairs,

spreading and little curved ; length 9 to 18 in., breadth 25 to 4*5 in. ;

petiolule *3 in., stout. Panicles spike-like, 3 feet or more in length ;

the branches distant, sub-sessile, glomeriform, each crowded with 20 to

30 elongate obovate shortly pedicellate flowers 1'25 to 1'5 in. long.

Calyx 1 2 in. long, about one-seventh of the length of the petals, cupular,

entire or with 3 or 4 rudimentary teeth, truncate, puberulous. Petals 5,

linear-spathulate, concave at the apex, adpressed-sericeous outside, gla¬

brous inside. Staminal-tube slightly adherent to and shorter than the

petals, cylindric, slightly wider at the minutely 10-toothed mouth ; vil¬

lous in the lower half inside, otherwise glabrous ; anthers 10, short,

linear, sub-included. Ovary small, cylindric, 5-grooved, surround¬

ed by a small annular disc. Style cylindric, sparsely pubescent, slightly

longer than the staminal-tube, cylindric. Fruit sub-globular, the apex

depressed, the sides vertically grooved, rusty-tomentose, 2-5 in. in

diam. Seeds 3 to 5, 1*75 in. long.

Penang : Curtis No. 1519,

A remarkable species with very long pendulous leaves.

7. Chisocheton glomeratus, Hiern in Hook. fil. PI. Bl. Ind. I, 551.

A tree 40 to 70 feet high ; young shoots deciduously tomentose, the

bark dark when dry. Leaves 12 to 18 in., the petiole and rachises pube¬

scent ; leaflets 2 or 3, rarely 4 pairs, thinly coriaceous, opposite, elliptic

to elliptic-oblong, very shortly acuminate, the base rounded, unequal-

sided ; main nerves 9 to 11 pairs, spreading, prominent beneath; upper sur¬

face minutely punctate when dry, glabrous except the pubescent nerves

and tomentose midrib ; lower surface softly pubescent, the midrib and

nerves tomentose ; length 4 to 6'5 in., breadth P8 to 2 5 , petiolule ‘1 to

•15 in. Panicles solitary, drooping, supra-axillary, as long as the leaves ;

the lateral branches rather numerous, horizontal, pedunculate, each bear¬

ing several dense many-flowered small cymes, everywhere tomentose.

Flowers "25 in. long, sub-sessile, minutely bracteolate. Calyx short, tu¬

bular, puberulous outside, sub-entire or irregularly toothed, much shorter

than the corolla. Petals 4, erect, elliptic, slightly concave, glabrescent.

Staminal-tube mncli shorter than the petals and coherent with them,

rather wide, glabrescent, the mouth with 6 to 8 long linear teeth. Anthers

linear, elongate, much exserted. Ovary ovoid, tapering into the cylindric

style, and like it tomentose. Stigma cylindric, rather long, glabrous.

Fruit (immature) sub-globular, on thick slightly curved pedicels,

31

1895.] Gr. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula.

not apicnlate, but tapering at the base into a short psendo-stalk, rusty-

tomentose, 1 in. in diam., seeds two. C. De Cand. in Mon. Phan.

I, 532. Schizocliiton ? Wall. Cat 9040.

Penang, Porter. Perak : King’s Collector, Nos. 8462, 10227, 10624.

I am not satisfied that two closely allied species are not united

under the above, as there is some difference in the number of main

nerves in the leaflets, those in the specimens of King’s Collector, No. 8462,

being rather less numerous than in the other gatherings.

8. Chisocheton erythrocarpus, Hiern in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind.

I, 550. A tree; young branches rather stout, densely and minutely rusty-

tomentose. Leaves equally pinnate, 12 to 15 in. long ; leaflets 4 to 6

pairs, opposite, coriaceous, elliptic-oblong to broadly ovate, shortly

abruptly and bluntly acuminate, cuneate or rounded at the slightly

oblique base ; upper surface glabrous except the puberulous midrib ;

lower softly and shortly rusty-pubescent ; main nerves 6 or 7 pairs, as¬

cending, curving ; length 2-5 to 5’5 in., breadth 1*35 to 2 in., petiolules

2 in. Panicles clustered towards the ends of the branches, extra-

axillary, about half as long as the leaves, minutely rusty-tomentose ;

their lateral branches short, horizontal, cymose. Flowers *45 in. long,

their pedicels shorter. Calyx cylindric, the mouth truncate, sometimes

minutely toothed, densely tomentose. Petals 6, longer than the calyx,

fleshy, narrowly elliptic, blunt, adpressed-sericeous outside, glabrous

inside. Staminal-tube shorter than the petals and pistil, outside serice¬

ous below and glabrous above, inside villous, with 5 or 6 rather deep

blunt emarginate teeth ; anthers 5 or 6, included, elongate. Ovary

narrow, pubescent ; style tapering ; stigma cylindric, with glabrous cen¬

tral mammilla. Fi'uit sub-globose, nearly 2 in. in diam., minutely

tomentose, blood-red (fide Maingay) when ripe. Seeds ex-arillate,

flattened, 1 in. long, the testa thick, orange-red. C. De Cand. in Mon.

Phan. I, 584.

Malacca: Mningay (Kew Distrib. ) No. 322.

9. Chisocheton annhlatus, King n. sp. A tree ; leaves 18 to 30

in. long, the petioles and rachises 4-angled, pubescent ; leaflets 4 to 7

pairs, membraneous, oblong or elliptic-oblong, shortly and abruptly acu¬

minate, the base cuneate, both surfaces with very minute pubescence ;

main nerves 12 to 14 pairs, oblique, rather prominent beneath ; length

about 9 in., breadth 3 to 3 5 in., petiolules *25 in. Panicles solitary, supra-

axillary, puberulous, about as long as the leaves, with scanty spike-like

few-flowered branches which become shorter upwards. Flower-buds clav-

ate, '5 to '6 in. long, contracted into a pseudo-stalk at the base, their true

pedicels ‘25 in. long. Calyx campanulate, rusty-tomentose outside,

completely enveloping the petals in bud, with a thickened wavy band

32 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

about its middle, and 4 broad convenient triangular teeth. Petals 6 or

more, the outer three sericeous outside and glabrous inside, the inner

quite glabrous ; all broadly elliptic, free from the staminal-tabe. Stami-

nal-tube shorter than the petals, cylindric, glabrescent, the mouth with

shallow broad erose teeth. Stamens 12, attached at the very base of

the tube ; anthers linear-elongate. Ovary conic, apparently 5-celled ;

style cylindric, pubescent ; stigma discoid, concave.

Perak ; Scortechini No. 7000, Curtis No. 2693.

In its leaves, and also to some extent in its inflorescence, this agrees

with the type specimen of 0. spectabile, Miq., collected by Korthals in

Borneo, and now in the Herbarium at Leiden. That specimen is in bud

only, and neither Scortechini’s nor Curtis’s specimens have fully

expanded flowers. The buds both of this and of C. spectabile are of

the same clavate shape. Miquel does not describe the flowers of G. spect¬

abile , and the buds in Korthal’s type specimen are so young and

so few, that I did not dare to dissect one of them. The buds on

Scortechini’s scanty specimens of this are also too young for accu¬

rate examination. But an examination of one of Mr. Curtis’s dis¬

closes the structure above described. The flowers are remarkable

because of the waved thickened band which runs round the exterior of

the calyx just below the teeth. The ovary, moreover, of this appears

to have 5 cells, whereas the species of the genus Ghisochetcn have only

2 or 4. This character together with the lengthening of the base of

the flower into a pseudo-stalk and the annular thickening of the base of

the calyx, approximate this species to the genus Megaphyllea. In the

meantime I put it into Ghisocheton. Good flowering specimens of this

singular plant are much to be desired.

10. Chisocheton macrophyllus, King, n. sp. A tree 60 feet high.

Leaves 5 or 6 feet long, the petiole and rachis obliquely 4-angled, sub-

glabrous ; leaflets membranous, opposite, oblong, the apex with a short

blunt acumen ; the base broad, rounded, unequal-sided : upper surface

quite glabrous, the lower paler, minutely pubescent on the midrib and

nerves when young ; main nerves 18 to 20 pairs, spreading, rather pro¬

minent beneath when dry ; length 5 to 13 in., breadth 35 to 4 in., petio-

lules ’3 in. Panicles 2 to 3 feet long, narrow, puberulous ; the branches

rather distant, from 3 to 3'5 in. long, the ultimate branchlets cymulose,

many-flowered. Flowers *5 or *6 in. long, narrow, on pubescent pedi¬

cels less than '1 in. long. Calyx cupular, pubescent, about *05 deep,

its mouth obscurely 4-toothed or entire. Petals 4, many times longer

than the calyx, linear with spathulate concave apices, puberulous on

the outer, glabrous on the inner surface. Staminal-tube slightly shor¬

ter than the petals, adherent to them for half its length, outside glabres-

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 33

cent below but hairy near the month ; inside villous ; mouth wider than

the tube with 8 rather deep linear 2- to 3- toothed lobes ; anthers oblong,

slightly exserted. Ovary broadly ovoid, sericeous like the slightly com¬

pressed style ; stigma small, cylindric, with the upper surface lobed. Fruit

sub-globular, narrowed at the base, 3 in. in diam., the pericarp leathery

thick and fleshy ; pedicel very stout, swollen, 1 in. long.

Penang: Curtis No. 2469. Perak: Curtis No. 2327. Singapore:

Ridley No. 4767.

11. Chisocheton macrothyrsus, King, n. sp. A tree 20 to 40 feet

high. Leaves about 2 feet long, the petiole terete, the rachis 4-angled,

glabrous ; leaflets 2 to 4 pairs, thinly coriaceous, elliptic-oblong, mi¬

nutely acuminate, the base cuneate, both surfaces glabrous ; main nerves

10 to 14 pairs, prominent beneath ; length 3‘5 to 9 in., breadth 1’5 to

35 in., petiolules ‘25 to ‘5 in. Panicles longer than the leaves, angled,

glabrous ; the branches distant, the lower again branched, the ultimate

branchlets everywhere cymose. Flowers ‘5 in. long, on very short pubes¬

cent pedicels. Calyx tubular, about '1 in. long, truncate or waved,

pubescent. Petals 5, five times as long as the calyx, elliptic, thickened

and concave at the apex, minutely tomentose outside, glaberulous inside.

Staminal tube shorter than and free from the petals, its apex truncate,

with about 14 broad shallow teeth, sericeous on both surfaces except to¬

wards the apex ; anthers 7 or 8, rather small, included, attached some way

below the mouth. Ovary ovoid-conic, sericeous like the tapering style ;

stigma cylindric, glabrous, with a flat ring at its base. Fruit depressed-

globular, sub-rugose and with several vertical ridges, minutely tomen¬

tose, 1‘5 in. in diam.

Perak: Scortechini, Wray, King’s Collector.

I have seen only a single specimen in which the fruit approaches

maturity. The majority of the fruiting specimens are in a young stage,

and the young fruits are deeply rugose and furrowed and have a small

apical beak. None of the specimens I ha\e seen have their leaves

intact, and it is possible they may have more leaflets than I have des¬

cribed above.

12. Chisocheton laxiflorus, King, n. sp. A tree 20 to 40 feet high.

Leaves 1 to 2 feet long, glabrous ; leaflets 4 or 5 pairs, opposite, thinly

coriaceous, elliptic to elliptic-oblong, cuspidate, slightly narrowed at the

base, both surfaces minutely reticulate ; main nerves 10 to 15 pairs,

curved, ascending, depressed above and prominent beneath when dry ;

length 5 to 9 in., breadth 1‘75 to 3 in., petiolules *2 in. Panicles soli¬

tary, extra-axillary, slender, with a few primary branches ; the secon¬

dary branches short, few-flowered, the flowers usually in distant pairs,

sessile, ‘4 or *5 in. long. Calyx puberulous outside, less than *1 in. long,

J. ii. 5

34

G. King — Materials for a Flora o f the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

shortly cylindric, mouth entire or sometimes obscurely crenate, truncate.

Petals 4, many times longer than the calyx, linear, obtuse, slightly con¬

cave at the apex, puberulous outside, glabrous inside. Staminal tube

nearly as long as the petals and free from them, villous outside, glabrous

inside, the mouth slightly waved. Anthers 5, elliptic, included. Ovary

small (in the male flowers), sericeous. Style longer than the staminal

tube, sericeous at the base, otherwise glabrous, stigma cylindric. Ovary

of female flower not seen. Fruit depressed-globose, tapering into a

short pseudo-stalk, minutely tomentose, 1*5 in. in diam., crimson when

ripe.

Perak: Scortechini, Nos. 219 and 388; King’s Collector, Nos. 1876-,

4348, 5735, 5765, 7783.

In many respects this resembles 0. patens , Bh, but it has larger

flowers and much less pyriform fruit. The staminal tube of this is

moreover only slightly toothed at the apex, whereas that of C. patens has

6 long lanceolate teeth.

13. Chisocheton patens, Blume, Bijdr. 169. A tree 20 to 40 feet

high. Leaves with the petiole and rachis almost glabrous, 1 to 3 feet

long; leaflets 10 to 13 pairs, opposite or sub-opposite, thinly coriaceous,

oblong-lanceolate, rarely oblong-elliptic, shortly acuminate, the base

narrowed and unequal-sided; both surfaces glabrous, reticulate, the

lower pale and with the 10 to 14 pairs of curved spreading nerves and

also the reticulations prominent; length 4 to 7 in., breadth 1 to 2*5 in.,

petiolule *15 to *4 in. Male panicles about as long as the leaves (the

female shorter), supra-axillary, pendulous, glabrous, with numerous di¬

vergent branches the lower of which are compound, the middle spike-like,

and the uppermost short aud cymose. Flowers *35 in. long, on short rather

stout pedicels. Calyx cupular, puberulous outside ; the mouth entire,

truncate or wavy. Petals 4, three or four times as long as the calyx,

sub-spathulate elliptic, glabrous, longer than and quite free from the

staminal-tube. Staminal tube free from the petals, cylindric, ex¬

panding slightly upwards, pubescent near the mouth, otherwise glabrous

outside, pubescent inside, the mouth with 6 long lanceolate teeth which

are slightly shorter than the 6 linear elongate anthers. Ovary very

small, surrounded by a notched fleshy glabrous disc ; style cylindrio,

pubescent ; stigma cylindric, glabrous. Fruit pyriform, attenuated

below into a thick pseudo-stalk, glabrous ; length 2*25 in. of which the

stalk-like part is 1 in. Miq. FI. Ind. Bat. Yol. I, Pt. 2, 537 ; Ann. Mus.

Lugd. Bat. 1Y, 29 ; C. De Cand. Mon. Phan. I, 528. C. holocalyx ,

Hiern in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 551. C. De Cand. 1. c. 529.

Malacca: Maingay (Kew Distrib.) No. 328. Singapore; Anderson

No. 30, Hullett No. 800, Ridley No. 4763. Perak : Scortechini No. 324 ;

1895.] Gr. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula.

35

King’s Collector Nos. 3312, 10750; Wray No. 1279. Penang: Curtis

No. 1685. Pahaug Ridley No. 4765.

This species, although a much smaller tree, very much resembles

G. divergens, Bl. in its leaves and inflorescence. The leaflets, however,

are of a thicker texture than those of G. divergens and they dry of a

different colour. The flowers of the two are almost exactly alike in

structure ; but those of G. divergens are yellow and very fragrant, while

those of G. patens are greenish- white and have a disagreeable odour like

that of Paederia foetida and of some species of Lasianthus. The fruits

of the two moreover differ, those of G. divergens being turbinate-

globular or nearly so, of a yellow colour, and more or less tomentose ;

while the fruits of G. patens are of a deep red colour and glabrous when

quite ripe. I have compared the type specimens of G. patens , Bl. and

of G. holocalyx, Hiern., deposited, respectively, at Leiden and Kew, and

I find the two to be identical.

14. Chisocheton divergens, Blume, Bijdr. ? 69. A tree 40 to 100

feet high ; young branches glabrous, the bark dark-coloured. Leaves

9 to 18 in. long, the main raehis deciduously puberulous ; leaflets 4 to ]2

pairs, membranous, opposite or sub-opposite, narrowly oblong or oblong-

lanceolate, shortly acuminate, slightly narrowed to the rounded or

slightly cuneate unequal base ; both surfaces glabrous, reticulate, the 10

to 12 pairs of curving ascending nerves prominent on the lower when

dry ; length 2 5 to 6 in., breadth 1T5 to 1*75 in., petiolules *15 to ’25

in. Panicles solitary, supra-axillary, pendulous, about as long as the

leaves, pyramidal, the lower branches of the male panicles 6 or 7 in.

long, of the female 4 or 5 in., the ultimate branclilets of both cyme-like,

dense, many-flowered. Male Flowers '25 in. long, on short pubescent

pedicels. Galyx cupular, puberulous, the mouth entire or waved. Petals

4, three or four times as long as the calyx and slightly longer than the

staminal-tube, recurved, elliptic, obtuse, sub-glabrous. Staminal-tube

free from the petals, widely tubular, glabrous except a few strong

hairs at the throat, the mouth with 6 lanceolate spreading teeth ; an¬

thers 6. linear-elongate, about as long as the teeth of the calyx. Ovary

small, surrounded by a narrow fleshy glabrous disc ; style cylindric, pu¬

bescent ; stigma small, disc-like with an annulus at its base. Female

flowers like the males, but usually without anthers ; the ovary ovoid-

conic, pubescent. Fruit obovoid or depressed-globose, tapering at the

base into a pseudo-stalk, minutely tomentose, 1*5 in. in diam., 2-celled,

seeds about 2. Miq. FI. Ind. Bat. I, Pt. 2, 537 ; Ann. Mus. Lugd. Bat.

IY. 28 ; C. De Cand. Mon. Phan. I, 529. G. fra, grans , Hiern in Hook,

fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 551; C. De Cand. 1. c. 529.

Malacca : Griffith, No. 1062/1 Maingay, (Kew Distrib.) No. 324.

36 Gr. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

Perak ; King’s Collector, Nos, 4631, 4795, 6864 ? Burma : Wall.

Cat. 8069.

I have compared the authentic specimens of the Leiden Herbarium

of C. patens , Blume, with the type specimens at Kew of G. fragrans,

Hiern ; and I find them to agree exactly. I therefore adopt the older

name. The male panicles of this are rather longer and wider at the

base than the female panicles ; but both are pyramidal. I believe the

plant issued by Wallich as a Gupania (No. 8069 of his Catalogue) may

belong to this. The specimens are in fruit only and were originally

named by Wallich Trichelia longissima.

5. Dysoxylum, Blume.

Trees, mostly glabrous. Leaves pinnate ; leaflets entire, opposite sub¬

opposite or alternate, more or less acuminate at the apex and oblique at

the base, coriaceous. Flowers paniculate, racemose or spicate, hermaphro¬

dite. Galyx 4- rarely 5-fid, dentate or partite or sub-entire, imbricated, not

accrescent. Petals 4, rarely 5, oblong, spreading, valvate or slightly

imbricated. Staminal tube cylindrical, dentate or crenulate at the mouth;

anthers 6, 8 or 10, short, included or the tips exserted. Disc tubular,

equal to or twice as long as the ovary, crenulate or entire at the mouth.

Ovary usually 3- 4-celled ; style about equalling the staminal tube; ovules

usually 2 in each cell. Capsule globose or pear-shaped, coriaceous (often

thickly so), 1- 4-celled, loculicidal ; seeds arillate or exarillate, exal-

buminous. —

Distrib. Species about 100, mostly found in the Malay Archipelago,

but some in Australasia.

Flowers pentamerous. ... ... ... 1. D. arborescens.

Flowers tetramerous.

Inflorescence paniculate.

Panicles slender, lax, few-flowered.

Leaflets linear-lanceolate ; flowers ’6 in.

long

Leaflets oblong-lanceolate, caudate-acu¬

minate ; flowers T5 in. long

Panicles with few branches ; the branchlets

very short, spicate, distant ; the flowers

only ‘1 in. long, densely crowded

Panicles with many divaricating branches,

many-flowered.

Leaflets minutely rugulose when dry,

their main nerves indistinct

2. D. angustifolium.

3. D. dumosum.

4. D. interruptum.

5. D, acutangulum.

1895.] Gr. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 37

Leaflets not rugulose when dry, their

main nerves distinct

V eins of leaflets winged ; flowers

•25 in. long

Veins of leaflets not winged.

Disc hairy, slightly exceeding

the sub-strigose ovary ;

flowers *15 in. long

Disc glabrous, half as long as

the style, slightly constrict¬

ed below the thickened pi¬

lose mouth, ovary densely

pilose ; flowers *45 in. long

Disc glabrous, slightly lon¬

ger than the glabrous

ovary ; flowers *2 in. long

Disc glabrous outside, pubes¬

cent inside, much longer

than the densely adpressed-

pubescent ovary ; flowers *5

in. long ... ... 10. D. macrotkyrsum.

Inflorescence spicate or racemose.

Spikes or racemes from the stem or from

the branches below the leaves.

Disc membranous, glabrous, obscure¬

ly crenate, longer than the densely

pilose narrowly ovoid ovary ;

flowers *3 to ’35 in. long ; fruit

ovoid, apiculate, glabrous ... 11. D. cauliflorum .

Disc fleshy, longer than the tomen-

tose-lepidote sub-globular ovary ;

flowers '25 in. long; fruit ovoid,

rusty-tomentose ... ... 12. D. Grifjithii.

Disc thinly fleshy, glabrous, crenu-

late, longer than the depressed

sericeous ovary ; flowers *15 in.

long ; fruit obovoid, apiculate, ob¬

scurely 4-angled, tawny- tomentose 13. D. densiflorum.

Disc membranous, glabrous outside,

pubescent inside, as long as the

ovoid-conic sparsely pilose ovary ;

flowers *35 in. long ; fruit sub-

globose ... ... ... 14. D. cuneatum.

6. D. venulosum.

7. D . thyrsoideum.

8. D. turbinatum.

9. JD. costulaiurn.

38 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

Spikes or racemes axillary.

Spicate cymes or racemes from 4 to

8 in. long.

Disc fleshy, glabrous, crenulate,

slightly longer than the hemis¬

pheric densely puberulous ovary ;

flowers *2 in. long ... ... 15. D. racemosum.

Disc puberulous, with thickened

rugulose pilose mouth, longer

than the ovoid-conic pubescent

ovary; flowers ’6 in. long ... 16. 2). microbotrys.

Spikes from 2 to 4 in. long.

Disc glabrous, longer than the pu¬

berulous 4-furrowed ovary ; flow¬

ers *35 in. long ... ... 17. D. flavescens.

Spikes or racemes not more than 2 in.

long.

Leaves not rugulose when dry.

Disc fleshy, annular, crenulate,

shorter than the conic pubescent

ovary ; flowers *5 in. long ... 1 8. D. andamaniczim.

Leaves rugulose or papillose.

Disc fleshy, glabrous, 8- to 9- tooth¬

ed, exceeding the hemispheric

ridged puberulous ovary; flowers

*2 in. long ... ... 19. D. rug ulosuin.

Flower buds globose, ’15 in. in

diam. ; calyx campanulate ; disc

none, or very small, ovary broad¬

ly ovoid... ... ... 20. D. papillosum.

1 Dysoxylum arborescens, Miq. in Ann. Mus. Lugd. Bat. IV, 24.

A tree 20 to 30 feet high. Leaves 6 to 9 in. long, unequally pinnate,

glabrous ; leaflets 2 to 3 pairs, membranous, opposite or sub-opposite,

elliptic (sometimes rather broadly so), slightly obovate, shortly abruptly

and obtusely acuminate, the base very cuneate ; main nerves 6 to 8 pairs

spreading, curving, not prominent on either surface ; length 25 to '5

in., breadth L25 to 2*25 in., the odd leaflet usually the largest ; petiolules

slender, *3 to *5 in., that of the odd leaflet often 1 in. Panicles extra-axil¬

lary, solitary, 1*5 to 4 in. long, with a few short lax-flowered divaricating

branches. Flowers ’25 in. long, on thin pedicels of the same length.

Calyx a very shallow obscurely toothed cup. Petals 5, linear, slightly

thickened and narrowed towards the apex, glabrous, longer than the sta-

39

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula.

minal tube. Staminal tube widely cylindric, inflated or not at the base,

shorter than the style, glabrous, with 10 broad shallow sub-crenate teeth ;

anthers small, ovate, included, or the tips exserted. Disc widely tubular,

thick, fleshy, sub-crenulate, longer than the ovary. Ovary depressed,

ovoid-globular, pubescent, 4-celled ; style cylindric, sparsely pubescent

below, glabrous above ; stigma discoid with a broad projecting annulus

at its base. Fruit turbinate, with 3 or 4 (sometimes only 2) vertical

grooves, glabrous, not narrowed into the stalk, l ’25 in. in diam., 2- to

4- seeded. Seeds ovoid, apparently ex-arillate. C. De Cand. Mon. Phan.

I, 489, (excl. syn. D.lampongum , Miq.). D. Maingayi , Hiern in Hook. fil.

FI. Br. Ind. I, 547 ; C. De Cand. 1. c. 490. Goniocheton arborescens, Blume

Bijdr. 177 : Miq. FI. Ind. Bat. I, pt. 2, p. 540. Hartigsea acuminata ,

Miq. FI. Ind. Bat. Suppl. 196, 504. Trichelia arborescens , Spreng. Syst.

Yol. IY, cur. post. p. 252.

Malacca: Maingay (Kew Distrib.) Ho. 359. Perak: Scortecliini,

Wray. S. Andaman ; King’s Collectors. Distrib. the Malayan Archi¬

pelago.

The flowers of some of the Andamans specimens are 6-merous.

2. Dysoxylum ANGUSTiFOLTirM, King n. sp. A glabrous tree ;

young branches slender, terete. Leaves 10 to 12 in. long, equally

pinnate ; leaflets about 5 pairs, opposite, membranous, linear-lanceo¬

late, the base much narrowed ; main nerves 9 to 12 pairs, oblique,

little curved, obsolete on the upper, faint on the lower, surface ;

length 3’5 to 5'5 in., breadth 5 to 6‘5 in., petiolules '25 in. Panicles

extra-axillary, slender, lax, 1*5 to 4 5 in. long. Flowers ’6 in. long,

each at the apex of a short minutely bracteol ate branchlet. Calyx shortly

cupular, with 4 triangular teeth, glabrous, fleshy, tapering below into

a short fleshy pedicel. Petals 4, many times longer than the calyx,

linear-oblong, sub-acute, slightly thickened and connivent at the apex,

minutely puberulous outside, glabrous inside. Staminal tube nearly as

long as the petals, cylindric, rather fleshy like the petals, glabrous,

very slightly wider at the obscurely 8-toothed apex ; anthers 8,

elliptic-oblong, included. Disc tubular, much longer than the ovary, and

one-third of the length of the style, fleshy, glabrous except at the

thickened obscurely 8-toothed pubescent mouth. Ovary ovoid, 4-angled,

puberulous, 4-celled, tapering into the long 4-angled puberulous style ;

stigma slightly exserted, rather small, discoid, with a broad basal

annulus. Fruit (unripe) obovoid, tapering much at the base, glabrous,

about 1 in. long, peduncle 1 in.

Pahang ; Ridley, Nos. 2656 and 5840.

The flowers of this have a strongly alliaceous odour.

3. D ysoxylum dumosum, King, n. sp. A shrub 3 to 6 feet high.

40 G. King— Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula . [No. 1,

Leaves 5 to 14 in. long, equally pinnate, the petioles angled and channelled

in front ; leaflets opposite, 2 or 3 rarely 5 pairs, membranous, oblong-

lanceolate, shortly and bluntly caudate-acuminate, much narrowed to

the base ; main nerves 7 or 8 pairs, curved, quite obscure on both

surfaces, length 25 to 4*5 in. rarely 5 in. ; breadth *75 to 1*45, rarely

1*75 in., petiolules 2 in. Panicles shorter than the leaves, extra-axillary,

pedunculate, with a few spreading scantily-flowered branches in the

upper part, or racemose and branched from the base, 1*5 to 4 in. long.

Flowers *15 in. long, on bracteolate pedicels as long ns or longer than

themselves. Calyx cupular, much shorter than the petals, glabrous, with

4 (rarely 5) small teeth. Petals 4, slightly unequal, broadly oblong

with truncate bases, obtuse, the apex thickened and slightly incurved,

glabrous or sub-glabrous. Staminal tube shorter than the petals and

adherent to their bases, widely cylindric, glabrous, the mouth with

8 broad shallow emarginate teeth ; anthers alternate with the teeth,

shortly ovate, sub-exserted. Disc fleshy in the fertile female flowers,

slightly longer than the ovary and lobed ; in the fertile male flower

shorter and entire. Ovary depressed, pilose ; style cylindric, sparsely

pilose below ; stigma in the fertile female broadly discoid, 5-angled,

with an annular disc beneath it, in the fertile male cylindric. Fruit

depressed-globular, glabrous, *5 in. in diam., crowned by the base of the

style, 4-celled, with 3 or 4 shining black seeds.

Perak : Scortechini, King’s Collector. Johore : Ridley, No. 4194.

In habit this resembles D. arborescens , from which, however, it is

at once distinguished by its equally pinnate leaves and tetramerous

flowers.

4. Dysoxylum interruptum, n. sp. King. A tree 30 to 40 feet

high; young branches cinereous-pubescent. Leaves 24 to 30 in. long,

equally pinnate ; leaflets about 10 pairs, membranous, sub-opposite or

opposite, oblong to elliptic-oblong, shortly and sharply acuminate, the

base cuneate ; upper surface glabrous, the nerves and midrib pubescent ;

lower surface puberulous, the 18 to 24 pairs of straight sub-ascending

main nerves rather prominent and with long sparse hairs ; length 5 to

7 in., breadth 2*25 to 2*75 in., petiolules *1 to *2 in. Panicles solitary,

slightly supra- axillary, with few spreading branches ; the ultimate

brauchlets very short, distant; the flowers ovoid, densely crowded, ses¬

sile, *1 in. long. Ca lyx cupular, pubescent, with 4 or 5 triangular acute

spreading teeth. Petals 4, longer than the calyx, erect, valvate, ellip¬

tic, sub-acute, the sides straight, pubescent outside, puberulous inside.

Staminal tube shorter than the petals, cylindric, glabrous, the mouth

with 8 rather broad bifid teeth. Anthers 8, short, elliptic, included.

Disc shortly cylindric, longer than the ovary, fleshy, glabrous ; its

1895.] Cr. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula.

41

mouth with 8 obscure broad blunt teeth. Ovary depressed and broadly

ovoid, pilose, 3-celled ; style short, stout : stigma thickly discoid with

an annulus at its base. Fruit unknown.

Perak : King’s Collector, No. 6349.

A very distinct species distinguished at once by its small densely

crowded flowers in interrupted spicate panicles.

5. Dysoxymjm acctangulum, Miq. FI. Ind. Bat. Suppl. 196,503;

Ann. Mus. Lugd. Bat. TV., 26. A glabrous tree, the young branches

rather stout with pale brown striate bark. Leaves 6 to 12 in. long,

equally pinnate : the rachis and petiole 4-angled : leaflets 3 or 4 pairs,

coriaceous, opposite or sub-opposite, unequal-sided especially towards

the more or less acute base, elliptic or ovate, or sometimes slightly

obovate, the apex acute or shortly acuminate, both surfaces minutely

rugulose and of a pale olivaceous colour when dry ; main nerves imper¬

ceptible ; length 25 to 4’5 in., breadth 1*25 to 2*2 in., petiolule '2 to ’25

in. Panicles 2" 5 to '4 in. long, spreading, puberulous, Flowers rather

crowded, 35 in. long. Calyx puberulous, very shallow, with 4 deep

reflexed triangular teeth. Petals 4, thin, much larger than the calyx,

oblong, sub-acute, puberulous on both surfaces. Staminal tube a little

shorter than the petals, cylindric, the mouth with 8 rather deep sharp

teeth, striate, puberulous on both surfaces ; anthers 8, oblong, rather

small, slightly exerted. Pise widely tubular, slightly exceeding the

ovary, fleshy, its mouth slightly inflexed, obscurely 8- toothed. Ovary

adpressed-pubescent, broadly ovoid, tapering into the long style : stylo

glabrescent in its upper part, adpressed-pubescent in the lower.

Stigma exserted, shortly cylindric, with a small annulus at its base.

Fruit obovoid, 3 in. long ; the pericarp very coriaceous, glabrous, pale

brown when dry and minutely rugulose, 3-celled. Seeds one in a cell,

ellipsoid and apparently when fresh embedded in pulp. C. DO. in

Mon. Phan. I., 525.

Singapore : Ridley, No. 3828. Perak : Scortechini, No. 1048. Dis-

TRIB. Bangka.

The late Fr. Scortechini collected only a single specimen of this

which is in flower, and Mr. Ridley collected it in fruit in Singapore.

These specimens agree absolutely in their leaves with a specimen from

Bangka now in the Leiden Herbarium on which Miquel founded the

species.

Miquel does not describe the flowers, and the specimen lent to me by

the Leiden Herbarium has none. In the Leiden Annals, Miquel express¬

es a doubt whether this plant may not be Aurantiaceous. The flowers

(which Miquel had never seen) are however unmistakably Meliaceous,

and the leaflets moreover are not pellucid-dotted.

J. it. 6

42

Gr. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

6. Dysoxylum venulosum, King, n. sp. A tree 50 to 80 feet high ;

young branches rather stout, angled, puberulous. Leaves 12 to 18 in.

long, the petiole and rachis angled and puberulous, equally or unequally

pinnate; leaflets 7 to 14, membranous, alternate, oblong, slightly un¬

equal-sided, acuminate, the base much narrowed and oblique; both sur¬

faces glabrous, the 13 to 15 pairs of oblique curving main nerves indis¬

tinct on the upper, rather prominent on the lower, the veins on both

surfaces prominent and winged when dry; length 5 to 7 in., breadth

1*35 to 1*75 in., petiolules '25 in. Panicles extra-axillary, 6 to 8 in.

long, glabrescent ; the branches numerous, short, sub- horizontal, few-

flowered. Flowers '25 in. long ; their pedicels about the same length,

jointed at the middle. Calyx cupular, with 4 shallow teeth, glabrous.

Petals 4, much longer than the calyx, densely hairy, puberulous exter¬

nally, sparsely so internally, oblong, obtuse, the apex slightly thickened

and indexed. Staminal tube slightly shorter than the petals, glabrous,

cylindric, its mouth irregularly and minutely toothed ; anthers 8, oblong,

inserted below the mouth of the tube. Lise cylindric, fleshy, glabrous,

about as long as the ovary, the mouth with 4 broad minutely erose

teeth. Ovary ovoid, hoary-pubescent, tapering into the long cylindric

sub-glabrous style ; stigma slightly exserted, thickly' discoid with an an¬

nulus at its base. Fruit unknown.

Perak: King’s Collector, No. 1036.

7. Dysoxylum thyrsoideum, Griff, ex Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I., 547'

A tree ; leaves 12 to 16 in. long, their petioles and rachises angled:

leaflets about 8, alternate, coriaceous, elliptic-oblong to elliptic, shortly

acuminate, slightly narrowed to the oblique base, both surfaces quite

glabrous ; main nerves 6 to 8 pairs, curved, ascending, slightly depressed

in the upper and prominent on the lower surface when dry ; length

4'5 to 8’5 in., breadth 1*75 to 3 in., petiolules *3 in. Panicles slightly

extra-axillary, pyramidal, with stout rachises less than half the length

of the leaves ; their main branches divaricating, the ultimate racemose ;

flowers numerous, 15 in. long, their pedicels nearly as long. Calyx one-

third of the length of the petals, cupular, coarsely and irregularly

4-toothed, glabrous. Petals 4, oblong, obtuse, glabrous. Staminal tube

shorter than the petals and attached to them, cylindric, glabrous outside,

pubescent inside, its mouth with 8 broad sub-crenate teeth ; anthers

short, ovate, included. Disc tubular, fleshy, hairy, slightly exceeding

the ovary, truncate. Ovary narrowly ovoid, sub-strigose, 3-celled ;

style cylindric, thick, as long as the staminal tube ; stigma exserted,

discoid with a basal ring. Fruit (fide Hiern) “ obovoid, fleshy, 2- 3-

lobed, umblicate, nearly 1 in. long*; fruiting peduncles woody, stout,

seeds ex-arillate.” C. DC. in Mon. Phan. I., 481.

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula.

43

Malacca, Griffith, (Kew Distribution) No. 1053. Penang : Curtis,

Nos. 2467, 2468. Andamans: King’s Collectors.

Var. Andamanica : flowers ‘25 in. long, calyx very short: panicles

sometimes as long as the leaves, lax.

S. Andamans. King’s Collectors.

This differs from typical B. thyrsoideum chiefly in the points above

noted. When better specimens of the typical Malacca form are ob¬

tained, characters may be found sufficient to separate the two speci¬

fically.

8. Dysoxylum turbinatum, King n. sp. A small tree 12 to 20 feet

high ; young branches rather stout, the bark pale brown and striate.

Leaves 10 to L6 in. long, the petioles and rachises glabrous, terete, equal¬

ly pinnate; leaflets 2 to 4 pairs, sub-opposite, thinly coriaceous, elliptic

to elliptic-oblong, shortly and bluntly acuminate, the base rounded or

slightly narrowed, not oblique ; both surfaces glabrous, the lower sub-

glauceous, very minutely dotted, the nerves pubescent when young ;

main nerves 8 to 11 pairs, curved, spreading, very prominent on the

lower, slightly, depressed on the upper surface; length 3 to 6 or even

8 in., breadth 1’5 to 2'5 in. or even 3'5 in., petiolules *35 in. Panicles

supra-axillary, 3 to 11 in. long, puberulous, rather slender, with few dis¬

tant minutely bracteolate branches each bearing 5 to 10 flowers mostly

in its upper half. Flowers *45 in. long. Calyx cupular, pubescent, nar¬

rowed to a short fleshy pedicel, its mouth with 4 short triangular teeth.

Petals 4, linear-oblong, thickened and slightly concave at the apex, min¬

utely adpressed-pubescent outside, with a few fleshy hairs inside at

the apex, otherwise glabrescent. Staminal tube cylindric, slightly short¬

er than the petals, the mouth with 8 shallow broad truncate teeth,

puberulous outside, glabrous inside. Anthers oblong, short, included.

Disc half as long as the style, tubular, slightly constricted below the

thickened pilose mouth, otherwise glabrous. Ovary narrowly ovoid,

densely pilose ; style 4-angled, glabrescent; stigma slightly exserted,

small, discoid, with a basal annulus. Fruit depressed-globular, tapering

at the base into a short pseudo-stalk, covered with brownish pale-edged

scales, 1*5 in. length (excluding the pseudo-stalk) and slightly more in

diameter.

Perak : King’s Collector, No. 8751. Joliore : Herb. Ridley, No. 4060.

Malacca: Griffith.

Xu the above description the flowers are described from the speci¬

mens of Mr. Ridley and of my own collector, and the fruit from a single

Gritfithian specimen from Malacca which has no flowers, the three being

in my opinion identical.

9. Dysoxylum costulatum, Miq. in Ann. Mus. Lugd, Bat. Yol. IY„

44 Ct. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. I,

21. A glabrous tree 40 to 50 feet high. Leaves 9 to 14 in. long; leaflets

sub-coriaceous, opposite, about 4 pairs, elliptic-oblong or elliptic, cuspi¬

date or shortly acuminate ; the base acute, slightly oblique ; main nerves

10 to 12 pairs, curved, spreading, stout and prominent on the lower

surface; length 3'5 to 6 in., breadth 1*5 to 2'75- in., petiolules about '3 in.

Panicles axillary or terminal, about half as long as the leaves or less ;

their branches divaricating and racemoid, glabrous. Flowers not crowd¬

ed, about ’2 in. long, on short pedieels, bracteolate ; pedicels cylindric in

bud. Calyx a very short obscurely 4-toothed cup. Petals 4, oblong,

obtuse, minutely puberulous externally. Staminal tube free from and

nearly as long as the petals, cylindrical, the mouth with 8 broad shallow

crenulate teeth, glabrous outside, villous inside. Anthers 8, short, ovate,

included. Disc tubular, glabrous, crenately 4-toothed, longer than and

surrounding the ovary. Ovary glabrous, narrowly ovoid, tapering into

the cylindric style. Stigma slightly exserted, discoid with a band round

its base. Fruit depressed-globular with 3 shallow vertical grooves ;

tapering at the base into a pseudo-stalk, 1*5 in. or more in diam., 4-cell-

ed ; the pericarp woody, glabrous. Seeds sub-globular. 0. De Cand. in

Mon. Phan. I, 503. D brevijjes, Hiern in Hook. hi. FI. Br. Ind. I, 560;-

C. i)C. in Mon. Phan. 1, 503. llartiglisea costulata, Miq. FI. Ind. Bat.

Suppl. 196, 505.

Malacca: Griffith ; Maingay, Nos. 319, 320 (Kew Histrib.), Stolickza,.

Wray, King’s Collector. Pahang: Ridley. Singapore: Ridley. Distrib.

Sumatra.

The type specimens of D. brevipes Hiern at Kew agree exactly with

those of the older D. costulatum Miq. in the Royal Herbarium at Leiden.

10. Dysoxylum macrothyrsum, Miq. in Ann. Mus. Lugd. Bat. IV. r

20. A tree 30 to 60 feet high ; young branches rather stout, striate.

Leaves 11 to 16 in. long, equally pinnate, the petioles and rachises

puberulous : leaflets thinly coriaceous, 3 or 4 pairs, opposite, oblong-lan¬

ceolate to elliptic-oblong or elliptic, shortly acuminate, the base cuneate

and slightly oblique; upper surface glabrous except the sometimes

puberulous midrib, the lower glabrous : main nerves 8 to 11 pairs,

spreading, prominent and almost winged on the lower faintly depressed

on the upper surface ; length 3 to 5'5 in. or even 7 in., breadth P5 to

2*25 in., petiolules '25 to ’4 in. Racemes slightly supra-axillary, slender,

puberulous, few-flowered, 4 to 7 in. long. Flowers '5 in. long, distant,

on short bracteolate pedicels. Calyx a short fleshy rugulose puberu¬

lous cup, with 4 broad triangular teeth. Petals 4, deflexed, many times

longer than the calyx, narrowly oblong, slightly widened at the base ;

the apex sub-acute, slightly thickened and indexed, externally with

dense pale adpressed hairs, internally glabrescent. Staminal tube

45

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula.

shorter than the petals, cylindric, adpressed-pnbescent outside, the

mouth almost entire or minutely toothed. Anthers 8, linear-elliptic, their

apices not reaching the mouth of the tube. Pise much longer than the

ovary, cylindric, glabrous externally, softly pubescent internally espe¬

cially at the acutely 8-toothed mouth. Ovary narrowly ovoid- conic,

tapering into the long glabrous cylindric style, 4-angled, densely ad-

pressed-pubescent ; stigma exserted, thickly discoid, rugulose, with a

narrow annulus at its base. Fruit turbinate, with four shallow vertical

grooves and four broad rounded angles, sub-glabrous, crowned for a time

by the persistent stout short style, when fully ripe white slightly

tinged with pink, about 1*25 in. long, and P5 in., or more in diam.

C. DC. in Mon. Phan. I, 485. D. Lampongum , Miq. El. Ind. Bat. Suppl.

196, 303 (excl. var. B., fide Miq. Ann. Mas. Lugd. Bat. IV., 20.)

Perak: King’s Collector, Nos. 5128, 6788, 10140; Wray, Nos.

2329, 3072. Selangore: Ridley, No. 1892. Distrib. Borneo.

I follow Miquel and M. C. deCandolle in keeping this species up.

It is, however, very closely allied to D. ex^elsum, Bl. The panicles of

Perak specimens are rather shorter and fewer-flowered than in those

collected in Borneo ; in other respects they agree.

11. Dysoxylum cauliflorum, Hiern in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I., 549-.

A tree 30 to 5) feet high. Leaves 1 to 2 feet long, their petioles and

racliises deciduously rusty-puberulous, angled, unequally pinnate ; leaf¬

lets 9 to 13, membranous, opposite or alternate, oblong -elliptic or ellip*-

tic, shortly acuminate, the base cuneate or rounded at one side and

obliquely cut away at the other ; both surfaces glabrous except the

pubescent midrib ; main nerves 8 to 13 pairs, spreading, rather promi¬

nent on the lower surface ; length 4 to 7 in. occasionally 12 in., breadth

1*75 to 2-75 in., petiolules 2 to *3 in. Spikes from 1 to 3 in. long,

tawny-tomentose, in dense clusters on rugose woody tubercles from

the stem. Flowers '3 to ‘35 in. long, their pedicels about ‘1 in.,

bracteolate at the base. Calyx cupular, with 3 or 4 broad irregular

teeth, pubescent. Petals 4, oblong, obtuse, glabrous inside, glabrous

or puberulous outside, free from the staminal tube. Stammal tube

cylindric, glabrescent or sparsely sericeous outside, sericeous inside,

the mouth with 8 broad shallow bifid teeth ; anthers 8, ovate, included.

Disc tubular, membranous, longer than the ovary, glabrous, the mouth

obscurely crenate. Ovary narrowly ovoid, densely pilose ; the style

cylindric, sparsely pilose in the lower, glabrous in the upper half.

Stigma slightly exserted, broadly discoid with a narrow annulus at its

base. Fruit ovoid, apiculate, tapering slightly at the base, sub-

striate, glabrous, red-coloured, splitting into 4 valves. Seeds sub-globular,

plano-convex, *5 in. long. 0. DC. in Mon. Phan. 1., 498.

46

G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

Malacca: Griffith, Maingay, No. 327 (Kew Distrib.). Singapore;

Anderson, Hullet. Perak : Scortechini, Wray, King’s Collector.

12. Dysoxylum griffithii, Hiern in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I.,

549. A tree. Leaves 12 to 18 in. ; leaflets 9 to 13, membranous, alter¬

nate, oblong-lanceolate, acuminate, the base cuneate, glabrous, shining,

(olivaceous when dry) ; main nerves numerous, spreading, indistinct on

both surfaces, the midrib thin but slightly prominent on the lower ;

length 3 to 5 in., breadth 1 to 1*5 in., petiolules ‘1 in., Racemes from

the axils of fallen leaves, '5 to 1'5 in. long, stout, minutely bracteolate.

Flowers *25 in. long, their pedicels less than *1 in. Calyx nearly flat,

very short. Petals 4, oblong, obtuse, puberulous outside. Staminal

tube slightly shorter than the petals, cylindric ; its mouth with 8 broad

shallow sub-emarginate teeth, puberulous outside ; anthers 8, ovate,

their tips exserted. Disc shortly cylindric, crenulate, fleshy, longer

than the ovary. Ovary sub-globular, 4-angled, minutely tomentose-

lepidote, 3- to 4-celled. Style as long as the staminal tube, 4-angled,

puberulous : stigma discoid^ with an annulus at its base. Fruit un¬

known. C. DC. in Mon. Phan. I., 497. Hartighsea ramiflora , Griff. No-

tulae IV., 50J.

Malacca, Griffith.

This does not appear to have been collected since Griffith originally

found it (1845) at Malacca. It is a very well-marked species, and

Griffith’s original description of it is, in all respects except that of fruit,

full and clear.

13. Dysoxylum densiflorcjm, Miq. in Ann. Mus. Lugd. Bat. IV,

9. A tree 20 to 40 feet high. Leaves unequally pinnate, 15 to 20

in. long, their petioles and rachises angular, deciduously puberulous.

Leaflets 11 to 13, opposite or alternate ; the terminal larger than

the others; more or less obovate and with a longer petiolule ; lateral

leaflets elliptic or elliptic-oblong, slightly oblique, acute or shortly

acuminate, the base rounded or sub-cuneate and unequal, both sur¬

faces glabrous ; main nerves 10 to 12 pairs, spreading, curved, slightly

prominent beneath ; length 4*5 to 7 in., the terminal 1 or 2 in. longer;

breadth 2 to 2*5 in., the terminal sometimes 3 in. ; petiolules '15 in., the

terminal *75 to 1 in. Spikes in clusters from woody tubercles on the

stem, 1 to 2 in. long, tawny-tomentose. Flowers (in bud only), about *15

in. long, sub-globular, their pedicels slightly shorter with bracteole at

the base. Calyx almost as long as the petals, campanulate, coarsely

pubescent, its mouth with 4 large irregular teeth. Petals 4, free, slight¬

ly imbricate, sub-orbicular (in bud), the apex slightly indexed. Stami-

nal-tube nearly as long as the petals, glabrous, widely tubular,

divided almost to the base into 8 broad sub-truncate erose teeth; anthers

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 47

8, included, elongate-elliptic, alternate with the lobes. Disc cylindric,

short blit longer than the ovary, thinly fleshy, crenulate, glabrous.

Ovary depressed, 4-celled, sericeous as is the base of the short stout

style ; stigma slightly exserted, discoid. Fruit (young) narrowly obo-

void, shortly apiculate, narrowed at the base into a pseudo-stalk, ob¬

scurely 4-angled, densely but minutely tawny-tomentose, 1*5 in. long, in¬

cluding the pseudo-stalk. C. DC. Monog. Phan. I, 499. Epicharis densiflora,

Blume Bijdr. 167 ; Miq. Flor. Ind. Bat. Vol. I, pt. 2, p. 539. Epicharis

altissima , Blume ex Miq. l.c. Guarea densiflora , Spreng., Syst. IY, 251.

Perak : King’s Collector, Nos. 4934, 8826, 10093 and 10443. Wray

No. 437. Scort echini, No. 1661. Distrib. Java, Sumatra.

In the youngest stages the fruit is ovoid : as it ripens it becomes

obovoid and the base becomes narrowed into a pseudo-stalk.

14. Dysoxylum cuneatum, Hiern in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 551.

A large tree. Leaves 18 to 30 in. long, unequally pinnate ; leaflets about

13, sub-coriaceous, opposite or sub-opposite, elliptic-oblong, shortly

cuspidate; the base cuneate, unequal-sided ; both surfaces glabrous, the

lower punctate ; main nerves 14 to 17 pairs, spreading, slightly promi¬

nent beneath when dry ; length 4 to 7 in., breadth 2 to 3 in. ; petiolules

'15 in., stout, that of the terminal leaflet '75 in. Spikes cinereous-

tomentose, only a few inches long in flower, but elongating much in fruit,

(from the branches below the leaves ?) clustered. Flowers '35 in. long,

sub-sessile, bracteolate. Calyx half as long as the petals, campanulate,

with 4 obtuse irregular deep teeth, pubescent. Petals 4, oblong, sub-

imbricate, sub-glabrous S'taminal-tube longer than the petals, glabres-

cent outside, villous inside, the mouth with 8 obtuse shallow teeth.

Anthers 8, shortly ovate, included. Disc membranous, tubular, about

as long as the ovary, glabrous outside, pubescent inside, its mouth mi¬

nutely crenulate. Ovary ovoid-conic, pilose ; style cylindric, sparsely

pilose in the lower part, glabrous above, stigma discoid with an annu¬

lus at its base. Fruiting -spike half as long as the leaves : ripe fruit sub-

globose, about 1 in. in diam., sub-glabrous, the pericarp splitting into

about 4 valves ; seeds oblong, plano-convex, *75 in. long, C. DC. in Mon.

Phan I, 496.

Malacca: Maingay (Kew Distrib. \ No. 322-2.

Known only by Maingay \s scanty specimens ; allied to D. cauliflorum

in inflorescence flowers and fruit.

15. Dysoxylum racemosum, King n. sp. A shrub, all parts gla¬

brous except the young shoots and the inflorescence. Leaves 12 to 18

in. long, equally pinnate. Leaflets membranous, alternate, elliptic-

oblong, the apex shortly acuminate, the base broad, sliglitly unequal ;

main nerves 8 to 10 pairs, curving, spreading, slightly prominent beneath,

48 Gr. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

leno-th 5 to 8 in., breadth 2*25 to 8 in., petiolules ’25 in. Racemes

slightly snpra-axillary, solitary, 4 to 5 in. long, puberulous. Flowers

scattered, *2 in. long, on slightly shorter thick bracteolate pedicels.

Calyx a shallow puberulous cup with 4 obscure shallow lobes. Petals 4,

much longer than the calyx, elliptic, slightly oblique, the apices slightly

concave and thickened, the bases truncate, puberulous on both surfaces.

Staminal-tube slightly shorter than the petals and style, widely cy-

lindric, sparsely puberulous, the mouth with 8 broad 3-toothed lobes.

Anthers shortly ovate, their apices exserted. Disc slightly longer than

the ovary, shortly cylindric, fleshy, glabrous, crenulate. Ovary hemis¬

pheric, densely puberulous, tapering into the thick style. Stigma sub-

capitate, with an annular disc at its base. Fruit ovoid, deciduously

rusty-puberulous with round smooth pits, the pericarp leathery ; length

1*5 to 2 in., diam., *9 to 135 in.

S. Andaman and Nicobar Islands ; King’s Collectors.

This bears, especially in its inflorsescence, a resemblance to D. grande,

Hiern ; but this is quite glabrous, while that has leaves very pubescent

beneath ; the fruit also is different.

Var. arborea ; 20 feet or more in height, leaves up to 20 in. long,

leaflets often much narrowed to the base, longer and with more nerves ;

spikes often 12 in. long.

16. Dysoxylum microbotrys. King n. sp. A tree 40 to 60 feet high.

Leaves 12 to 20 in. long, equally pinnate, their petioles and rachises

glabrescent or glabrous; leaflets thinly coriaceous, opposite, about 3 pairs,

elliptic or elliptic-oblong, broadly cuspidate, the base cuneate, both

surfaces glabrous; main nerves 9 to 11 pairs, oblique, rather straight,

slightly prominent beneath when dry ; length 6 to 10 in., breadth 2'5

to 3’5 in., petiolules ‘25 to '35 in. Cymes spike-like, solitary, extra-

axillarv, 4 to 8 in. long, few-flowered. Flowers '6 in. long, usually soli¬

tary, on pedicels T5 in. long, bracteolate at the base. Calyx a shal¬

low slightly 4-toothed puberulous rugulose cup. Petals 4, puberulous,

oblong, slightly widened at the base ; the apex sub-acute, thickened and

incurved. Staminal-tube slightly shorter than the petals and style,

everywhere puberulous ; its mouth not expanded but with many broad

shallow obscure teeth. Anthers 8, narrowly elliptic, inserted about their

own length below the mouth. Disc longer than the ovary, tubular,

puberulous ; the mouth thickened, rugulose, pilose. Ovary ovoid-conic,

pubescent ; style 4-angled, pubescent in its lower, glabrous in its upper,

half ; stigma discoid, with a narrrow annular band at its base, 4-celled,

each cell with 2 ovules Fruit pyriform, the top often much flattened,

1*5 to 2 in. long, and from T25 to 15 in. in diam., sub-glabrous, the

pericarp rather thick. Seeds about 75 in. long, plano-convex.

49

1895,] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula.

Perak: King’s Collector, Nos. 10553, 10580, and probably also

No. 10181.

17. Dysoxylum flavescens, Hiern in Hook. fil. PI. Br. Ind. I, 549.

A tree. Leaves 1 to 2 feet long; leaflets 9 to 13, membranous, alternate,

elliptic, oblique, shortly acuminate, glabrous ; the base slightly oblique,

rounded ; main nerves numerous, sub-horizontal, very indistinct on both

surfaces, the midrib prominent especially on the lower; length 3 to 5 in.,

breadth 1*25 to 2 in., petiolules *2 to ’25 in. Spikes axillary, 2 to 4 in.

long. Flowers crowded, '35 in. long, sub-sessile, 4-merous, puberulous.

Calyx very short, nearly flat, 4-toothed, roughly puberulous. Petals 4,

minutely pilose outside, glabrous inside, slightly imbricated, pale yellow.

Staminal-tube glabrous below, slightly pilose above, its mouth crenate.

Anthers 8 or 10, ovate, included. Disc glabrous, exceeding the ovary,

dull reddish-orange, its mouth entire or undulate. Ovary minutely

4-furrowed, hairy, 4-eelled ; style cylindrical, hairy ; stigma discoid.

C. DC. in Mon. Phan. I, 494.

Malacca: Maingay (Kew Distrib.), No. 321.

This is known only by Maingay’s scanty and incomplete specimens.

The [preceding description is largely taken from Maingay and

Hiern.

18. Dysoxylum andamanicum, King n. sp. A tree 20 to 30 feet

high. Leaves 6 to 30 in. long, unequally pinnate, the petiole and rachises

angled, very pale when dry ; leaflets 3 to 5, membranous, alternate,

oblong to ovate, slightly oblique, shortly and bluntly acuminate, the base

cuneate or rounded, both surfaces glabrous ; main nerves 6 to 10 pairs,

spreading: length 3 to 5 in., breadth 1*35 to 1'75 in., petiolules '25 in.

Spikes slightly supra-axillary, 1 to 2 in. long, few-flowered, puberulous.

Flowers '35 in. long, their pedicels about 2 in., puberulous. Calyx a

shallow minutely 4-toothed glabrous cup. Petals 4, much longer than

the calyx and slightly imbricate, oblong, sub-acute, convex at the apex,

pale puberulous especially externally, reflexed, rarely deciduous. Stami-

nal tube shorter than the petals, widely cylindric, slightly inflated

near the base, slightly puberulous, the mouth with 9 or 10 broad erose

teeth. Stamens 8 to 10, alternate with the teeth; anthers shortly

ovate, slightly exserted. Disc fleshy, annular, crenulate, shorter than

and adherent to the ovary at it3 base. Ovary conic, densely white

pubescent, tapering into the stout style ; stigma included, discoid with a

small annulus at its base. Fruit depressed-globular, obscurely 3-grooved,

glabrous, the pericarp thickly coriaceous, 1*25 in. in diam. Seeds 2 or 3,

elliptic.

South Andaman : King’s Collector.

19. Dysoxylum rugulosum, King n. sp. A tree 15 to 25 feet high :

J. ii 7

50 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 3,

young branches with striate pale brown bark. Leaves 8 to 12 in. long,

equally pinnate, the petiole and rachis shorter than the uppermost pair of

leaflets; leaflets 2 pairs, the upper pair much the larger, opposite, thickly

membranous, pale and minutely rugulose when dry, oblong-obl anceo-

late, shortly and abruptly acuminate, the base much narrowed ; main

nerves 8 to 14 pairs, spreading or ascending, faint on the upper surface,

prominent and almost winged on the lower : length of the lower pair

3‘5 to 4 5 in., breadth about 15 in., length of the upper pair 6 to 8 in.,

breadth about 225 in.; petiolules about '15 in., stout. Racemes supra-

axillary, *5 to ‘75 in. long, 3- or 4-flowered, puberulous. Flowers * 2 in.

long, their pedicels shorter. Calyx almost flat, 4-cornered, rugulose out¬

side and puberulous, inside glabrous and reticulate. Petals 4, much longer

than the calyx, elliptic, puberulous outside, glabrous inside, the apex

sub-acute slightly thickened and indexed, the base truncate. Staminal

tube shorter than the petals, cylindric, slightly ridged and puberulous

outside, glabrous inside, the mouth with 8 or 9 broad shallow emar-

ginate teeth ; anthers elliptic, not exserted. Disc shortly cylindric,

slightly exceeding the ovary, fleshy, glabrous 8-or 9-toothed. Ovary

hemispheric, ridged, puberulous, tapering into the long cylindric

puberulous style; stigma exserted, discoid, with a broad annulus at

its base. Fruit on a short stout pedicel, pyriform, apiculate, with

numerous vertical rugae, puberulous, 1*25 in. long, and *8 in. in diam.

at the broadest part.

Perak : King’s Collector, Nos. 2863, 3158, Scortecbini.

This resembles D. macrocarpum , Bl. in its leaves, but its flowers are

much smaller and are in short racemes, not in panicles.

20. Dysoxylum papillosum, King n. sp. A shrub 6 to 8 feet

high ; young branches rather stout, densely tawny-tomentose. Leaves

12 to 18 in. long, equally pinnate, their petioles and rachises tomentose,

more or less angled ; leaflets 2 or 3 pairs, the upper pair the largest,

opposite or sub-opposite, coriaceous, broadly oblanceolate, shortly acumi¬

nate, tapering from above the middle to the very narrow base ; both

surfaces when dry minutely papillose, many of the papillae and espe¬

cially those on the upper surface with perforated apices ; the upper sur¬

face glabrous, olivaceous green when dry ; the lower yellowish-brown,

the main nerves and midrib pubescent ; mam nerves 10 to 15 pairs,

prominent on the lower, depressed on the upper surface when dry ;

length 6 to 12 in., breadth 2 25 to *5 in., petiolules only *15 in., stout,

tomentose. Spikes extra-axillary, '75 to 1*25 in. long, the rachis stout,

woody, tomentose. Flower-huds globose, *15 in. in diam., on very short

thick pedicels. Calyx campanulate, enveloping the petals, 4- toothed,

membranous, densely tomentose externally. Petals 4, fleshy, broadly

51

1895.] Gr. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula.

ovate, with truncate bases and sub-acute apices, concave, densely ad-

pressed-pubescent outside, glabrous inside. Staminal tube much shorter

than the petals, cylindric, rather fleshy, glabrous, the mouth with 8

broad shallow emarginate teeth : anthers 8, oblong, longer than the

tube, much exserted. Disc (if any) very small. Ovary broadly ovoid,

tapering into the short thick style which is sparsely pilose towards

the base : stigma thick, discoid, depressed in the centre. Fruit unknown.

Perak: King’s Collector, No. 10755.

The disc in this plant, if present at all, must be very small, for

I cannot detect it in the bud. In spite of this I refer it to Dysoxylum ,

of which it has the general facies. The shrubby habit, short thick

spicate inflorescence, globular flower-buds, and the occasionally per¬

forated leaves make this a remarkable and easily recognisable

plant.

6. Amoora, Roxb,

Trees. Leaves usually unequally-pinnate ; leaflets oblique, quite

entire. Flowers in axillary subdioecious panicles, the females

sometimes spicate or lacemose. Calyx 3- 5-partite or -fid. Petals 3, thick,

concave, imbricated. Staminal tube sub-globose or campanulate, entire

or inconspicuously 6-10-crenate ; anthers 3-10, included. Disc obsolete.

Ovary sessile, short, 3-celled; cells 1-2-ovuled, stigma sessile. Cap¬

sule sub-globose, coriaceous, 3-celled and -seeded, loculicidally 3-valved, or

indehiscent. Seeds in a fleshy aril, with ventral hile. — Distrib. A

genus of about 25 species occurring only in India and the Malay Archi¬

pelago, and also 1 endemic species in Australia.

The Indian species of Amoora, as this genus is understood by the most recent

botanical writers, fall into two groups. One of these (the old genus Aphanamixis) is a

very natural one. In this group the male flowers are in panicles with divergent

racemose or spicate branches, while the female flowers are in short racemes. The

flowers of both sexes have a 5-merous calyx, and a 3-merous corolla, 3 or 6 stamens,

3-celled ovaries and 3-celled loculicidally dehiscent capsular fruits. The other

group, named Pseudo- Agluiaby M. C. de Candolle, consists of a number of species with

from 6 to 10 stamens, 3-celled-ovaries, and large stigmas. Some of these have

3 petals, others have 4 or 5. As regards fruit some of them (e.g., A. cucullata) have

a 3-celled capsule like that of Aphanamixis : others have fruits which show

no evidence of dehiscence. In treating this genus, I have excluded all the species

having more than 3 petals, and I have abandoned dehiscence in the fruit as a diag¬

nostic character. In the note under the genus Aglata, I have explained the change

which I have made in the staminal character of that genus. I may here add that

Amoora Chittagonga, Hiern, is certainly an Aglaia ; and that Amoora decandra

Hiern, with its 10 anthers in two rows, and 5-celled ovary and fruit, is more of a

Lansium than an Amoora.

4. A. riibiginosct.

5. A. lanceolata.

6. A. cucullata.

52 G . King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

Section I. Male flowers in panicles, female flowers in short spikes

or racemes, sepals 5, petals 3 ; fruit 3-celled, capsular, loculicidal.

Stamens 3 ... ... ... 1. A- Sumatrana.

Stamens 6

Male flowers '15 in. long ... ... 2. A. Roliitulca .

Male flowers ‘3 in. long ... . .. 3. A. Aphanamixis.

Section II. Male and perfect female flowers mixed in the same

panicles : calyx cupular, 3-toothed, petals 3, anthers 6 or 10; fruit

3-celled, but not in all cases dehiscent.

Stamens 6

Leaflets cordate and slightly oblique at

the base, minutely rusty-tomentose

beneath: flowers *25 in. long

Leaflets sub-cuneate at the base, minute¬

ly puberulous and lepidote beneath ;

flowers less than • 1 in. long

Leaflets sub-falcate and very oblique at

the base, everywhere glabrous ; flowers

*15 in. long, obovoid

Leaflets caudate-acuminate, the base

rounded or cuneate, oblique, every¬

where glabroas : flowers '2 in. long,

staminal tube cylindiric ...

Stamens 10

Panicles 12 to 20 in. long, cinereous-

scurfy ; leaflets with broad bases ;

flowers *15 in. long

Panicles 8 to 10 in. long, rusty- puber¬

ulous ; leaflets narrowed at the base ;

flowers '1 in. long

1. Amoora sumatrana, Miq. in Ann. Mus. Lugd. Bat. IV, 35. A

tree 12 to 20 feet high ; young branches stout, lenticellate, glabrous.

Leaves 20 to 30 in. long, glabrous, unequally pinnate ; leaflets 9 to 13,

elliptic to elliptic-oblong, or oblanceolate-oblong, sub-coriaceous, shortly

cuspidate, entire, the base more or less cuneate : main nerves 9 to 20

pairs, spreading ; length. 3 to 10 in., breadth L'5 to3'75 in. Male flowers

*15 in. long, obovoid, in solitary extra-axillary panicles nearly as long

as the leaves, their branches 1*5 to 6 in. long, spreading or drooping:

the flowers numerous but not crowded, each with a minute acuminate

bracteole, the pedicels half as long as the flower, rather stout. Sepals

5, unequal, the two larger nearly half as long as the petals, rotund, the

edges erose-fimbriate, the inner surface glabrous, the outer pubescent.

7. %A. Ridley i.

8. A. Wallichii.

9. A. rubescens.

3895.] Gf. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula.

53

Petals 3, thick, rotund, very concave and much, imbricate, glabrous inside,

sometimes puberulous outside. Staminal column fleshy, globular-ovoid,

obscurely 3-angled, the mouth almost closed ; aethers 3, broadly elliptic,

narrowed to the apex, shortly apiculate ; rudimentary ovary minute,

conical, on a small pubescent disc. Female flowers unknown ; the fruit

in simple spikes as long as or longer than the leaves, pinkish when ripe,

shortly pedicellate, sub-globular, 3-celled, 3-seeded, dehiscent, about

*75 in. in diam. ; the seeds ovoid, compressed, with a scarlet arillus. C.

DC. Monogr. Phaner. I., 581.

Perak: Scortecliini, Wray, King’s Collector. Penang: Curtis,

King. Distrib. Sumatra.

This species resembles A. Rohituka, W. and A., but it is a smaller

tree, the male flowers have only 3 stamens, and the petals are pink.

The Perak specimens agree with those in the Leiden Herbarium from

Sumatra oil which Miquel founded the species. Miquel in his descrip¬

tion does not mention that the plant is triandrous, — a character by which

it can at once be recognised.

2. Amoora Rohituka, W. and A. Prod. 119. A tree from 30 to

70 feet high ; young branches stout, lenticellate, at first puberulous,

afterwards glabrous. Leaves 1 to 3 feet long, unequally pinnate, the

petioles puberulous; leaflets 9 to 35, sub-coriaceous, opposite, oblong to

elliptic-oblong, shortly and bluntly acuminate, entire ; the base nar¬

rowed, often oblique ; both surfaces glabrous : main nerves 12 to 15

pairs, spreading ; length 3 to 9 in., breadth 1*75 to 3*5 in., petiolule *2 to

*3 in. Male flowers about *35 in. long, sub-globular, in solitary axillary

panicles more than half as long as the leaves, the branches about 3 in.

long, spreading at right angles or slightly drooping ; the flowers nume¬

rous, each with a minute scale-like bract, the pedicels short, stout.

Calyx very short, spreading, with 5 or 6 small reniform sepals, pubescent.

Petals 3, much larger than the calyx, orbicular, concave, glabrous or

puberulous on the outer surface. Staminal tube nearly as long as the

petals, sub-globular, with a small opening at the apex showing the

slightly protruding apices of the anthers : anthers 6, sub-sessile, nar¬

rowly elliptic, attached to the tube near its base ; rudimentary ovary

ellipsoid, boldly 3-angled. Female flowers larger than the males, in

axillary or slightly supra-axillary, solitary, often puberulous spikes

much shorter than the leaves. Sepals sometimes more pubescent than

in the male : petals as in the male, the anthers narrower. Ovary sub-

globular or ellipsoid with a 3-lobed stigma : disc hypogynous, broadly

conical, tawny-pubescent. Fruit sub-globular, yellow when ripe, 1 to

1*5 in. in diam. ; the pericarp coriaceous, smooth, 3-celled, opening by

3 valves : seed oblong with a scarlet arillus. Hiern in Hook. fil. FI.

54 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

Br. Ind. I, 559 ; C. DC. Monogr. Phan. I, 581 ; Knrz For. Flor. Burma

I, 220 ; Trimen Flora Ceyl. I, 249 ; Bedd. FI. Sylvat. t. 132 ; Brandis

For. FI. 69. Andersonia Rohituka , Roxb. Hort . Beng. 87 ; FI. Ind. ii,

213. Sphserosacme polystachya , Wall. Gat. 1277. Aglaia ? polysta-

chya , Wall, in Roxb. FI. Ind. ed. Carey, ii. 429. S . spicata, Wall. Gat.

4895. Buchanania spicata, Hb. Roxb. ex Wall. 1. c. Meliacea Wightiana

Wall. Gat. 4888. Amoora macrophylla, Nimmo in Grah. Gat. Bomb. PI.

31. Andersonia Rohitoca, Griff. Notul. iv. 507 ; Ic. PI. Asiat. iv. t. 589,

f. 3.

Perak: not uncommon. Malacca; Griffith (Kew Distrib.) 1051;

Maingay (Kew Distrib.) 341 ; King’s Collector, many numbers. An¬

damans ; King’s Collector. Distrib. Sumatra ; Forbes, No. 1734.

3. Amoora Aphanamixis, Schultes fil. Syst. VII, 1621, Phan. I,

581. A tree 20 to 30 feet high ; young branches rusty puberulous, ul¬

timately glabrous and (when dry) black. Leaves 15 to 25 in. long,

unequally pinnate; leaflets 11 to 17, sub-coriaceous, oblong, oblong-ob-

ovate to elliptic, shortly and obtusely cuspidate ; the base rounded, very

unequal-sided; glabrous when adult; main nerves 10 to 12 pairs,

slightly prominent beneath ; length 4 to 6 or even 8 in., breadth 2 to

2'75 in. ; petiolules stout, *15 to ‘25 in. long. Panicles slightly supra-

axillary, shorter than the leaves, puberulous, those with male flowers

with numerous short divaricating rather distantly-flowered racemose

branches. Flowers on very short pedicels, sub-globose, about *25 in.

in diam. Calyx cupular, with 5 rounded imbricate sepals, thickened

in the lower half and puberulous outside. Petals 3, thick, rotund,

concave, much larger than the sepals, glaberulous. Staminal tube

shorter than the petals, fleshy, glabrous, ovoid, with a small entire

mouth ; anthers 6, elliptic, included. Ovary depressed, 3-celled, gla¬

berulous ; stigma elongate, conical, fluted. Female flowers in rigid, un¬

branched or only slightly branched racemes, sessile like the males but

with larger ovaries. Fruit ovoid-globose (ripe example not seen), gla¬

brous. Miq. FI. Ind. Bat. I, pt. 2. p. 535 : Ann. Mus. Lugd. Bat. IV,

34. Amoora grandifolia, C. DC. Monogr. Phan. I, 581. Aphanamixis

grandifolia, Bl. Bijdr. 165.

Under cultivation the leaves of this species often attain much

greater size than the measurements given above.

4. Amoora rubiginosa, Hiern in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 561.

A tree 80 to 100 feet high ; young branches stout, rusty-puberulous and

scurfy. Leaves 18 to 24 in. long, equally pinnate ; leaflets 8 to 10 pairs,

opposite or alternate, coriaceous, oblong or elliptic-oblong, sub-acute

or shortly acuminate, the base cordate and slightly oblique; upper sur¬

face glabrous, shining, the lower densely covered by minute rusty

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 55

tomentum with a few superficial stellate hairs; main nerves 20 to

24 pairs, spreading, prominent beneath; length 5 to 9 in., breadth

1*25 to 2*75 in. ; petiolules about *15 in. long, bent. Panicles solitary,

axillary, more than half as long as the leaves, scurfily rusty-puberulous,

the peduncles long, branches few with short racemose branchlets.

Flowers on short pedicels, buds narrowly ovoid, *25 in. long. Calyx

shortly campanulate, rusty-tomentose outside, with 3 broad blunt spread¬

ing teeth. Petals 3, larger than the calyx, obovate-rotund, thick, gla¬

brous. Staminal tube slightly shorter than the petals, narrowly ovoid,

the mouth narrow and obscurely toothed; anthers 6, elliptic, included.

Ovary broadly ovoid, depressed, 3-angled, tawny-pubescent, crowned by

the glabrous ovoid, 6-angled stigma. Fruit sub-globose, apiculate, red

when ripe, rusty-puberulous, 2 to 3 in. in diam., the pericarp pulpy.

Seeds narrowly ellipsoid, about 1 in. long. C. DC. Monogr. Phan. I, 585.

Aphanamixis rubigivosa , Griff. MSS.

Malacca, Griffith, No. 1050: Maingay, No. 340 (both of Kew Dis-

trib.). Perak: King’s Collector. Singapore, Ridley, No. 3790.

5. Amoora lanceolata, Hiern in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 560.

A tree; young shoots minutely rusty-puberulous. Leaves 6 to 10 in.

long, unequally pinnate. Leaflets about 17, sub-coriaceous, opposite or

nearly so, narrowly oblong-lanceolate, bluntly acuminate, entire, the

base sub-cuneate; upper surface quite glabrous, the lower very minutely

puberulous and lepidote ; main nerves very faint, about 25 pairs, spread¬

ing ; length 2 to 3 in., breadth *6 to '75 in., petiole *2 in. Panicles of

male floivers axillary, solitary, nearly as long as the leaves, the branches

spreading, P25 to 2 in. long, many-flowered. Male flowers less than '1

in. long, ovoid, on very short pubescent pedicels. Calyx cupular, with 3

shallow teeth, pubescent. Corolla much larger than the calyx ; petals 3,

concave, glabrous inside, puberulous outside. Staminal tube shorter

than the petals, globular, glabrous, the mouth deeply 6-toothed ;

anthers 6, included, opposite the teeth, narrowly-elliptic ; rudimentary.

Ovary conical, 3-angled, puberulous. Female flowers and fruit unknown.

C. DC. in Monogr. Phan. I, 584.

Malacca; Maingay (Kew Distrib.), No. 343.

6. Amoora cucullata, Roxb. Corom. PI. Ill, 54, t. 258. A glabrous

tree 30 to 40 feet high. Leaves 12 to 15 in. long, unequally pinnate;

leaflets 5 to 9, thinly coriaceous, opposite, oblong-elliptic, sub-falcate,

sub-acute, very oblique at the base : main nerves indistinct, numerous,

spreading, the midrib strong ; length 3 to 5 in., breadth 1*2 to 15 in.,

petiolule *3 in. Male panicles about equal to the leaves, axillary, with

lax, spreading, corymbiform, sparsely lepidote branches. Flowers ’15 in.

long, obovoid. Calyx cupular, lepidote outside, with 3 broad blunt

56 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. J,

teeth. Petals 3, longer than the calyx, glabrous, broadly elliptic, the

apex blunt and concave. Staminal tube shorter than the petals, obovoid,

its mouth with 6 shallow broad blunt erose teeth ; anthers 6, elliptic,

included, attached half-way up the tube ; rudimentary ovary broadly

ovoid, sub-truncate. Female flowers a little larger than the males, but

in few-flowered supra-axillary racemes about 2 in. long ; Calyx , corolla,

staminal tube and anthers as in the male ; ovary ovate, 3-angled,

lepidote, 3-celled : stigma sessile, large, 3-lobed. Fruit depressed-globu¬

lar, 2*5 in. in diam., dehiscing by 3 valves, the pericarp leathery.

Seeds 3, rounded trigonous, with an orange-coloured arillus. Kurz For.

Flora Burma I, 221 ; C. DC. Monogr. Phan. I, 583 ; Hiern in Hook. fil.

FI. Br. Ind. I, 560: Bedd. FI. Sylv. 55 ; Miq. Ann. Mus. Lugd. Bat. IY,

37; Dalz, and Gibs. FI. Bomb. 37. Andersonia cucullata , Roxb. Hort.

Beng. 82 ; FI. Ind. II, 212. Sjphaerosacme Rohituka , Wall. Cat. 1278.

Amoora auriculata , Miq. MSS.

Perak : Scortechini. Singapore : Ridley. Distrib. Borneo, Kor-

thals : Burma, Khasia Hills, Delta of Ganges, Nepal.

7. Amoora Uidleyi, King n. sp. A tree 50 to 60 feet high ; young

branches stout, minutely cinereous-puberulous. Leaves 18 to 24 in.

long, unequally pinnate; leaflets 11 to 17, sub-opposite or opposite, sub-

coriaceous, oblong-lanceolate to ovate-lanceolate, caudate-acuminate ;

the base rounded or cuneate, very unequal ; both surfaces glabrous, the

lower sub-glaucous ; main nerves 8 to 13 pairs, spreading, slightly pro¬

minent on the lower surface: length 35 to 6 in., breadth P35 to 2 in.,

petiolules '25 to *4 in. Panicles axillary, solitary, about half as long as

the leaves, stellate-pubescent, on long peduncles, much branched, the ulti¬

mate branclilets cymulose. Flowers ‘2 in. long, narrowly ovoid, on bracteo-

late pedicels nearly as long as themselves. Calyx rather deeply cupular,

tomentose outside, the mouth with 3 shallow broad teeth. Petals 3,

longer than the calyx, fleshy, broadly elliptic, with very concave blunt

apices, pubescent in the lower half outside, otherwise glabrous.

Staminal tube much shorter than the petalsf glabrous outside, with a few

scattered hairs inside, cylindric, with a wide mouth with 6 broad shal¬

low teeth ; anthers 6, narrowly elliptic, their apices exserted ; ovary

depressed, densely pubescent, 3-celled; stigma glabrous, large, pyra¬

midal, deeply grooved. Fruit globular, minutely rusty-tomentose, 2'5

in. in diam. when ripe, indeliiscent, usually with 2 seeds 1*75 in. in

length ; peduncle, stout, *5 in. long.

Perak: King’s Collector, Nos. 5383, 5918, 6060, 7917; Wray,

No. 2107. Pahang : Ridley, No. 5027.

8. Amoora Wallichii, King. A tree: young branches stout,

minutely rusty-puberulous. Leaves 15 to 24 in. long, unequally pinnate :

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 57

leaflets 11 to 13, sub-coriaceous, opposite or sub-opposite, narrowly ob¬

long, sub-acute, the base rounded or slightly cuneate, slightly oblique ;

both surfaces glabrous : main nerves 16 to 18 pairs, prominent on the

rather pale under surface : length 4'5 to 8 in., breadth 14 to 2 in., petio-

lule *5 in. Panicles solitary, axillary, nearly as long as the leaves, with

few rather distant lax alternate branches, the ultimate branchlets cymu-

lose and slightly scurfy. Flowers *15 in. long, sub-rotund. Calyx a flat¬

fish cup with 3 broad shallow teeth, minutely tomentose externally.

Petals 3, longer than the calyx, rotund, concave, much imbricate, minute¬

ly pubescent outside. Staminal tube spherical-obovoid, with 10 small

acute teeth, glabrous ; anthers 10, narrowly elliptic, their apices slightly

exserted : rudimentary ovary depressed, tawny-pubescent, crowned by

the thick fleshy 3-grooved stigma. Female flowers mixed with the males

and exactly like them, but with a pyramidal, prominently 3-angled,

tawny-pubescent, 3-celled ovary crowned by a stigma as in the male.

Fruit obovoid, about 2 in. in diam., on a stout peduncle, its surface

tawny-tomentose. Sphaerosacme spectabilis , Wall. MSS. in Herb. Calc.

Amoora spectabilis Hiern (not of Miquel) in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 561.

Kurz For. Flora Burma I, 221.

Andaman Islands, King’s Collectors. Distrib. Burma, Assam, Sik-

him.

There has been some comfusion in dealing with this plant. The

description above given is that of Wallich’s own specimen (in flower)

taken from a tree grown in the Bot. Gard., Calcutta, which had origin¬

ally been brought from Goalpara in Assam. Fruiting specimens have in

more recent years been collected in Assam by Mr. Gustav Mann, for

many years Conservator of Forests in that province. Flowering speci¬

mens exactly agreeing with Wallich’s have also been brought from the

Andaman Islands. Miquel has described (Ann. Mus. Lugd. Bat. IV, 37)

under the name Amoora spectabilis , a plant of which he says Sphaero-

sacme spectabilis , Wall, is the type. But Miquel’s description does not

fit Wallich’s plant at all. Mr. Hiern, taking Miquel’s name A. spect¬

abilis y describes under it a plant from Burmah which is certainly not

Miquel’s plant: but which may be the same as Sphaerosacme spect¬

abilis, Wall.

9. Amoora rubescens, Hiern in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 561.

A tree 30 to 40 feet high ; young branches stout, rusty puberulous.

Leaves 18 to 30 in. long: leaflets 33 to 15, opposite, thinly coriaceous,

oblong, sub-acute or obtuse, narrowed and oblique at the base, both

surfaces glabrous ; main nerves 8 to 10 pairs, ascending, rather pro¬

minent beneath; length 4 to 5*5 in., breadth 1*75 to 2'25 in., petiolule

*5 in. Panicles solitary, axillary, 8 to 10 in. long, rusty puberulous, the

J. II 8

58 Cf. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 3,

branches spreading, the ultimate branchlets 2- to 3-flowered. Flowers

on short pedicels, obovoid-rotund, *1 in. long. Calyx cupular, puberu-

lous outside, with 3 broad blunt teeth. Petals 3, longer than the calyx,

rotund, concave, slightly puberulous on the back and edges. Staminal

tube broadly ovoid, the mouth wide and with 9 broad bifid teeth; an¬

thers 10, elliptic, their apices exserted. Ovary depressed, tawny-pubes¬

cent, 3-celled : stigma large, cylindric, glabrous, sulcate. Fruit depress¬

ed-globular, mammillate, 2 in. in diam., minutely rusty puberulous, 3-

celled (one cell abortive), pericarp thickly coriaceous, almost fleshy. C.

DC Monog. Phan. I, 589.

Singapore: Maingay Herb. prop. No. 3351 (Kew Distrib. No. 355).

Perak: King’s Collector, No. 5944 ; Wray, No. 2349. Penang : Curtis

No. 2437.

The fruit when ripe is reddish-brown, according to Mr. Curtis.

7. Aglaia, Lour.

Trees or shrubs, glabrous, lepidote or stellately pubescent, heaves

pinnate or trifoliolate ; leaflets quite entire. Flowers polygamo-dioeci-

ous, minute or small, numerous, paniculate, sub-globose. Calyx 5-lobed,

imbricated in bud. Petals 5, concave, short, imbricated. Staminal tube

urceolate or sub-globose, 5-toothed at the apex or entire ; anthers

usually 5, or 4 or 10, included or half-exserted, erect. Dish incon¬

spicuous. Ovary ovoid or shortly so, 1 -3-celled, with 2-1 ovules in each

cell; style glabrous, short. Berry dry, 1- 2-celled and-seeded. Seeds

with a fleshy integument. — Distrib. Species about 70, Chinese, Indo-

Malayan or Polynesian.

The genus Aglaia is distinguished by its small flowers with 5-merous calyx and

corolla, and depressed-globose or globose staminal tube. The calyx-lobes are often

imbricate, and the petals are invariably so, three being outside or partly so, and

two entirely covered by the outer three. To the genus, as limited by M. C. de

Candolle and Mr. Hiern, only species of which the anthers are either 5 or 6 can

be admitted. The effect of this limitation as to the number of the anthers is to

force into Amaora various species which, taking the section Aphanamixis as the type

of Amoora, have far less in common with that genus than with the 5-antherous

species of Aglaia. The result, as regards Amoora, is that that genus is loaded with

a number of anomalous species collected together in a group under the sectional

name Pseudo- Aglaia. By relaxing the definition of Aglaia so as to admit plants of

which the flowers have 4, 8 or 10 stamens, and by limiting Amoora to plants with 3-

merous corollas, it appears to me that both genera are greatly simplified. Dehis¬

cence in the fruit cannot be regarded as a diagnostic character of Amoora, there

being several Indian species in the fruit of which there is no evidence of dehis¬

cence ; but indehiscence in the fruit is an absolute character in Aglaia. The effect

of the change which I have ventured to carry into effect in the diagnoses of these

two genera is, as regards the species described by Mr. Hiern in the Flora of British

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 59

India, to convert Amoora Maingayi Hiern into an Aglaia :

Kurz is also removed to this genus.

Stamens 4 ... ... ... .... 1.

Stamens 5

Leaves quite glabrous , and not lepidote on the

lower surface.

Leaves trifoliolate, 2‘5 to 3 in. long, often

shorter than the panicles ; calyx with

elliptic lobes : anthers elliptic, included... 2.

Leaves 3- to 5-foliolate, 5 to 9 in. long,

always longer than the panicles ; calyx with

rounded teeth, puberulous outside; anthers

broadly ovate and with the tips exserted... 3.

Leaves 5 to 8 in. long ; leaflets 5 or

more ; all parts of the flower glabrous 4.

Leaves 7 or 8 in. long, leaflets 5 to 8, sub-

glaucous beneath ; sepals free, pube¬

scent outside; flowers ovoid, *1 in. long 5.

Leaves 6 to 12 in. long, leaflets 7 to 9,

the calyx toothed, lepidote-pubescent

outside; flowers depressed-hemispheric,

*05 in. in diam. ... ... 6.

Leaves 12 to 24 in. long ; leaflets about

15, brown when dry ; calyx toothed, pu¬

berulous; flowers obovate, ‘15 in. long 7.

Leaves 18 to 36 in. long ; leaflets 11 to

13, pale when dry ; calyx puberulous ;

flowers ‘05 to ‘075 in. in diam., de¬

pressed-globular ... ... 8.

Leaflets glabrous above , lepidote but not 'pubescent

on the lower surface .

Flowers depressed-globular, not more than

‘04 in. in diam., on pedicels as long as or

longer than themselves.

Calyx with 4 or 5 long spreading un¬

equal teeth nearly as long as the petals 9.

Calyx with 5 orbicular blunt spreading

lobes much shorter than the petals ... 10.

Flowers ovoid or obovoid-globose, ‘05 in.

or more in diam., on pedicels shorter

than themselves.

Amoora dysoxytoides ,

A . fusca.

A. odorata.

A. oligophylla.

A. glabriflora .

A. glaucescens.

A. Scortechinii.

A. Ganggo.

A . leucophylla.

A , cinerea .

A. odoratissima .

60 G. King — Materials fen* a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula . [No. 1,

Flowers ovoid, '08 in. long ; calyx sub-

campanulate, densely pubescent outside

with 5 deep broadly ovate lobes ; scales

on under surface of leaflets minute and

not shining ... ... ... 11.

Flowers ovoid, *05 in. long; calyx cupular,

pale-coloured, almost glabrous, divided

to the base into 5 shallow broad blunt

lobes ; scales on lower surface of leaflets

shining ... ... ... 12.

Flowers obovoid-globose, *08 in. long ;

calyx with 5 broad shallow rounded

spreading lobes minutely whitish tomen-

tose with superficial stellate-hairy bright

rusty scales ; scales on lower surface of

leaflets sparse stellate-hairy ... 13.

Leaflets more or less glabrous on the upper, pubescent

on the lower surface.

Panicles small with very short few-flowered

branches ... ... ... 14.

Panicles condensed ; flowers densely crowded,

sessile.

Leaflets on the under surface covered with

minute tomentum with stellate hairs

intermixed, and with superficial shining

scales ; flowers sub-globular, petals or¬

bicular ... .. ... 15.

Leaflets as in A. argentea, petals elliptic,

flowers ovoid ... ... ... 15.

A. Forbesii .

A. sguamulosa .

A. Kunstleri.

A. humilis.

A. argentea .

A. argentea.

var. Curtisii.

Leaflets tomentose on the lower surface,

scales if any not shining ; petals elliptic,

flowers ovoid ... ... ... 15. A. argentea.

var . eximia.

Panicles not condensed, their main branches

spreading, the ultimate divisions short

densely flowered spikes ; flowers depressed-

globular, sessile.

Flowers ’1 in. in diam.,

Main nerves of leaves 28 to 36 pairs :

panicles 9 to 12 in. long ...

Main nerves of leaves 16 to 24 pairs ;

panicles 6 to 8 in. long ...

16

17

A. lanuginosa.

A. Curtisii .

• t •

• • t

61

1895.] Gr. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula.

Flowers ’025 to *4 in. in diam.

Calyx very tomentose and with 5 long

narrow acute or sub-acute spreading

unequal lobes some of them longer

than the petals.

Leaves 4 to 9 in. long : leaflets not

cordate at the base, 1*5 to 5 in.

long; main nerves 6 to 11 pairs,

spreading, fruit ellipsoid ... 18.

Leaves 7 to 15 in. long ; leaflets mi¬

nutely cordate at the base, 4 to 6

in. long ; main nerves 10 to 14 in.,

oblique : fruit globular or ovoid ... 19.

Calyx much shorter than the petals and

with broad short imbricate lobes.

Calyx quite glabrous ... ... 20.

Calyx pubescent outside ; fruit pyri¬

form, 1*75 in. long ... ... 21.

Panicles lax, spreading ; flowers not crowded,

depressed-globular, globular or obovoid,

sub-sessile or pedicelled.

Flowers sub-sessile, anthers exserted.

Flowers '035 in. in diam., depressed-glo¬

bular, sub-sessile : calyx rotate and

with 5 deep broad rounded membra¬

nous pubescent lobes : staminal tube

short, cupular, sub-entire, glabrous.

Fruit ovoid-globose, tapering into a

pseudo-stalk, 1 in. long ... 22.

Flowers pedicelled, anthers included.

Flowers *05 in. long, globular, on

pedicels longer than themselves.

Calyx cupular with 5 acute spread¬

ing teeth stellate-pubescent outside.

Staminal tube globular, inflated

about the middle, glabrous, the

mouth sub-entire : fruit obovoid,

rugulose, about '4 in. long ... 23.

Flowers ‘06 in. long, obovoid, on pedi¬

cels shorter than themselves; Calyx

cupular, pubescent outside, with 5

blunt rotund spreading lobes ; staminal

A. Palembanica.

A. cordata.

A. Hiernii.

A. Griffithii.

A. membranifolia „

A. tenuicaulis.

62 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula [No. 1,

24. A. tricliostemon.

25. A. macrostigma .

A. heteroclita..

A. andamanica.

A. Maingayi.

tube obovoid, 5-toothed, puberulous ;

fruit globular to ovoid, '4 to • 6 in.

long

Stamens 7 to 9.

Panicles 12 in. long : calyx with 4 broad

valvate unequal teeth ; stigma long, nar¬

row, deeply 3-grooved, ovary 3-celled

Panicles 2'5 to 6 in. long.

Calyx fleshy, pellucid-dotted, with 5

broad imbricate lobes : stigma thick,

cylindric, 2-lobed ; ovary 2-celled ... 26.

Calyx with 5 minute erect pointed teeth :

stigma capitate, 2- 3-angled ... 27.

Stamens 10 ... ... ... ... 28.

1. Aglaia fusca, n. sp. King. A tree, young branches cinereous, at

first covered with a thin layer of deciduous minute pale rusty scurfy to-

mentum, afterwards glaberulous. Leaves 6 to 10 in. long, equally or unequ¬

ally pinnate ; leaflets coriaceous, alternate, sub-opposite (the upper pair

opposite) oblong-lanceolate to ovate-lanceolate, shortly acuminate or

acute, the base cuneate or sometimes rounded; upper surface glabrous and

shining ; the lower glabrous, minutely punctulate, the midrib rusty-pu-

berulous ; main nerves 7 to 9 pairs, ascending ; length 2 5 to 4*5 in.,

breadth 1 to l'754in. ; petiolules '35 in., that of the odd leaf (when present)

longer. Panicles axillary, solitary, much shorter than the leaves, with

rather long peduncles, the branches few, the flowers rather crowded.

Flowers globular, ’05 in. in diam., on pedicels rather shorter than them¬

selves. Calyx of 4 unequal rotund sepals, scaly externally. Petals 4,

rotund, concave, glabrous, larger than the sepals. Staminal tube globular-

obovoid, much thickened inside below each anther, glabrous, the mouth

small annular, sub-entire ; anthers 4, shortly and thickly ovate, inserted

near the mouth. Ovary (rudimentary) pubescent; stigma long, cylindric,

glabrous. Fruit globular with a small apiculus, minutely rusty-tomen-

tose, *3 in. in diam. (not ripe), one-celled and one-seeded by abortion.

South Andaman : King’s Collector.

In the fruit distinct remains of a second cell are found. The species

is closely allied to A. fuscescens , but is distinguishable by its thicker

narrower leaflets with midribs hairy below, much smaller flowers, and

more globose staminal tube which appears never to have more than

4 anthers. Flowers with perfect pistils have not yet been found.

2. Aglaia odorata, Lour. FI. Coch. Chin. 173. A shrub or small

tree ; young shoots slender, rusty stellate-lepidote. Leaves trifoliolate,

2'5 to 5 in. long ; leaflets thinly coriaceous, ovate- or obovate-oblong, the

63

1895.] Gf. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula.

apex obtuse or tapered to each end or sub-rhomboidal : the terminal one

the largest and tapering into the petiole : both surfaces glabrous, ’minute¬

ly reticulate when dry : main nerves 6 to 8 pairs, curving, indistinct ;

length of lateral pair 1’25 to 2 in., of terminal one 2’5 to 3'5 in. Pani¬

cles often longer than the leaves, lax. Flowers *1 in. long, on pedicels of

about the same length, glabrous. Calyx with 5 deep' [elliptic lobes.

Petals unequal, orbicular or sub-orbicular. Staminal tube campanulate,

with 5 broad truncate teeth; anthers 5, elliptic, included. Fruit unknown.

Malacca, Penang and Singapore ; but probably only cultivated.

Distrib. China and Siam.

3. Aglaia oligophylla, Miq. FI. Ind. Bat. Suppl. 507. A small

tree 15 to 20 feet high: young branches covered with deciduous cine¬

reous scurf. Leaves 5 to 9 in. long, unequally pinnate, the petioles and

rachises puberulous, soon becoming glabrous ; leaflets 3 to 5, membran¬

ous, the pairs opposite, the terminal one the largest, obovate-oblong to

elliptic, shortly[and often bluntly acuminate, the base cuneate, sometimes

oblique : both surfaces glabrous, reticulate when dry ; main nerves 5 or

6 pairs, ascending, curving ; length 3 to 6 in., breadth 1 ’5 to 2*5 in.;

petiolules *4 to '5 in., swollen at the base. Panicles axillary, 1*5 to 4 in.

long, at first scurfy, but ultimately sub-glabrous, much branched, brac-

teolate. Flowers ’075 in., in diam., on slender pedicels as long as them¬

selves, globular. Calyx cupular, flat, with 5 spreading rounded concave

teeth, puberulous externally, the edges ciliolate. Petals much longer

than the calyx, orbicular, concave, glabrous. Staminal tube shorter

than the petals, globular-turbinate, 5-grooved, the mouth with 5 broad

blunt teeth ; anthers 5, broadly ovate, the tips only exserted. Ovary

depressed ; stigma conical, pubescent. Fruit globular, with the calyx

persistent at its base, densely and minutely tawny-pubescent, ’5 or ’6 in.

in diam.; the pedicels stout, glabrous 1 in. long. Kurz For. Flora

Burma I, 220; C. DO. Monogr. Phaner. I, 607 ; Miq. Ann. Mus Lugd.

Bat. IY, 41. Meliaceae Singapuriana ? Walsura Wall. Cat. 4887.

Singapore : Wallich. Perak : King’s Collector, No. 3968. Distrib.

Burmah, Heifer (Kew Distrib.), No. 1046. Sumatra.

4. Aglaia glabriflora, Hiern in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. 1. 555. A

glabrous tree 15 to 25 feet high. Leaves 5 to 8 in. long, unequally pin¬

nate, the petioles and rachises angled : leaflets about 8 opposite and one

odd, membranous, usually ovate, rarely lanceolate, bluntly acuminate,

the base cuneate, rarely rounded ; when dry the upper surface shining,

the lower dull ; main nerves 4 pairs, ascending, curving, obsolete on the

upper, slightly prominent on the lower surface ; length 2 to 2 75 in.,

breadth ‘75 to L 25 in., petiolules ’15 to ’2 in. Panicles solitary, axil¬

lary, spreading, 1*5 to 4 in. long. Flowers numerous, ’1 in. long, their

64 Gr. 'King— Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Feninsula. [No. 1,

pedicels usually shorter but sometimes longer than themselves. Calyx cu¬

pular, fleshy, with 5 broad shallow rounded teeth. Petals 5, much longer

than the calyx, ovate, concave, the edges thin. Staminal tube shorter

than the petals, urceolate, the edge sub-entire ; anthers 5, elliptic, sub-

cordate, deeply included. Ovary short, depressed, pubescent ; stigma

long, cylindric, glabrous. Fruit reniform, compressed, cinerous, pube-

rulous, 2-celled, 2-seeded, *6 in. in diam. C. DC. Monogr. Phaner. I, 608.

Malacca: Griffith, Nos. 1041, 1042. Maingay (Kew Distrib.) No.

336. Perak: King’s Collector, Nos. 10617, 10724. Scortechini, No.

482. Singapore : Ridley, Nos. 1812, 3898.

5. Aglaia glaucescens, n. sp. King. A shrub : young branches

rather slender, the bark when dry cinereous lenticellate ; while young

covered with pale rusty minute scurfy tomentum. Leaves 7 or 8 in.

long, equally or unequally pinnate : leaflets 5 to 8, thinly coriaceous,

oblong or elliptic-oblong or obovate-oblong, sub-acute, the base cuneate,

both surfaces glabrous, the upper shining, the lower dull and sub-glau-

ceous ; main nerves 8 to 10 pairs, ascending, rather straight, slightly

prominent on the lower surface ; length 3‘5 to 5'5 in., breadth 1‘75 to

2 in. (rarely 3 in.), petiolules '35 to '5 in. Panicles solitary, axillary,

nearly as long as the leaves, branching from near the base, very lax,

few-flowered. Flowers ovoid, *1 in., long, on pedicels about as long as

themselves. Calyx of 4 or 5 ovate concave ascending sepals, pubescent

externally. Petals 4 or 5, larger than the sepals, thick, elliptic, obtuse,

glabrous. Staminal tube nearly as long as the petals, cylindric, widen¬

ing at the sub-entire mouth ; anthers 4 or 5, shortly and broadly evate,

attached near the apex of the tube, included. Ovary shortly and nar¬

rowly cylindric, pubescent, crowned by the glabrous cyliudric stigma.

Fruit unknown.

South Andaman Island : King’s Collectors.

6. Aglaia Scortechinii, King, n. sp. A tree ; young shoots slender

and, like the slender petioles, rachises, petiolules and inflorescences, with

very minute brown scales. Leaves 6 to 12 in. long, unequally pinnate ;

leaflets 7 to 9, the pairs opposite, membranous, lanceolate or oblong-

lanceolate, shortly acuminate, much cuneate at the base; both surfaces

quite glabrous, pale brown when dry ; the 7 to 10 pairs of main nerves

indistinct; length 3’5 to 5 in. Panicles 7 to 9 in., the branches long,

divaricating, lax. Flowers depressed-hemispheric, *05 in. in diam., on

slender pedicels longer than themselves. Calyx short, spreading, with

5 deep orbicular concave lobes, lepidote-pubescent externally. Petals

5, orbicular or ovate-orbicular, concave, glabrous, much larger than the

calyx. Staminal tube shorter than the petals, widely depressed-cam-

panulate, the mouth with several broad much inflexed teeth, glabrous ;

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 65

anthers 5, elliptic, included. Ovary small, depressed ; stigma globose.

Fruit unknown.

Perak: Scortechini, No. 722.

The nearest ally of this is A. speciosa , Blume, which, however, has

leaflets of thicker texture, with more numerous and distinct nerves and

squamulose on the under surface. The flowers of the two also differ

slightly, those of A. speciosa , although similar in calyx and corolla,

having a staminal tube with a wide open mouth, without inflexed teeth

and from which the anthers are partly exserted.

7. Aglaia Ganggo, Miq. Flor. Ind. Bat. Suppl. 506. A tree :

young branches, petioles, midribs and inflorescences covered with minute

rusty scales. Leaves 10 to 24 in. long, equally or unequally pinnate ;

leaflets 10 to 15, opposite or alternate, sub-coriaceous, narrowly oblong

or oblong-lanceolate, shortly and rather abruptly acuminate ; the base

cuneate, unequal-sided : both surfaces free from hairs, but covered with

very minute scale-like pustules : main nerves 12 to 18 pairs, faint,

spreading: length 3 to 5 ‘5 in., breadth 1 to P75 in., petiolule *15 to

'35 in. Panicles solitary, axillary, nearly as long as the leaves, the

lower branches distant, all more or less spreading, the flowers on

the ultimate branchlets rather crowded. Flowers '1 to *15 in. long,

ovoid, sub-sessile. Calyx cupular, minutely pubescent and scaly

outside, the mouth with 5 broad blunt erect teeth. Petals 5, larger than

the calyx, elliptic, concave, blunt, glabrous. Staminal tube shorter than

the petals, ovoid, the mouth small, circular, not toothed ; anthers 5,

narrowly elliptic, included. Ovary small, depressed, 3-angled, densely

hairy, crowned by the glabrous cylindric grooved stigma. Fruits on

short stout pedicels, reniform, compressed, 2-celled, 2-seeded, minutely

rusty-lepidote, '5 in. broad (perhaps not quite ripe). Miq. Ann. Mus.

Lugd. Bat. IY, 47. C. DO. Phaner. Monogr. T, 27.

South Andaman, Nicobar Islands ; King’s Collector. Distrib.

Sumatra.

The flowers of the Andaman specimens agree exactly with those

from Sumatra on which Miquel founded the species which is a very dis¬

tinct one. On each panicle, there appear to be certain flowers with per¬

fect and others with imperfect ovaries. The panicles bearing fruit are

thus in size and ramification exactly like those bearing flowers. A. For -

steni , a species founded by Miquel (Ann. Mus. Lugd. Bat. IY, 46) on

specimens collected in Amboina does not appear to me to be really dis¬

tinct from this. Under the name of Aglaia Ganggo , Miq., I believe

there have been issued from the Calcutta Herbarium some specimens of a

Perak plant (King’s Collector, No. 4606), which much resembles this

in leaves and inflorescence, but which has a very different staminal tube.

J. ii. 9

66 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

8. Aglaia leucophylla, King, n. sp. A tree 40 to 60 feet high ;

all parts quite glabrous ; young branches rather stout, pale, cinereous

when dry and slightly rough. Leaves 2 to 3 feet long, unequally pin¬

nate ; the petioles very long, minutely rugulose when dry ; leaflets 11 to

13, membranous, the lower alternate and distant, the upper opposite,

oblong-lanceolate to elliptic-oblong or ovate, all with acuminate apices

and cuneate bases, the lower half sometimes very narrow ; main nerves

9 to 15 pairs, spreading, curving, invisible on the upper but dis¬

tinct on the lower surface; length 6 to 12 in., breadth 1*25 to 3 in. ;

petiolules ’25 to '6 in., slender. Panicles extra-axillary, slender, rugu¬

lose, the branches spreading but slightly. Flowers '05 to "075 in. in diam.,

depressed-globular, on pedicels longer than themselves. Calyx much

smaller than the petals, pale-coloured, puberulous, with 5 deep acute

or sub-acute spreading lobes. Petals 5, dark-coloured when dry (yel¬

low when fresh), orbicular, concave, glabrous. Staminal tube turbinate,

the mouth 5- or 6-lobed ; anthers 5 or 6, broadly ovate, the connective

slightly apiculate at the apex, the apices bent downwards and not

exserted. Ovary broad, depressed, pubescent : stigma broadly ovoid,

the apex sub-2-lobed. Fruit (not ripe), obovoid, with depressed sub-

bi-lobed apex ; the slightly enlarged calyx persistent at the base,

minutely cinereous, tomentose.

Perak: King’s Collector, Nos. 1874, 2998 and 6494. Wray, No.

2935.

There is some diversity in the size of the leaflets and of the flowers

of this species. My collector’s gathering No. 2998 above-quoted has

narrowly oblong-lanceolate leaflets, and its flowers measure scarcely '05

in diam. : while the flowers of No. 1874 are quite '075 in. in diam., and

the leaflets of all the other gatherings, except No. 2998, are either elliptic-

oblong or ovate. I find that the structure of the flowers is alike what¬

ever their size may be.

9. Aglaia cinerea, King, n. sp. A shrub 10 to 15 feet high :

young branches petioles, rachises, petiolules and inflorescences with

numerous minute brown scales. Leaves 7 to 12 in. long, unequally

pinnate : leaflets 5 to 7, alternate and rather distant ; the uppermost

pair opposite, thinly coriaceous, oblong- or ovate-lanceolate, often ob¬

lique, the apex shortly acuminate, rhe base cuneate, that of the upper

three much narrowed in the lower third ; both surfaces cinereous

when dry, the lower paler and sparsely covered with rusty stellate

scales; main nerves 8 to 13 pairs, oblique, rather straight; length 2'5

to 6 in,, breadth 1 to 175 in. ; petiolules 35 to *6 in., that of the odd

leaflet sometimes '8 in. Panicles supra-axillary, slender, lax, 5 to 7 in.

long, the branches divaricating, Flowers small, '04 in. in diam., globu-

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 67

lar, on slender pedicels longer than themselves. Calyx with 4 or 5 long

spreading unequal blunt lobes nearly as long as the petals, pubescent-

lepidote externally. Petals 5, concave, rotund, unequal, glabrous. Sta -

minal tube shorter than the petals, shortly campanulate with a truncate

entire mouth, glabrous : anthers 5, shortly ovate, exserted. Ovary and

stigma both depressed. Fruit pyriform with a long pseudo-stalk and

on a short stout pedicel, minutely pubescent-lepidote, *75 in. long, and

’4 in. diam. near the apex.

Malacca : Griffith. Perak : King’s Collector, Nos. 2730 and 5285.

Scortechini No. 347.

10. Aglaia odoratissima. Blume Bijdr. 171. A tree 20 to 40 feet

high : young branches petioles rachises petiolules and inflorescences with

minute brown deciduous scales. Leaves 5 to 9 in. long, unequally pin¬

nate ; leaflets 5 to 7, oblong-lanceolate, rarely ovate, opposite, thinly

coriaceous, shortly acuminate, the base cuneate or rounded ; upper

surface glabrous, greenish when dry, the lower brown, sparsely (the

midrib and nerves rather densely) lepidote ; main nerves 6 to 9 (rarely

11) pairs, ascending, curved ; length 2 to 5 (occasionally 7) in.,; breadth

1 to 2 (occasionally 2‘5) in. ; petiolules *2 in., that of the terminal one

sometimes *3 in., Panicles supra-axillary, solitary, 3 to 8 in. long,

(occasionally 10 to 12) in., the branches divaricating, densely-flowered.

Flowers depressed-globular, about *035 in. in diam., on pedicels

about as long. Calyx cupular, or rather flat, short, with 5 orbicular

blunt spreading lobes, pubescent-lepidote outside. Petals 5, much

longer than the calyx, elliptic or obovate-rotund, unequal, blunt,

concave, glabrous, sometimes granular outside. Staminal tube shorter

than the petals, truneate-campanulate, the mouth open, obscurely 5-

lobed : anthers broadly ovoid, inserted by a very short filament just

below the mouth of the tube, exserted, or inflexed and therefore included.

Ovary small, depressed, pubescent ; stigma small, broadly ovoid. Fruit

ovoid or sub-globose, densely covered with minute brown scales, about

•6 in. long, and *4 in. in diam., usually 1-seeded. Miq. FI. Ind. Bat.

Vol. I, pt. 2, p. 544; Ann. Mus. Lugd. Bat. IV. 44. C. DC. Monogr.

Phaner. I, 602. A. Boxbnrghiana Hiern, FI. Br. Ind. I, 555 and C DC.

Monogr. Phaner. I, 604. ( not of Miguel .) Aglaia? Wall. Cat. 9039 P

A. sexipetala, Griff. Notulas I, 505.

Malacca; Griffith 1036 ; Maingay (Kew Dist.), No. 337. Perak:

Scortechini, Wray, King’s Collector. Singapore : Ridley. Penang :

Curtis Nos. 662, 768, 895, 896, 2448. Distrib. Sumatra, Java.

Although resembling A. Poxlurghiana , Miq. in its calyx and corol¬

la, that has a different staminal tube to which the strictly included

more elliptic anthers are attached near the base, whereas the anthers of

68 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

this species are shortly and broadly triangular ovoid and are inserted

on the staminal tube close to its mouth. The fruits too are different.

11. Aglaia Forbesii, King, n. sp. A tree 40 to 80 feet high :

young branches slender and, like the angled petioles rachises and petio-

lules, densely and minutely rufous-tomentose. Leaves 12 to 15 in. long,

equally pinnate ; leaflets 8 to 10, membranous, alternate, rather distant,

oblong to elliptic, alternate (the upper pair usually opposite) cuspidate,

the base slightly cuneate ; upper surface olivaceous when dry, glabrous,

minutely rugulose, dull ; the lower rather pale brown, minutely scurfy :

main nerves 10 to 13 pairs, oblique, rather straight, faint on the upper,

bold on the lower surface: length 3'5 to 5 2 in., breadth 1*5 to 25 in.

Panicles axillary, solitary, densely stellate-tomentose, 4'5 to 9 in. long,

the branches spreading. Flowers numerous, *08 in. long, ovoid, on

pedicels shorter than themselves. Calyx sub-campanulate, densely

pubescent outside, glabrous inside, with 5 deep broadly ovate lobes.

Petals 5, twice as long as the calyx, orbicular or ovate-orbicular, con¬

cave, glabrous. Staminal tube shorter than the petals, turbinate-globu¬

lar, the mouth with 5 broad shallow erose teeth, glabrous; anthers 5,

ovate, included or with their apices exserted. Ovary small, depressed,

puberulous ; stigma large, fleshy, broadly ovoid. Fruit ellipsoid to

ovoid, sometimes slightly gibbous at the base, or narrowly obovoid, not

apiculate, pale yellow when ripe, covered with minute scurfy pubes¬

cence, 1 to 1*25 in. long, and *7 to *9 in. in diam. when dry ; the pedicel

short, stout.

Perak: Wray, No. 3265: King’s Collector, Nos. 4762 and 10787.

Pangkore : Curtis, No. 1631. Distrib. Sumatra, H. O. Forbes, No. 3179.

12. Aglaia squamulosa, King, n. sp. A tree 30 to 50 feet high :

young branches rather stout, the bark striate and densely covered with

minute brown scurf-like pubescence. Leaves 15 to 30 in., unequally

pinnate, petiole rachis and petiolules minutely squamulose-pubescent :

leaflets 11 to 15, distant, alternate except the upper pair which are

opposite, coriaceous ; both surfaces minutely rugulose when dry, the

upper glabrous and dull, the lower uniformly covered with shining

minute pale-edged scales : main nerves 10 to 12 pairs, oblique, little

curved, faint on the upper, bold on the lower surface : length 4 to

10 in., breadth l-75 to 3'5 in., petiolules '25 to ’6 in. Panicles axil¬

lary, solitaiy, much branched, spreading, squamulose, angled, many-

flowered, 10 to 12 in. long. Flowers ovoid, '05 in. long, on pedicels

shorter than themselves. Calyx cupular, pale-coloured, almost gla¬

brous, divided to the base into 5 shallow broad blunt lobes. Petals 5,

much longer than the calyx, dark-coloured, rotund, unequal, concave,

glabrous. Staminal tube shorter than the petals, globose, the mouth

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 69

entire : anthers 5, ovate, large. Ovary rather large, pubescent, extend¬

ing much beyond the base of the ovoid glabrous stigma. Fruit (very

young) narrowly elliptic, densely scaly like the under surface of the

leaflets.

Perak: King’s Collector, Nos. 8805, 11013, 10145.

In its leaves this resembles A. latifolia Miq., but the scales on the

under surface of this are much larger and more shining. The flowers

too of this are much smaller and the calyx and corolla differ.

13. Aglaia kunstleri, King, n. sp. A tree 30 to 40 feet high ;

young branches rather stout and, like the petioles, rachises, petiolules

and inflorescences, covered with minute deciduous, brown pubescence

and scales. Leaves 18 to 25 in. long, unequally pinnate ; leaflets 5 to 13,

coriaceous, oblong-oblanceolate to elliptic-oblong, the apices shortly

acuminate, the bases usually more or less oblique, rounded or cuneate,

the upper leaflets often much narrowed in the lower third : upper sur¬

face glabrous, pale green, and minutely rugulose when dry, the lower

paler, rugulose, and with sparse, stellate, hairy, minute brown scales :

main nerves 10 to 14 pairs, faint on the upper, and only slightly pro¬

minent on the lower surface : length 4 5 ,to 7‘5 in., breadth 1'75 to 2’75

in. Panicles solitary, axillary, branching, many-flowered, 3 to 9 in. long.

Flowers ’08 in. long, globular-obovoid, on pedicels shorter than them¬

selves. Calyx cupular, tapering to the pedicel, with 5 broad blunt spread^

ing shallow lobes, minutely whitish-tomentose with bright rusty super¬

ficial stellate-hairy scales. Petals 5, much larger than the calyx, broadly

elliptic, concave, blunt. Staminal tube dark-coloured, pale and scarious

towards the base, shorter than the petals, globose, glabrous, 5-lobed ;

anthers 5, broadly ovate, included. Ovary rusty-pubescent ; stigma thick,

short, conical. Fruit globular, slightly depressed at base and apex, densely

covered with minute pale buff-coloured hairs, about ’8 in. in diam.

when dry, pedicel very short.

Perak : King’s Collector, Nos. 5287, 10610.

14. Aglaia humilis, n. sp. King. A shrub or small tree ; young

branches stout, rusty puberulous, the bark dark-coloured. Leaves 18

to 26 in. long, unequally pinnate ; leaflets sub-opposite (the upper pair

opposite), thinly coriaceous, oblong to elliptic-oblong, rarely ovate, shortly

cuspidate, the base rounded or sub-cnneate ; both surfaces minutely

punctulate when dry, the upper glabrous except the puberulous mid¬

rib ; the lower glabrous, the midrib and nerves stellate-pubescent ; main

nerves 11 to 20 pairs, spreading, prominent on the lower, depressed on

the upper surface when dry; length 4 to 9 in., breadth 175 to 3-5 in.;

petiolules *25 to *6 in. Panicles supra-axillary, solitary, 3 to 6 in. long,

with few-flowered very short branches. Flowers globular, ’05 in. in

70 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

diam. Calgx campanulate, pubescent-lepidote outside, the mouth with

5 large rounded teeth. Petals 5, longer than the calyx, elliptic, gla¬

brous. Staminal tube shorter than the petals, obovoid-globose, gla¬

brous, the mouth with 5 shallow broad blunt teeth ; anthers 5, ovate-

ellipsoid, included, short. Ovary rather broad, pubescent, with a large

glabrous conical 2-lobed stigma. Fruit (young) globular-obovoid,

2-celled ; the pericarp fleshy, cinereous-pubescent externally.

Perak: King’s Collector, No. 8619 ; Wray, No. 3763.

15. Aglaia argentea, Blume Bijdr. 170. A slender tree 10 to 15

or 20 feet high ; young shoots, petioles, rachises, petiolules, inflorescences

and under surfaces of the leaves densely covered with a layer of minute

tomentum with many stellate hairs and flat shining white or pale-

brown scales intermixed and on the surface. Leaves 24 to 30 in. long,

unequally pinnate ; leaflets 7 to 11, alternate, the odd one and the upper

pairs often much the largest, thinly coriaceous, oblong-lanceolate to

ovate-lanceolate or elliptic, the odd leaflet and often also the upper pair

often much cuneate at the base, the lower pairs often rounded, occasion¬

ally minutely cordate and sub-sessile, the apices of all more or less acu¬

minate : upper surface glabrous, the lower shining silvery to pale brown;

main nerves 12 to 24 pairs, inconspicuous on the upper bold and pro¬

minent on the lower surface ; length of the lower leaflets 5 to 9 in., of

the terminal one 12 to 15 in., breadth 2 to 5 in., petiolules • 2 in. Pani¬

cles supra-axillary, pedunculate, spreading, very dense, 3 to 5 in. long.

Flowers crowded, numerous, sessile, sub-globulai’, ’08 in. in diam.,

Calyx half as long as the corolla, deeply divided into 5 broad rounded

imbricate concave lobes, furfuraceous-lepidote externally, glabrous in¬

ternally. Petals 5, concave, orbicular, glabrous. Staminal tube globular,

shorter than the petals, the mouth sub-entire ; anthers 5, ovate, included.

Ovary depressed ; stigma sub-cylindric, truncate, glabrous. Fruit ovoid

or obovoid, minutely rusty-pubescent and lepidote, '8 to P25 in. long,

Miq. Flor. Ind. Bat. Yol. 1, Pt. 2, 543 ; Ann. Mus. Lugd. Bat. IY, 54 ;

Kurz For. Flor. Burma I, 219; C. DC. Monogr. Phaner. I, 618. A.

hypoleuca , Miq. Ind. Bat. Suppl. 507. A speciosa, Teysm, and Binn.

Cat. Rort. Bogor. 211 (not of Blume). Milnea argentea, Reinw. in

Cat. Hort. Bogor. 71.

Perak: King’s Collector, No. 3135. Nicobar Islands, Kurz. — Distrib.

Burma, Sumatra, Java, New Guinea.

This is a widely distributed and variable species of which Miquel

( Ann. Mus. Lugd. Bat. 1Y, 55) enumerates no less than seven varieties,

most of which he had himself previously treated as species. In young

shoots the leaflets are often few but very large.

Yar. eximia, Miq. Ann. Mus. Lugd. Bat. IY, 55. Flowers ovoid;

1895.] G-. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 71

petals elliptic, staminal tube ovoid ; leaflets 15 to 25, oblong, opposite,

sub-sessile, the bases rounded, 3 to 6 in. long, the terminal one not

longer than the pairs but with a narrow base : under-surfaces from pale

to cinnamoneous, not shining. A. eximia , Miq. FI. Ind. Bat. Suppl.

506. A. ancolana Miq. 1. c. 506.

Perak: King’s Collector, Nos. 5767 and 10007. Distrib. Sumatra.

Var. Curtisii , King. Flowers ovoid, ’15 in. long : petals elliptic;

staminal tube globular, the apical aperture very small and almost entire.

Leaflets 15 to 19, oblong, shortly acuminate and with rounded bases,

the terminal one not larger than the others. Fruit narrowly pyriform,

densely lepidote.

Penang; Curtis, No. 2287. Perak: King’s Collector, No. 8239.

16. Aglaia lanuginosa, King, n. sp. A tree 50 to 70 feet high ;

youug branches very stout (1 in. in diam.), rugulose and rusty-tomen-

tose between the large triangular leaf-cicatrices. Leaves 2 to 4 feet

long, unequally pinnate everywhere, except on the upper surfaces of

the leaflets, densely covered with soft rusty stellate tomentum ; leaflets

9 to 13, the pairs opposite, thinly coriaceous, oblong, cuspidate, the base

rounded and often minutely cordate ; upper surface glabrous ; main

nerves 28 to 36 pairs, sub-horizontal, slightly prominent on the lower,

faintly depressed on the upper surface; length 5 to 15 in., breadth 2 to

3*5 in., petiolules *25 to *4 in. Panicles axillary, from 3 to 12 in. long,

stout ; branches few, ascending and bearing short lateral spikes. Flow¬

ers sessile, densely crowded, depressed-globular, about *1 in. in diam.

Calyx completely enveloping the petals, with 5 deep narrow lobes covered

outside with soft stellate wool, inside glabrous. Petals 5, elliptic, blunt,

glabrous, concave, slightly shorter than the calyx. Staminal tube shorter

than the petals, its mouth wide and deeply 5-lobed, glabrous ; anthers

opposite its lobes, large, included. Ovary small ; stigma cylindric.

Fruit unknown.

Perak: Scortechini, No. 1682; King’s Collector, Nos. 7381, 7714.

This species resembles the Bornean A. grandis , Miq. in its leaves,

but has different flowers. Fruit of both species is unknown.

17. Aglaia Curtisii, King, n. sp. A tree 60 to 80 feet high ;

young branches stout, rusty puberulous. Leaves 18 to 30 in. long, un¬

equally pinnate ; leaflets coriaceous, 11 to 15, sub-opposite, oblong to ellip¬

tic, shortly acuminate ; the bases of the lower rounded, of the upper cune-

ate ; upper surface glaberulous and when dry minutely pustulate, the

midrib puberulous ; under surface covered with dense minute rusty

tomentum with numerous stellate hairs on the surface; main nerves

16 to 24, spreading, prominent beneath ; length 6 to 9 in., breadth 2 to

4 in., petiolules 2 to *35 in. Panicles slightly supra-axillary, solitary, 6

72 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

to 8 in. long, with few sub-erect branches ; the branchlets short, dense¬

ly flowered, all scurfy puberulous. Flowers globose, sessile, more than *1

in, in diam. Calyx of 4 or 5 thick densely tomentose sub-rotund

sepals. Petals 5, glabrous. Staminal tube short, sub-globular, with a

wide mouth ; anthers 5, short, attached close to the mouth of the tube,

their apices included. Fruit globular-obovoid, minutely rusty puberu¬

lous, 1*5 in. long, and 1'25 in. in diam.

Pangkore : Curtis, No. 1627. Perak; King’s Collector, No. 7786.

A species allied to A. pachyphylla, Miq., and not easy by descrip¬

tion alone to be distinguished from that species. An examination of

Miquel’s type specimen of A. pachyphylla kindly lent to me by the au¬

thorities of the Leiden Herbarium shows that the leaves of that are

distinctly falcate, while those of this are not: moreover the leaves of

A. pachyphylla taper much more to the apex, and the panicles are more

robust, than is the case in this species. The tomentum on the under

surface of the leaves differs in character in the two species ; and in the

leaves of A. pachyphylla the midribs of the leaves are raised and ridge¬

like on the upper surface, while these of this species are depressed.

The fruit of A. pachyphylla is unknown.

18. Aglaia Palembanica, Miq. Flor. Ind. Bat., Suppl. 507. A tree

10 to 25 feet high ; young shoots, petioles and rachises, petiolules

and iuflorescense densely rusty stellate-tomentose. Leaves 4 to 9 in.

long, unequally pinnate ; leaflets 5 to 9, sub-opposite, membra¬

nous, oblong-lanceolate to ovate, opposite or sub-opposite, shortly acu¬

minate, the base cuneate, the terminal and upper pairs of leaflets with

bases much narrowed; upper surface sometimes deciduously lepidote,

ultimately glabrous, except sometimes the pubescent lower half of the

midrib ; lower surface more or less closely stellate-pubescent, especially

on the midrib and 6 to 11 pairs of spreading main nerves; length P5 to

5 in., breadth *65 to 1*75 in., petiolules *15 in. Panicles solitary, axillary,

1*5 to 4 in. long, slender, their branches short and divaricating, bearing

the flowers in dense short spikes. Flowers depressed-globular, about *025

in. in diam. Calyx with 5 long narrow acute or sub-acute spreading un¬

equal lobes, some of them occasionally longer than the petals, boldly

stellate-tomentose outside, glabrous inside. Petals 5, obovate-elliptic,

concave, glabrous. Staminal tube shorter than the petals, glabrous, its

mouth truncate entire ; anthers 5, ovate, curved, half-exserted. Ovary

large, pubescent, stigma 3-angled. Fruit ellipsoid (narrowly so when

young), deciduously stellate-tomentose, *75 in. long, and *6 in. in diam.

Miq. Ann. Mus. Lugd. Bat. IV., 52 ; Hiern in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I,

557 ; C. DC. Monogr. Phaner. I, 619. Aglaia Sipannas , Miq. FI. Ind. Bat.

Suppl. 508. A. tomentosa , Teysm. and Biun. in Nat. Tijdschr. Ned.

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 73

Ind. Vol. 27. p. 43. A. rufa , Miq. in Ann. Mus. Lugd. Bat. IV, 649.

C. DC. Monogr. Phaner. I, 613.

Malacca: Griffith, No. 1013. Maingay (Kew Distrib.), No. 333.

Penang: Curtis, No. 2003 ; King’s Collector, No. 1790. Perak: Scor-

techini, Wray, King’s Collector. Kedah: Curtis, No. 2520. Distribu¬

tion : Sumatra, Bangka, Borneo.

This differs from its nearest ally A. Grijfithii in its large, irregu¬

larly lobed, very tomentose calyx, and in its smaller fruit and leaves.

I have examined authentic specimens of A. Sipannas, Miq. and of A. rufa ,

Miq., and I cannot see how they are to be separated from A. palembanica,

Miq. A specimen in the Leiden Herbarium, collected by Korthals in

Sumatra, and named in Miquel’s handwriting A. elliptica , Blume, var.

Sumatra, ought in my opinion to be referred to this species. The plant

named by Teysmann and Binnindyk A. tomentosa, and of which Curtis’s

specimen from Kedah, No. 2520, is an example, has longer leaflets than

typical A. palembanica, with more nerves, and more tomentose beneath ;

but I think its reduction to this is justifiable. This plant has a wider

distribution than is usual with species of this family, and slight local

differences are thus naturally to be expected.

19. Aglaia cordata, Hiern in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 557 (excl.

var. 2). A tree 20 to 30 feet high ; young shoots, petioles, rachises,

petiolules and inflorescence more or less densely clothed with rusty or

tawny stellate-tomentum. Leaves 7 to 15 in. long, unequally pinnate ;

leaflets 7 to 9, the pairs opposite, rarely sub-opposite, membranous,

oblong-oblanceolate, rarely ovate or elliptic, all with shortly acuminate

apices, the odd one the largest and much attenuate towards the base,

the paired leaflets cuneate, minutely cordate at the very base ; upper

surface glabrous, the midrib slightly pubescent; the lower stellate-

pubescent, sometimes densely so, the midrib always, and the nerves

usually, tomentose ; main nerves 10 to 14 pairs, oblique, slightly

depressed on the upper surface when dry and prominent on the lower :

length 4 to 6 in., breadth 1*75 to 2'25 in., petiolules less than *3 in. or

absent ; the terminal leaflet larger and with a petiolule * 2 to '4 in. long.

Panicles axillary, solitary, 3 to 6 in. long, the branches spreading, the

ultimate branchlets shorter, spike-like, and densely crowded with flowers.

Flowers about *35 in. in diam., sub-sessile, otherwise as in those of A,

palembanica. Fruit globular or ovoid, densely covered with deciduous

rusty stellate tomentum, ’5 to *65 in. in diam. C. DC. in Monogr.

Phaner. I, 618 (excl. var. b. calyce glabro).

Malacca: Maingay (Kew Distrib.), Nos. 334,335/2. Singapore:

Ridley, No. 333. Perak : Scortechini ; Wray, No. 2962 ; King’s Collec¬

tor, Nos. 2836, 3646, 5071, 6360.

J. ii. 10

74 Gr. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. J,

Under liis species A. cordata , Mr. Hiern has in my opinion included

two plants. The species A. cordata , as here limited, includes only Hiern’s

form with hirsute calyx, and is really little more than a large-leaved

variety of A. palembanica. Mr. Hiern’s form with glabrous calyx is, in

my opinion, a distinct species, the calyx differing not only in being

glabrous, but in being much smaller, and of quite a different shape.

I have described it as a species under the name A. Hiernii.

20. Aglaia Hiernii, King, n. sp. A tree 40 to 80 feet high ;

young branches, petioles, racliises, petiolules and inflorescences, densely

clothed with rather soft rusty stellate tomentum. Leaves 14 to 18 in.

long, unequally pinnate ; leaflets 7 to 9, the pairs opposite, thickly mem¬

branous, oblong or oblong-lanceolate ; the terminal one oblong-oblanceo-

late, longer than the others and two or three times as long as the

petiolule ; the apices of all shortly and sharply acuminate, the bases

cuneate, especially of the uppermost ones ; upper surface glabrescent

with a few scattered stellate-hairs, the midrib and nerves densely

stellate-pubescent ; under-surface uniformly covered with pale-brown-

centred scales and a Superficial layer of rufous stellate tomentum ; main

nerves 13 to 22 pairs, sub-horizontal, depressed on the upper and bold

on the lower surface when dry ; length 4 to 6 in. (the odd one an inch

longer); breadth 175 to 2'25 in., petiolules of the pairs *15 in.

Panicles slightly supra-axillary, solitary, 8 to 12 in. long, the branches

divaricating, the ultimate branchlets bearing densely-flowered spikes.

Flowers *4 in. long, sessile, globular. Calyx cupular, quite glabrous,

with 4 or 5 deep broad rounded imbricate lobes. Petals 5, rotund or

ovate-rotund, unequal, much longer than the calyx, the outer 3 the largest,

all concave and glabrous. Staminal tube shorter than the petals, cup¬

shaped, the mouth wide ; the 5 ovate anthers inserted by very short

filaments on the edge of the tube, but inflexed so as to be included.

Ovary small, pubescent ; stigma depressed-spheroidal, pubescent. Fruit

unknown.

Malacca : Maingay. Perak : King’s Collector, Nos. 5976, 6706,

10877.

This is allied to A. cordata , Hiern, but differs from it in having lea¬

flets with more numerous and more horizontal main nerves, more densely

tomentose and lepidote beneath. The calyx of this, moreover, is con¬

spicuously different, being smaller, having broad lobes much shorter

than the petals, and quite glabrous, while the calyx of A. cordata , as

limited here, has a large calyx densely stellate-tomentose externally, and

with acute lobes often longer than the petals. This is a large tree,

often attaining a height of 80 feet, while A , cordata is a small tree from

20 to 30 feet high.

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 75

21. Aglaia Griffithii, Knrz in Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, for 1875,

p. 146. A tree 30 to 50 feet high. ; young branches petioles, rachises,

petiolules and inflorescences densely clothed with minute rusty stellate

pubescence. Leaves 12 to 18 in. long, unequally pinnate ; leaflets 13 to

19, opposite or sub-opposite, narrowly elliptic or oblong-lanceolate,

often slightly oblanceolate, shortly acuminate, the base rounded or

snb-cuneate : upper surface glabrous except the rusty tomentose midrib,

the nerves inconspicuous ; lower surface sparsely stellate-pubescent,

the midrib and 10 to 12 pairs of bold curved spreading nerves tomen¬

tose ; length 2*5 to 5 or even 6 in., breadth 1 to 1'4 in., petiolules about

*15 in. Panicles solitary, axillary, spreading, many-branched, many*

flowered. Flowers about *025 in. in diam., depressed-globular, broader

than long. Calyx cupular with 5 deep broad lobes, pubescent out¬

side. Petals 5, twice as long as the calyx, concave, glabrous. Staminal

tube shorter than the petals, glabrous ; anthers 5, ovate, partly exserted.

Ovary pubescent ; stigma depressed-hemispheric. Fruit pyriform, densely

covered with sub-deciduous rusty scurfy stellate tomentum, 1*75 in

long, and 1*25 in. in diam. Kurz For. Flora Burma I, 219. A .

minutiflora Bedd. var. Griflithii , Hiern in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 557 :

C. DC. in Phaner. Monogr. I, 616.

Malacca : Griffith, Nos. 1039 and 1040 : Maingay, No. 334-2 (No. 334

is A. cordata , Hiern). Perak : Scortechini, Wray, King’s Collector,

Nos. 4231, 6282, 6341, 6346, 10285, 10925, 10957.

The flowers of this are less than half the size of those of A. minu¬

tiflora Bedd. — a plant of Western Peninsular India, of which Mr. Hiern

and M. C. De Candolle make this a variety. On dissecting male flowers of

an authentic specimen of Beddome’s plant I find, however, that not only

are the flowers larger, but they are of a different shape, being globular-

obovoid, while those of this plant are depressed-globular and broader

than long. The calyx of this, moreover, is about half as long as the

petals, while the calyx of Beddome’s plant is not more than a third or a

fourth of the length of its petals. Moreover, the leaflets of A. minu¬

tiflora Bedd., are less numerous than in this plant, and the tomentum

on their lower surface is much more dense. The fruit hitherto described

as belonging to this plant, is that issued from Kew as No. 334 of

Maingay’s Herbarium. That fruit, however, does not belong to this

species, but to A. cordata , Maing. It is globular and, in size as well as

in shape, greatly resembles that of A. minutiflora. The true fruit of

this ( now described for the first time) is pyriform and much larger

than that of A. minutiflora. On account of these differences, I therefore

follow Kurz in regarding this as a distinct species from the latter.

22. Aglaia membeanifolia, King, n. sp. A tree 20 to 60 feet high.

76 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

Leaves 2 to 3 feet long, the petioles, rachises and petiolules covered

with minute harsh tomentum, unequally pinnate; leaflets from 7 to 11,

thinly membranous, elliptic-oblong, acuminate, the base cuneate ; upper

surf nee glabrous, pale greenish when dry, the lower surface darker and

sometimes with a tinge of purple, very sparsely and minutely stellate-

pubescent, the midrib boldly so ; main nerves 20 to 30 pairs, faint on

the upper, bold on the lower surface; length 9 to 15 in., breadth 2‘75

to 5*5 in., petiolules only about *1 in. Panicles everywhere stellntely

rusty-pubescent, slightly supra-axillary, with numerous, many-flowered,

spreading branches. Flowers about ’035 in. in diam., depressed-globu¬

lar, almost sessile, often with a few bracteoles at the base. Calyx

rotate, with 5 deep broad rounded membranous pubescent lobes. Petals

5, broadly ovate to rotund, longer than the calyx, glabrous, concave.

Staminal tube shorter than the petals, cupular, sub-entire, glabrous ;

anthers 5, ovate, curved, exserted. Ovary small, much depressed ; stigma

depressed-spheroidal, vertically grooved. Fruit ovoid or ovoid-globose,

tapering at the base into a short pseudo-stalk, densely covered with

minute scaly tawny tomentum, 1 in. long, and *75 in. in diam.

Perak: King’s Collector, Nos. 590L and 7104. Distribution:

Sumatra ; Forbes, No. 1679.

This resembles A. tenuicaulis, Hiern ; but it has smaller flowers,

different calyx and staminal tube and larger fruit. The texture of the

leaflets is also thinner and the stellate hairs on their under surface

less numerous.

23. Aglaia tenuicaulis, Hiern in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 556.

A shrub or small tree 10 or 12 feet high with a slender stem 2 to 3 in.

in diam. Leaves 3 feet or more in length, unequally pinnate ; the long

petiole, rachises, petiolules and young branches densely stellate rusty -

tomentose ; leaflets membranous, oblong to elliptic, minutely cuspidate

to shoi tly acuminate ; the base cuneate, rarely rounded ; upper surface

glabrous, the lower sparsely minutely stellately rufous-pubescent; main

nerves 15 to 20 pairs, spreading, obsolete on the upper prominent on

the lower surface ; length 6 to 12 in., breadth 2*5 to 4’5 in. ; petiolules

•3 to *35 in., stout. Panicles slightly supra-axillary, everywhere densely

rufous-pubescent like the petioles, about 12 in. long, with spreading

densely-flowered branches, those bearing fruit only a few inches long.

Flowers *05 in. long, globular, on pedicels longer than themselves.

Calyx capular, stellate-pubescent outside, glabrous inside, with 5 deep

acute spreading teeth. Petals 5, much longer than the calyx, ovate or

sub-obovate, concave, elliptic, glabrous. Staminal tube shorter than the

petals, globular, inflated about the middle of the sub-entire mouth, gla¬

brous except at the base inside ; anthers 5, short, ovate, included. Ovary

1895. j Gr. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 77

small, stellate-hairy. Stigma elliptic, obtuse. Fruit obovoid, rugulose,

densely covered with minute rusty stellate-tomentum, about ’4 in. long,

C. DC. in Monogr. Phaner. I, 615.

Penang : Maingay (Kew Distrib.), No. 3252. Curtis, No. 747.

Selangor; Ridley. Perak; Wray, King’s Collector, Scortecliini. Singa¬

pore ; Lobb. Distrib. Sumatra.

24. Aglaia trichostemon, C. DC. Monogr. Phaner. I, 608. A tree

30 to 60 feet high ; young shoots, petioles and rachises of leaves and

inflorescences deciduously rusty stellate-tomentose, scabroid beneath the

tomentum. Leaves 18 to 27 in. long, unequally pinnate ; leaflets 9 to 13,

alternate or opposite, sub-coriaceous, oblong to elliptic, shortly acumi¬

nate, the base slightly cuneate or rounded ; upper surface glabrous, the

lower sparsely and minutely stellately pubescent ; main nerves 12 to 16

pairs, slightly depressed on the upper surface when dry, bold on the

lower ; length 4 to 8 in. ; breadth 2 to 275 in. ; petiolules *25 to *4 in.

Panicles supra-axillary, solitary, nearly as long as the leaves, with few

divaricating lax branches, densely and minutely rusty stellulate-pube-

scent and scaly. Flowers obovoid, globose, '06 in. long, on pubescent

pedicels shorter than themselves. Calyx shallow, cupular, deeply

divided into 5 rotund, blunt, spreading lobes, pubescent externally.

Petals 5, slightly unequal, ovate-rotund, concave, glabrous, much longer

than the calyx. Staminal tube shorter than the petals, thin, puberulous,

obovate, the mouth with 5 broad emarginate shallow teeth ; anthers 5,

broadly ovate, small, inserted near the edge of the tube, included. Disc

rather large, inferior to the ovary, pubescent. Ovary small, cylindric, 4-

angled, glabrous. Fruit globular to ovoid, shortly pedicelled, dense¬

ly covered with minute rusty stellate tomentum, '4 to "6 in. long. Cupa-

nia rufescens, Wall. Cat. 8067 B (exclude A). Aglaia edulis , Hiern in

Hook. fil. PI. Br. Ind. I, 1556. Aglaia cupanioidea , King MSS.

Penang; Wallich. Perak; Scortechini, King’s Collector, Nos.

5597,5901. Pahang; Ridley, No. 5885. Singapore, Anderson, No. 29 ;

Ridley, No. 5833. Malacca; Derry, Nos. 1076, 1186. Distribution

Borneo, Beccari, No. 3981.

Although first collected so long ago as Wallich’s time, fruit of this

very distinct species is now described for the first time. It resembles

A. tenuicaulis and A. membranifolia to some extent in its leaves, but is

a much larger tree than either, and its leaflets have a thicker texture.

Its fruits are much smaller than those of A. membranifolia; and,

although of about the same size as those of A. tenuicaulis , they are

covered with much shorter tomentum. Specimens of this were disfri-

buted from the Calcutta Herbarium under the MSS. name Aglaia

cupanioidea , King MSS.

78 Gr. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

25. Aglaia macrostigma, King, n. sp. A tree 40 to 60 feet liigh ;

young branches very stout, lenticellate, puberulous. Leaves 2‘5 to

4 feet long, unequally pinnate, the petioles very long, *3 in. thick, and,

like the rachises petiolules and inflorescence, covered with minute brown

scales ; leaflets 15 to 17, the pairs opposite or nearly so, membranous, ellip¬

tic to elliptic-oblong, slightly oblique, shortly and sharply acuminate, the

base rounded; upper surface everywhere glabrous, the lower glabrous, the

midrib and nerves rugulose and minutely scaly : main nerves 12 to 20

pairs, depressed on the upper surface, very prominent on the lower; length

5 to 10 in., breadth 2 to 4 in., petiolules *5 to '7 in. Panicles axillary,

solitary, about 12 in. long (including the long peduncle), the branches

rather short, many-flowered. Flowers broadly obovoid, about '08 in.

long, on short stout rusty-tomentose pedicels. Calyx half as long as the

corolla, cup-shaped, the mouth with 4 unequal broad valvate teeth,

rusty-stellate-tomentose externally. Petals 5, glabrous, imbricate, the

two external longer and orbicular, the 3 inner smaller and elliptic.

Staminal tube shorter than the petals, cupular, the mouth wide and with

8 to 10 lanceolate teeth ; anthers 7 or 8, large, elliptic, much exserted.

Ovary depressed, 3 angled, 3-celled, yellowish-pubescent, crowned by a

glabrous erect fleshy deeply-fluted 3-angled stigma. Fruit elliptic-

obovoid, narrowed to a short pseudo-stalk, covered with minute pale

scales, 1*5 in. long, and l in. in diam.

Perak: King’s Collector, Nos. 6531, 6919, 7559.

Like A. heteroclita , King, this species has more than 5 stamens,

and it has a larger stigma than is usually found in Aglaia. Its inflore¬

scence is quite that of Aglaia , as also is its fruit.

26. Aglaia heteroclita, King, n. sp. A tree 30 to 40 feet high,

glabrous except the inflorescence and under surfaces of the leaves.

Leaves 18 to 30 in. long, equally or unequally pinnate : leaflets thinly

coriaceous, 8 or 9 to 10 or 11, distant, alternate, oblong to elliptic-

oblong, oblique, more or less acuminate, the base cuneate and oblique :

both surfaces dull and pale when dry (especially the lower), the

upper glabrous, the lower with sparse minute rusty stellate scales ; main

nerves 12 to 16 pairs, spreading, faint on the upper, and only slightly

conspicuous on the lower surface; length 4 to 7 in., breadth P5 to

2‘75 in. ; petiolules *35 to *75 in., slender. Panicles axillary or terminal,

2*5 to 6 in. long, stout, the branches not divaricating, the ultimate

branchlets minutely bracteolate, densely flowered. Flowers '125 in.

long, sub-globular, on thick^pedicels shorter than themselves and with a

spongy epidermis. Calyx fleshy, corrugated, conspicuously pellucid-

dotted, deeply divided into 5 broad rounded imbricated concave lobes.

Petals 5, somewhat longer than the calyx and thinner, not dotted, ellip-

3895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 79

tic, blunt-, concave especially towards the apex. Staminal tube shorter

than the petals and darker in colour, globular-cylindric, the mouth

obscurely lobed. Anthers 7 or 8, elliptic, included. Ovary pyramidal,

fleshy, grooved, pubescent, 2-celled, crowned by the glabrous, broadly

and shortly cylindric, grooved, indistinctly 2-lobed stigma. Ovules 2

in each cell, superposed. Fruit obovoid or pyriform, shortly apiculate,

minutely scaly-tomentose, about 1 in. long including the pseudo-stalk,

and *8 in. in diam., apparently indehiscent, 1- or 2-seeded.

Perak; King’s Collector, No. 10896, Wray (at elevation of 8400

ft.), Nos. 1135, 3994. Distrib. Sumatra, Forbes, Nos. 1558 and 1696.

This differs from typical Aglaia in having 7 or 8 stamens, and its

stigma is that of Amoora rather than of Aglaia. The inflorescence

resembles that of Aglaia argentea, Bl.

27. Aglaia andamanica, Hiern in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 218.

A tree 30 to 40 feet high ; young branches, petioles, midribs, inflorescence

and calyx covered with pale- brownish deciduous scales. Leaves 12 to 15

in. long, unequally pinnate ; leaflets 5 to 7, alternate, membranous,

ovate- elliptic to elliptic, shortly and obtusely acuminate, the base

rounded or sub-cuneate, slightly oblique ; main nerves 13 to 15 pairs,

faint ; upper surface glabrous, shining ; the lower dull, sparsely scaly ;

main nerves 13 to 16 pairs, oblique, slightly prominent below ; length 4

to 6 in., breadth 2 to 3 in., petiolule '25 to '35 in. Panicles crowded

towards the ends of the branches, axillary, solitary, 2 to 3 in. long,

many-flowered. Flowers broadly ovoid, truncate, ‘15 in. long, on pedicels

shorter than themselves. Calyx cupular, puberulous and scaly outside,

the mouth with 5 pointed minute erect teeth. Petals 5, larger than the

calyx, elliptic, slightly obovate, the apex blunt and incurved, puberulous

externally, the edges membranous and glabrous. Staminal tube ovoid-

globose, the apex sub- truncate, with 4 obscure broad teeth ; anthers 8

or 9, narrowly elliptic, sessile, inserted at the base of the tube, included.

Ovary small, depressed, 3-angled, densely tawny-tomentose ; stigma

sub-capitate, glabrous, fleshy, 2-3-angled. Fruit narrowly ellipsoid,

lepidote, 1*5 in. long. Kurz For. Flora Burma. I, 218. C. DC. Monogr.

Phaner. I, 606. Amoora dysoxyloides , Kurz Journ. As. Soc. Bengal II,

1875, p. 200 ; I, 222. C. DC. 1. c. I, 589.

The Andaman and Nicobar Islands ; Kurz, King’s Collectors.

Distrib. Great Coco Island, Prain. Burma, Brandis.

Kurz described his Amoora dysoxyloides on scanty specimens col¬

lected by Sir Dietrich Brandis in Burma. I have carefully dissected

flowers from these and I find they are those of an Aglaia , and belong

to A. andamanica, Hiern.

28. Aglaia Maingayi, King, n. sp. A shrub P young branches, thin,

80 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

with pale bark and minute brown scales. Leaves 4 to 6 in. long; leaflets

4 or 5, alternate or opposite, membranous, oblong-elliptic, shortly and

bluntly acuminate, the base cuneate, both surfaces glabrous ; main nerves

6 to 9 pairs, ascending, faint ; length 25 to 35 in.; breadth 1*15 to

15 in., petiolule ‘25 in. Panicles one or two from an axil, shorter than

the leaves, slender, much branched, scaly. Flowers on pedicels as long

as themselves, depressed-globular, *15 in. in diam. Calyx widely cupular,

pubescent and scaly outside, with 4 or 5 broad shallow erect unequal

teeth. Petals 4 or 5, larger than the calyx, obovate, the upper half

concave, glabrous or pubernlous, attached by their bases to the

staminal tube. Staminal tube depressed-globose, the mouth wide and

obscurely toothed, puberulous below the anthers inside ; anthers 10,

half as long as the tube, ovate, included. Ovary minute, depressed,

pubescent, 3-celled, 3-ovuled ; stigma short, cylindric, glabrous. Fruit

(young) broadly obovoid, deeply 3-grooved, puberulous, 3-celled, with

a single seed in each cell. Aglaia Maingayi , Hiern in Hook. fil. FI. Br.

Ind. I, 562. C. DC. Monogr. Phaner. I, 588.

Malacca : Maingay (Kew Distrib.), No. 342 (Herb. prop. No. 1910).

Perak : King’s Collector, No. 3325, Scortechini.

Doubtful Species.

A tree has been collected in Perak both by Mr. Wray and Mr.

Kunstler (Collector of the Calcutta Botanic Garden), which I believe

to be Aglaia Korthalsii , Miq. The Perak specimens are in fruit only ;

and it is only by comparison with Miquel’s type specimen of A. Korthal-

sii in the Leiden Herbarium (which is in flower only), that I have made

the identification. The species closely resembles A. macrostigma , King,

but has shorter leaves with more slender rachises and petiolules : the fruit

is also larger and more obovoid. I have distributed the Perak plant as

doubtfully A. Korthalsii , but not having flowers, I do not describe it

here.

8. Lansium, Rumph.

Trees with unequally pinnate leaves ; the leaflets quite entire,

alternate or opposite, shortly petiolulate. Flowers polygamo-dioecious,

5-merous, axillary, the male usually paniculate, the female spicate-

racemose. Sepals rounded, imbricated. Petals rouiided, connivent,

concave, imbricated. Staminal tube globose, the mouth entire or cre-

nulated ; anthers 10, obtuse, usually in twro rows, the shorter ones

included, the longer partly exserted, sometimes apiculate. Dish obsolete.

Ovary globose, 3-5-celled ; cells 1-2-ovuled ; style very short, thick ;

stigma truncate, 3-5-lobed. Fruit baccate, edible, 1-5-celled, cells

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 81

X-2-seeded ; seeds oblong, invested in a pulpy aril, exalbuminous. —

Distrib, Four species, all Indo- Malayan.

Leaflets 5 to 10 in. long; main nerves about

10 pairs ... ... ... 1. L. domesticum.

Leaflets 2 to 3 in. long : main nerves very

numerous ... ... ... 2. L. cinereum.

Doubtful species ... ... 3. L. pedicellatum.

1. Lansium domesticum, Jack in Trans. Linn. Soc. XIV, 115, t. IV.

f. 1. A tree 30 to 50 feet high ; young branches with pale glabrous

lenticellate bark. Leaves 12 to 18 in. long; leaflets 5 to 7, alternate,

coriaceous, oblong-elliptic, sometimes slightly obovate, abruptly shortly

and obtusely acuminate, narrowed and slightly unequal at the base ;

both surfaces shining, reticulate, glabrous or slightly puberulous toward

the base ; main nerves about 10 pairs, ascending, curved, depressed on

the upper, prominent on the lower surface when dry ; length 5 to 10 in.,

breadth 2'75 to 4 in,, petiolules ‘5 in. ; the terminal 1 in., jointed.

Hermaphrodite spikes from the trunk and larger branches, solitary or in

fascicles, pubescent, much shorter than the leaves. Flowers sessile or on

very short pubescent pedicels, solitary, minutely bracteolate at the

base. Calyx fleshy, puberulous, with 5 shallow rounded teeth. Petals

longer than the calyx, sub-rotund, glabrous. Staminal tube sub-globose,

the mouth sub-entire, truncate, shorter than the petals, the stamens in a

single row. Ovary sub-globular, tomentose, 5-celled ; style short, thick,

10-furrowed ; stigma large, discoid. Berry oblong-ovate to obovoid, sub-

tomentose, 1 to 1*5 in. long; seeds usually about 2, embedded in much

transparent pulp. Correa de Serra in Ann. Mus. X, 157, t. 7, fig. 1 ;

Blume Bijdr. 165 ; A. Juss. Mem. Mel. 81 ; Miq. FI. Ind. Bat. Vol. I,

Pt. 2, 545 ; Hiern in Hook, fil, FI. Br, Ind. I, 558 ; C. De Cand,

Monogr. Phaner. I, 598,

Malacca : Griffith, Maingay (Kew Distrib.), No. 338. Perak : Wray,

King’s Collector, common. Cultivated in all the Provinces, except

the Andamans and Nicobars, on account of its edible fruit. Distrib,

The Malayan Archipelago.

There are several varieties of this which have been by some authors

regarded as species, e.g., L. aqueum, Jack, L. humile , Hassk.

2. Lansium cinereum, Hiern in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 558. A

tree ; young branches tawny-pubescent at first, afterwards cinereous.

Leaves 3 to 5 in. long, unequally pinnate ; leaflets 3 to 5, opposite, sub-

coriaceous, elliptic-oblong, obtusely cuspidate, the base acute; both

surfaces quite glabrous, pale when dry; main nerves very numerous,

obscure; length 2 to 3 in., breadth '8 to P5 in,, petiolules '1 to ’25 in.

Spikes nearly as long as the leaves, glabrous. Floioers hermaphrodite,

J. ir. 11

82 Gr. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No, 1,

Calyx cupular, puberulous, with 5 obscure rounded teeth. Petals

obovate, glabrous. Anthers oblong, mucronate. Ovary globose, pube¬

scent, 5-celled, longer than the glabrous style. Fruit unknown. C. DC.

Monogr. Plianer. I, 598.

Malacca: Maingay (Kew Distrib.), No. 339.

Known only by Maingay’s scanty specimens.

3. Lansium pedicellatum, Hiern in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 558. A

tree; young branches pale brown, scaly. Leaves 9 to 12 in. long,

unequally pinnate ; leaflets 3 to 5, alternate or sub-opposite, thinly

coriaceous, elliptic, shortly and sharply acuminate ; the base oblique,

obtuse or cuneate ; both surfaces glabrous ; main nerves 8 to 10 pairs,

ascending, spreading, slightly prominent beneath ; length 3 to 6 in.,

breadth P5 to 2*5 in., petiolules '15 to '25 in. Male flowers and inflo¬

rescence unknown. Racemes of female flowers 1 to 2 in. long, axillary,

sometimes with a branch at the base ; flowers on pedicels *1 to *15 in.

long. Ovary minutely tomentose, 4-celled ; stigma sessile. Young

fruit sub-globose) fleshy, shortly tomentose.

Malacca: Maingay (Kew Distrib.), No. 356.

The above description is drawn up from the only two specimens

which I have seen, and from Hiern’s and De Candolle’s descriptions.

There is nothing in it to connect the species absolutely with Lansium ,

the genus in which its author has placed it.

9. Walsura, Roxb.

Trees. Leaves 1-9-foliolate ; leaflets opposite, entire, pale beneath.

Panicles axillary and terminal ; Flowers small, hermaphrodite. Calyx

short, 5-fid or -partite, the lobes spreading, imbricated in bud. Petals

5, ovate-oblong, spreading, slightly imbricated or sub-valvate. Filaments

10 or 8, linear or flattened, free or connate in a tube ; anthers terminal

or inserted in the notch at the apex of the filament. Dish usually

annular, fleshy. Ovary short, 2-3-celled, imbedded in the disk, style

rather short ; stigma turbinate-capitate, 2-3-dentate ; Ovules 2 in each

cell. Fruit baccate, shortly tomentose, indehiscent, 1- rarely 2-celled

and -seeded ; seed inclosed in a fleshy aril, exalbuminous. Distrib.

about 12 species, Indo-Malayan.

Filaments united near the base.

Leaflets 5 to 9, with 5 or 6 pairs of main

lateral nerves ... ... 1. TF. multijuga .

Leaflets not more than 5, with 8 to 10

pairs of main lateral nerves.

Stigma discoid, fruit not apiculate 2.

W. neurodes.

1895.] G-. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 83

Stigma conical, with, a large swollen

annnlns round its base ; fruit

apiculate ... ... 3. W. Gandollei.

Filaments quite free.

Leaflets five, 5 to 7 in. long, glaucous

beneath, flowers '15 in. long ... 4. W. hypoleuca.

Leaflets three to five, 3 to 5 in. long,

not glaucous; flowers ’25 in. long ... 5. W. robusta.

1. Walsura multijuga, King n. sp. A tree 20 to 30 feet high:

young branches cinereous, puberulous, not lenticellate. Leaves 5 to 9 in.

long, rachis puberulous ; leaflets 5 to 9, coriaceous, lanceolate or oblong-

lanceolate, shortly acuminate, usually much narrowed but sometimes

rounded and oblique at the base ; both surfaces glabrous, the lower paler ;

main nerves 5 or 6 pairs, ascending, curved, slightly prominent on the

lower surface: length 2*5 to 5 in., breadth ’75 to L5 in., rarely 2 in.,

petiolules *15 to ‘2 in., the terminal -4 or *5 in. Panicles small, umbel-

late-cyraose, pedunculate, much shorter than the leaves, clustered in the

axils of the leaves or terminal, puberulous ; the peduncles 1 to 2 in.

long, the heads about 1 in. in diam. Flowers about *1 in. long, their

pedicels shorter. Calyx-teeth short, broad, spreading. Petals 5, broadly

elliptic, blunt, puberulous outside, longer than the calyx. Stamens 10,

shorter than the petals ; the filaments slightly united into a tube in the

lower third, the upper two-thirds free, flattened, bifid at the apex, gla¬

brous outside, pubescent inside below the anthers. Anthers small, ovate,

inserted between the divaricating incurved teeth of the filaments. Disc

proper, none. Ovary broadly obovoid or ovoid-globular, tapering into

the very short style, glabrous; stigma small, capitate with a central

mammilla. Fruit ovoid or ovoid-globose, apiculate, densely rusty-tomen-

tose, '5 in. long without the apiculus. Melospermum rubro-stamineum ,

Scort. MS. in Herb. Calc.

Perak : Scortechini, Wray, King’s Collector, very common. Dis-

trib. Sumatra, Upper Burma.

2. Walsura neurodes, Hiern in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 564.

A tree ; young brauches cinereous-puberulous. Leaves 6 to Sin. long;

leaflets 5, narrowly elliptic or elliptic-oblong, shortly and bluntly acu¬

minate, the base cuneate or rounded ; upper surface glabrous, shining,

the lower glaucous ; main nerves 8 to 10 pairs, spreading, rather pro¬

minent beneath ; length 2 to 4 in., breadth 1 to 2 in., petiolule ’25 to

•35 in., the terminal one 1 in. Panicles equal to or longer than the

leaves, on rather long peduncles, their lateral branches lax, short, the

flowers near their apices and not numerous. Flowers *15 in. long, pedi¬

cels shorter. Calyx with 5 short broad ovate spreading teeth. Petals

84 Gf. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

5, broadly elliptic, blunt, glabrescent inside, puberulous outside. Sta¬

mens 10, shorter than the petals ; the filaments flattened, pubescent,

faintly united in their lower third but easily separable, inserted outside

the annular entire glabrous disc. Ovary pubescent, surrounded by the

disc, ovoid-conic, tapering into the thick glabrous style ; stigma discoid,

small. Fruit ovoid or ovoid-rotund, minutely puberulous, not apiculate,

about '65 in. long. C. DC. Monogr. Phaner. I, 636.

Malacca: Maingay (Kew Distrib.), Nos. 344 and 345. Griffith,

No. 1057 (Kew Distrib.). Perak: Wray, No. 3798.

3. Walsura Candollei, King, n. sp. A small tree ; young

branches glabrous, lenticellate, dark-coloured when dry. Leaves 4 to 7

in. long, unequally pinnate; leaflets usually 5, membranous, lanceolate,

sub-acute, the base rounded ; both surfaces glabrous, the lower pale,

sub-glaucous ; main nerves 7 to 11 pairs, spreading, curving ; length 2

to 4 in., breadth *75 to J'2 in., petiolules *2 to '4 in. Panicles puberu¬

lous, crowded towards the ends of the branches, axillary, on slender

pedicels 2 to 3 in. long, corymbosely cymose, about 1*5 in. across.

Flowers '1 in. long, sub-globular, on pedicels about as long as them¬

selves. Calyx of 5, free ovate concave spreading sepals, pubescent

externally. Petals 5, much larger than the sepals, elliptic-ovate, sub¬

acute, puberulous. Stamens 10, the filaments united into a tube in

their lower third, pubescent, the alternate shorter, all inserted outside

the thick glabrous annular disc. Anthers attached to the apices of the

filaments, broadly ovate, short, sparsely pubescent. Ovary pubescent,

conical, surrounded by the disc. Style short, ob-conical ; stigma conical,

surrounded at the base by a projecting fleshy annulus. Fruit ovoid-

globose, with a slightly curved conical apiculus, densely but minutely

rusty-puberulous, *75 in. long.

Andaman Islands ; Kurz, King’s Collector.

This species is allied to W. neurodes, Hiern, from which it differs

in its more hairy petals and stamens, thicker style, more conical stigma

and apiculate fruit. I dedicate the species to M. Casimir De Candolle,

who first detected it as new from fragmentary specimens sent to him by

the late Mr. Kurz. M. De Candolle did not include it in his Mono¬

graph of Meliacese (Monogr. Phaner. Yol. I), but kindly communicated

the fact of his discovery to me. Specimens since sent to me by the

collectors of the Calcutta garden confirm the accuracy of his decision.

4. Walsura hypoleuca, Kurz Rep. Veg. Andam. ed. 2, p. 33. A

tree 40 to 50 feet high ; young branches stout, puberulous, lenticellate.

Leaves 12 to 14 in. long, glabrous ; leaflets 5, thinly coriaceous, elliptic-

oblong, sub-acute, the base cuneate ; upper surface shining, the lower

glaucous ; main nerves 7 or 8 pairs, ascending, prominent beneath ;

85

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula.

length 5 to 7 in., breadth 2 to 3 in., the terminal one a third larger

and with more nerves; petiolules '75 in., that of the terminal leaflet

2 in. Panicles several from an axil, 4 to 6 in. long, pubescent, the

branclilets short and slender with the flowers crowded near their apices.

Flowers '15 in. long, on short puberulous pedicels. Calyx-teeth 5 or 6,

elongate, ovate or lanceolate, puberulous. Petals 5, longer than the

calyx, elliptic-obtuse, erect, puberulous. Stamens 10, distinct, inserted

outside the disc, shorter than the petals ; the filaments flattened, but

not quite so broad as the ovate anthers, sparsely villous. Pise annular,

cushion-like, entire, glabrous, surrounding the ovoid-conic, villous,

ovary. Style cylindric, thickened upwards, glabrous ; stigma discoid.

Unripe fruit ( fide Kurz) “oblong, acuminate, greyish-velvetty.” Kurz

in Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. 41, Pt. 2, p. 296; For. Flora Burma

I, 224 ; Hiern in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 564. C. D. Cand. Monogr.

Phaner. I, 639.

Andaman Islands : at Port Mowat.

This has been collected only by Kurz and 1 have never seen its

fruit. I believe Kurz’s species C. oxycarpa is merely a small-leaved

form of this. Kurz distinguishes it from this by its thinner leaves

and fainter venation, — characters of little value, I fear.

5. Walsura robusta, Roxb. Hort. Beng. 32 : FI. Ind. II, 386. A

tree 40 to 60 feet high ; young branches slender, lenticellate, glabrous.

Leaves 7 to 12 in. long. Leaflets 3 to 5, sub-coriaceous, ovate-oblong to

ovate, entire, bluntly acuminate, the base narrowed ; both surfaces

glabrous, the upper shining, the lower dull with the 6 or 7 pairs of

curving nerves rather prominent ; length 3 to 5 in., breadth 175 to 225

in. ; petiolules about '5 in., that of the terminal leaflet 1*5 in. Panicles

dense, many-flowered, shorter than the leaves, cinereous-puberulous j

bracts (if any) deciduous. Flower-buds hemispheric, tomentose, sub-

sessile. Petals '2 in. long (larger than the sepals). Stamens 1 0; the

filaments flattened, lanceolate, puberulous, free from each other, inserted

outside the broad, thin, sub-concave, pubescent disk. Ovary depressed-

globose, crowned by the thick style, 2-celled, with 2 ovules in each cell ;

stigma discoid with a central mammilla. Fruit elliptic or globular, *75

in. in diam., when dry capsular, 2-celled, but one of the cells empty.

Seed pendulous, testa membranous, albumen 0 ; the cotyledons fleshy,

plano-convex ; the radicle short, superior. Hiern in Hook. fil. FI. Br.

Ind. I, 565 : Kurz For. FI. Burm. I, 223 ; C. De. Cand. Monogr. Phaner.

1,638; Wall. Cat. 1266, 8110, 8111, 8112. Surwala robusta , Poem.

Synops. i. 308. Monocyclis robusta , Wall, ex Voigt Hort. Suburb. Cal¬

cutta 135. Scytalia glabra , Hb. Ham. ex Wall. Cat. 8048 F, (not

the other letters.)

86 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

Andaman Islands : very common. Distrib. Brit. India, in Burma,

Silhet, Assam, Sikhim.

10. Heynea, Roxb.

Trees or rarely shrubs. Leaves 5-11-foliolate ; leaflets opposite,

entire. Panicles terminal and axillary, corymbose, long-peduncled ;

Flowers rather small, hermaphrodite. Calyx short, 4-5-fid, the lobes

imbricate. Petals 4-5, oblong, suberect, sub-imbricate. Staminal tube

8- or 10-fid ; lobes linear, bidentate at apex, bearing the anthers between

the linear teeth. Disk annular, fleshy. Ovary immersed in the disk,

2-3-celled, narrowing into the short style ; stigma 2-3-dentate, with a

thickened ring at the base ; ovules 2 in each cell. Fruit capsular,

1 -celled, 2-valved, 1 -seeded, glabrous. Seed arillate, exalbuminous ; aril

thin, white ; cotyledons hemispherical. — Distrib. 1-3 species, limited

to I udo -Malaya.

Heynea trijuga, Roxb., Hort. Beng. 33. A small tree 15 to 20 feet

high. Leaves 6 to 16 in. long; leaflets broadly ovate to ovate-lanceolate,

shortly acuminate, the base rounded or cuneate ; upper surface glabrous,

the lower surface glaucous, glabrous or pubescent; the 6 to 8 pairs of

curving spreading nerves slightly prominent; length 2'5 to 5 5 in.,

breadth ‘8 to 2 75 in., petiolule T5 to f45 in., the terminal ones longer.

Panicles glabrous as long or nearly as lorg as the leaves, on long peduncles,

with numerous corymbose branches. Flowers '15 in. long. Petals

much longer than the calyx, their midribs thick, their edges membran¬

ous. Staminal tube wide. Ovary glabrous. Fruit ovoid, beaked; the

pericarp somewhat fleshy, smooth, splitting by 2 rarely 3 valves. Roxb.

in Bot. Mag. t. 1738 ; Corom. Plants III, 260 ; Flor. Ind. II, 390 ; Grah.

Cat. Bomb. PI. 31; Adr. Juss. in Mem. Mus. xix. t. 18, f. 17; Dalz. &

Gibs. Bomb. FI. 38; Wall. Cat. 1258; Brandis For. FI. 70. DC. Prod. I,

624; Monogr. Phaner. I, 713: Hiern in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 565.

H. ajjinis, Adr. Juss. l.c. 275; Beddome FI. Sylvat. t. J 34 ; W. & A.

Prodr. i. 321. Walsura ( Heynea ) pubescens , Kurz in Journ. Asiat. Soc.

Beng. xli. ii. 297. Walsura trijuga Kurz For. FI. Burm. I, 225. H.

connaroides, Wight ex Voigt Hort. Suburb. Calcutta 136.

Perak : common, and probably also in the other provinces. — Distrib.

British India, Sumatra.

Var, multijuga. DC. Monogr. Phaner. I, 714. Leaflets 11, lanceo¬

late. H. quinquejuga, Roxb. Hort. Calc. 90; FI. Ind. II, 391. Wall.

Cat. 1259. H. Sumatrana, Miq. Ann. Mus. Lugd. Bat. IV, 60; DC.

Monogr. Phaner. I, 714.

Penang: Wallich, No. 1259. Curtis, No. 676.

' 1895.] Gr. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula . 87

11. Carapa, Aubl.

Glabrous littoral trees. Leaves 2- or 4- or sometimes 6-foliolate ;

leaflets opposite, quite entire, the nerves faint. Panicles lax, axillary,

cymose, flowers hermaphrodite. Calyx 4-fid, short. Petals 4, reflexed.

Staminal tube urceolate-globose, 8-dentate, the teeth bi-partite : anthers 8,

2-celled, included, alternating with the teeth. Fish fleshy, cup¬

shaped, adherent to the base of the ovary. Ovary 4-celled, 4-sulcate,

the cells 2-8-ovuled ; style short, stigma discoid. Fruit capsular, sub-glo¬

bose, large, 4-celled, 6-12-seeded; pericarp fleshy, dehiscing by 4 valves.

Seeds large, thick, angular ; testa hard, spongy, aril 0, hilum large,

ventral ; cotyledons amygdaloid. — Distrib. About 6 species, all tropi¬

cal and usually littoral.

Leaves with broad blunt apex and narrow

base, coriaceous ; panicles stout ; fruit as

large as an orange ... ... 1 . C. obovata.

Leaves with sub-acute apex and broad base,

very thinly coriaceous ; panicles slender :

fruit 7 to 20 in. in diam. ... ... 2. C. moluccensis.

1. Carapa obovata, Blume Bijdr. 179. Leaves 3 to 6 in. long;

leaflets 1 to 2 pairs, coriaceous, obovate to oblong, the apex broad, ob¬

tuse, rarely notched or sub-acute, the base narrowed ; main nerves 6 to 9

pairs, length 3 to 4 in., breadth 1*35 to 1’75 in., petiolules *2 to -35 in.

Panicles 15 to 2*5 in. long, stout, cymose, few-flowered. Flowers -25 in.

long, their pedicels ’3 to ‘5 in. long, bracteolate. Calyx-teeth broad,

rounded. Petals much longer than the calyx, broadly elliptic, the edges

imbricate. Ovary broadly ovoid. Fruit the size of an orange, apiculate

when young, but not when ripe. C. DC. Monogr. Phaner. I, 718 :

Seemann Flora Yitiensis p. 38. C. moluccensis , Kurz (not of Lamk.

For. Flor. Br. Burma, I, 226 : C. moluccensis, (in part,) Hiern in Hook,

fil. FI. Br. Iud. I. 567. Xylocarpiis obovatus , A Juss. Mem. Mel. p. 92 ;

Miq. FI. Ind. Bat. I, Pt. 2, p. 546.

Malacca: Maingay, ( Kew Distrib.) No. 347 ; Griffith, No. 1098.

Perak; Scortechini, King’s Collector. South Andaman; Kurz, King’s

Collectors. Little Andaman : Prain. Distrib. Sunderbuns of Bengal :

(Heinig) and others ; Java and other islands of the Malayan Archi¬

pelago. Tropical Africa.

2. Carapa moluccensis, Lamk. Encyc. Meth I, 621. Leaves 4

to 10 in. long ; leaflets usually 2 pairs, thinly coriaceous, almost mem¬

branous, broadly ovate to ovate- oblong, sub-acute, the base broad, un¬

equal ; main nerves about 6 pairs, spreading ; length 2 to 4 in., breadth

1*5 to 2 35 in., petiolules *15 to '25 in. Panicles 3 to 5 in. long, slender,

with lax spreading few-flowered branches. Flowers as in the last, but

88

G. King — -Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

with rather broader petals and a shorter style. Fruit sub-globular,

7 to 10 in. in diam. Blume Bijdragen, 179; C. DO. Monogr. Phaner, I,

719: Don. Gen. Syst. I, 686; DC. Prod. T, 626: Bedd. Flor. Sylvat.

t. 136: Seeman Flor. Viti, 38; Hiern in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind., {in

fart,) I. 567. C. indica , A. Juss. Diet. Sc. Nat. VII., p. 31. Xylocar-

fus granatum , Willd. Spec. Ill, 328 ; A. Juss. Mem. Mel. p. 92, t. 20,

No. 22; Roxb. FI. Tnd. II, 240: Wight and Arn. Prod. 121; Blanco

Flor. Philipp, ed. 2, p. 207 ; A. Gray U. S. Exped. I, 243. X. grana¬

tum , Koenig, Miq. FI. Ind. Bat. I, Pt. 2, p. 546 : X. Forstenii Miq.

Ann. Mus. Lugd. Bat. IV, 62.

South Andaman Island ; Kurz, King’s Collectors. Great Coco

Island ; Prain. Distrib. Burma, Malayan Archipelago, S. India, Fiji

Islands, Africa,

12. Chickrassia, Adr. Juss.

A tree with pari-pinnate leaves, alternate sub-opposite or opposite

oblique entire leaflets, terminal panicles and 4-5-merous flowers. Calyx

short, dentate. Petals oblong, free, imbricate, erect. Staminal tube cylin-

dric; its mouth with 10 short blunt teeth. Anthers 10, short, attached to

the edge of the mouth and entirely exserted. Disk none. Ovary cylin-

dric, on a short stalk, 3-celled ; the ovules numerous, in 2 rows in each

cell ; style very short, stout ; stigma capitate. Capsule woody, 3-celled,

loculicidal ; the pericarp separating into two layers. Seeds numerous,

flat, winged below, exalbuminous. A single species.

Chickrassia tabularis, A. Juss. in Mem. Mus. XIX, 251, t. 22, f. 27.

A tall tree ; young branches stout, lenticellate, sub-glabrous. Leaves

12 to 18 in. long; leaflets 10 to 16, ovate to oblong, unequal-sided, acute

or acuminate ; the base rounded on one side, narrowed on the other :

upper surface glabrous, the lower glabrous or more or less velvetty ; length

2 to 5 in., breadth 1 to 2-5 in., petiolules '15 to ‘35 in. Panicles termi¬

nal, erect, shorter than the leaves ; the branches spreading, pubescent,

many-flowered. Flowers ’4 to '5 in. long. Calyx with 5 short, shallow,

broad teeth, pubescent outside. Petals puberulous outside, pubescent

inside. Capsule ovoid, 1*75 in. long; seeds *65 in. long. W. and A.

Prod. 123 ; Thwaites Enum. 61 ; Wight Ill. t. 56 ; Bedd. FI. Sylvat. t.

9; Grab. Cat. Bomb. PL 32 ; Kurz For. Flora Burm. I, 227; Hiern in

Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 568; C. DC. Monogr. Phaner. I, 726. Swietenia

Chickrassia , Roxb. Hort. Beng. 33 ; FI. Ind. II, 399. Plageotaxis Chick¬

rassia , Wall. Cat. 1269. S. Sotrophola , Ham. ex Wall. Cat. p. 214.

Chickrassia triloculuris Roem. Syn. I, 135 ; Roxb. ex Buch. Journ. I, 184;

G. Don. Gen. Syst. I, 688. Cedrelae sp. Wall. Cat. 4892.

Var. velutina , leaflets, more or less velvetty beneath. C. velutina

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 89

Roemer Synops. fasc. I, p. 135 ; Knrz For. Flora Burma I, 227; C. DC.

Monogr. Phaner. I, 717. G. Nimmonii Grali. in Wight Ill. 148; Dalz.

and Gibs. FI. Bombay, 38. Plageotaxis velutina , Wall. Cat. 1270.

Gedrela velutina. DC. Prod. I, 625. ? Gedrela villosa, Roxb. Hort.

Beng. 18. ? Melia tomentosa, Knrz Rep. Yeg. Andam. ed. i. p. iv.,

( not of Roxburgh ). P Toona velutina , Roem. Synops. Monogr., i. 139.

? T. villosa. Roem, 1. c. 140.

Malacca : Maingay. Andaman Islands : King’s Collectors. Distrib.

Burma, British India, Ceylon.

13. Cedrela, Linn.

Tall trees with coloured wood. Leaves pinnate ; leaflets numerous,

opposite or sub-opposite, entire or serrate. Panicles terminal and sub-ter¬

minal. Flowers white, pentamerous. Calyx short, 5-cleft. Petals sub¬

erect, oval, imbricated, free. Stamens 5, free, inserted at the top of the

disk, rarely alternating with staminodes, filaments subulate. Anthers

oblong, versatile. Dish thick or raised, 5-lobed. Ovary sessile on the

top of the disk, 5-celled ; cells alternate with the calyx-lobes, each with

8-12 bi-seriate pendulous ovules ; style filiform ; stigma discoid. Capsule

coriaceous, 5-celled, septifragally 5-valved, valves consisting of two

plates. Seeds compressed, winged at the apex or at both ends, with

fleshy albumen; cotyledons flat, sub-foliaceous. — Distrib. About 16

species, inhabiting Tropical Asia, Australia, and America.

Cedrela febrifuga, Forsten Diss. Cedrel. 16. A tree 80 to 150 feet

high ; young branches puberulous, lenticellate. Leaves 15 to 24 in.

long, glabrous ; leaflets membranous, 7 to 10 pairs, obliquely ovate-

oblong, shortly and bluntly acuminate, the base broad and unequal-sided,

the edges entire; main nerves 12 to 15 pairs, sub-horizontal, distinct

beneath when dry; length 3*5 to 4 25 in., breadth 1-75 to 2 in., petio-

lule *2 in. Panicles terminal, shorter than, or as long as the leaves,

spreading, glabrous ; their ultimate branches short, cymose, crowded.

Flowers '2 in. in diam., on short pedicels. Segments of the calyx spread¬

ing, much shorter than the petals, obtuse, pubescent at the edges. Petals

broad, obtuse, pubescent. Stamens 6, slightly shorter than the petals,

the filaments and ovary sericeous. Capsule 1 in. long, lenticellate.

Seeds winged at each end, *6 to *7 in. long. Blume Bijdr. I, 180; A.

Juss. Mem. Mel. 103 ; Miq. Flor. Ind. Bat. Y. I, pt. 2, 548 ; Suppl. 197 ;

Ann. Mus. Lngd. Bat. IY, 63 ; De Cand. Monogr. Phaner. I, 744. G. Toona ,

Hiern (not of Roxb.) Hook. FI. Br. Ind. I, 569. Toona febrifuga, Roem.

Syn. fasc. I, 139.

Penang : Curtis, No. 826. Perak : King’s Collector, No. 10403.

In the Flora of British India, Mr. Hiern has reduced this to

J. n. 12

90 Gr. Kmg— Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. I,

G. Toona , Roxb. And there is no doubt that the flowers of the two are

«

very similar, differing chiefly in the hairiness of the petals and stamens

of 0. febrifuga. The panicles, however, of 0. febrifuga are longer and

their ultimate branches are shorter and denser than those of G. Toona.

The capsules, moreover, are much longer (1 in. as against *6 in.). The

flowers of all the species of Cedrela are very much alike. I hesitate

therefore, to follow Mr. Hiern merely because very good distinctive

characters cannot be had from the flowers, and I prefer to follow De

Candolle in maintaining this as a species. The nearest ally of G. febri¬

fuga is undoubtedly C. microcarpa C. DC.

Order XXVIIL Chailletiace.®.

Trees or shrubs. Leaves alternate,- quite entire ; stipules 2, decidu¬

ous. Flowers small, unisexual or polygamous, in corymbose cymes ;

peduncles sometimes adnate to the petiole. Sepals 5, free or connate,

sometimes unequal, imbricate. Petals 5, free, sub-perigynous, equal or

unequal, notched or 2-fid, with often an indexed lamina which is ad¬

nate to the face of the petal, usually open in aestivation. Stamens 5,

sub-perigynous, all or some only fertile, free or adnate to the corolla ;

Anthers oblong, connective often thickened at the back. Dish of 5 glands

or scales, or a 5-glandular or dobed cup. Ovary free, pubescent or vil¬

lous, 2-3-celled ; styles 1-2-3, free or more or less connate ; stigmas sim¬

ple or capitate ; ovules anatropous, pendulous in pairs from the top of

each cell. Drupe pubescent or hispid, oblong, transversely oblong or

didymous, compressed ; epicarp entire or dehiscent ; endocarp in dehiscent

or not, 1-3-celled ; cells J-seeded. Seed pendulous, hilum broad, testa

membranous, albumen 0 ; embryo large ; cotyledons thick, radicle small,

superior. — A small chiefly tropical order, of 3 genera and about 40

species.

1. Chailletia, DC.

Flowers polygamo-monoecious. Sepals 5, unequal, united at the

base or above it, obtuse. Petals 5, 2-lobed, narrow, free. Stamens 5,

sometimes slightly adnate at the base to the petals. Dish of 5 quadrate

scales placed opposite the petals. Ovary 2-3-celled. — Distrib. Tropi¬

cal Asia, Africa, and especially America ; species about 30.

Leaves oblong or elliptic, lanceolate.

Leaves very thin, quite glabrous ; cymes

globular, -25 in. to *4 in. in diam. ... J. G. tenuifolia.

Leaves coriaceous, glabrous except the

midrib, strigose at the base ; cymes 1 to

2 in. in diam. ... ... ... 2. C. Hooheri.

91

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula.

Leaves membranous, witb many fulvous

bristles on the edges midribs and nerves

Leaves elliptic or oblong-elliptic

Midribs of leaves strigose beneath ; cymes

*5 in. in diam. ; ripe drupes '65 in. broad

Midribs of leaves quite glabrous ; cymes

*3 in. in diam. ; ripe drupes 1'25 in. in

diam.. ... ••• ...

Leaves elliptic but more or less ob-lanceo-

late or obovate, glabrous

Leaves elliptic-obovate, retuse, minutely tomen-

3. G. GrijJithii.

4. G. Helferiana.

5. G . Laurocerasus.

6. G. andamanica.

tose on the lower surface ... ... 7. G. deflexifolia

var. foment osa.

1. Chailletia tenuifolia, King, n. sp. A shrub, 6 feet high;

young branches, angular, puberulous. Leaves thinly membranous,

elliptic-lanceolate, tapering to either end, the apex shortly acuminate :

both surfaces glabrous and reticulate ; main nerves 5 to 8 pairs, ascend¬

ing, curving and interarcliing boldly, depressed on the upper, promi¬

nent on the lower surface; length 6 to 8 in., breadth 2'25 to 2'75 in.;

petiole “15 in., strigose. Gymes small, globular, *25 to *4 in. in diam.,

axillary, solitary ; their pedicels '15 in., strigose. Flowers sub-globular,

*05 in. in diam. Sepals erect, elliptic, obtuse, minutely sericeous out¬

side, glabrous inside. Petals shorter but broader than the sepals,

glabrous, slightly bifid at the apex, the lobes sab-acute. Stamens

shorter than the petals, the filaments slightly sericeous,. shorter than the

oblong innate anthers, connective slightly sericeous. Ovary ovoid,

densely sericeous-lanate ; style short. Ripe fruit deeply 3-lobed *6 in.

long and ‘75 in. broad.

Perak: King’s Collector, No. 3498.

This species shows no tendency to become scandent.

2. Chailletia Hookeri, King, n. sp. A climber ; young branches

terete, puberulous at first, afterwards glabrous. Leaves coriaceous,

oblong-lanceolate and acuminate (rarely oblong and obtuse or sub-acute),

the base narrowed, reticulate and shining on both surfaces, glabrous

except a few strigose hairs on the midrib near the base; main nerves

8 to 10 pairs, curving and interarching far from the edge ; length 4*5

to 6'5 in., breadth 1*5 to 2 in. ; petiole *25 in., strigose. Cymes axil¬

lary, usually in pairs, pedunculate, tomentose, dichotomous, spreading,

1 to 2 in. in diam., the peduncles *5 to *75 in. long. Flowers about 'I

in. long. Sepals oblong, blunt, erect, concave, sericeous- tomentose

outside, glabrous inside. Petals glabrous, shorter but broader than the

sepals, deeply divided into two concave irregularly obovate overlapping

92 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

segments. Stamens about as long as the petals, glabrous; anthers

adnate, blunt, broad, the cells on the edges of the connective. Ovary

ovoid, densely lanate-sericeous ; style elongate, thin. Ripe drupe

unknown. Wall. Cat. No. 7443.

Penang r Porter. Perak : Scortechini.

This is the species referred to by Sir Joseph Hooker (PI. Br. Ind.

I, 572), as probably an un described species of Chailletia. The species,

when Sir Joseph wrote, was known only by Porter’s incomplete speci¬

mens. A few specimens of what is evidently the same plant were

collected by the late Father Scortechini in Perak, and these have

enabled me to describe the flowers. The fruit, however, still remains

unknown.

3. Chailletia Griffithii, Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 571. A slender

climber ; young branches striate, dark-coloured when dry, clothed with

numerous long, spreading, stiff, fulvous hairs with minute soft, short,

white pubescence between. Leaves membranous, oblong-lanceolate,

acuminate, the base rounded or minutely cordate ; upper surface glab¬

rous except the sparsely bristly midrib, the lower with numerous

bristles on the midrib and a few scattered elsewhere chiefly on the

nerves, the edges ciliate ; main nerves 9 to 11 pairs, ascending, rather

bold beneath ; length 4 to 7 in., breadth 1 to 2 in., petiole T in.,

densely bristly. Cymes globular, axillary, sessile, densely bristly, '4 to

’5 in. in diam. Flowers campanulate, nearly '25 in. across at the mouth.

Sepals sub-erect, narrowly ovate, densely sericeous on the outer, and

slightly pubescent on the inner surface. Petals glabrous, not longer

than the sepals but broader, obovate, the apex shortly bifid, the lobes

sub-acute, concave. Stamens as long as the petals, the anthers short,

broadly ovate, the cells anterior. Ovary ovate, densely lanate-sericeous ;

style shorter than the stamens ; stigmas 3, small, truncate. Pipe fruit

(fide Hooker) 1‘5 in. long, 2-celled. C. lanuginosa , Maing. MSS.

Perak; King’s Collector, No. 6117. Malacca; Griffith, No. 2169

(Kew Distrib.), Maingay, No. 370.

Griffith describes this as “ a shrub.” It is actually a climbing

shrub 15 to 20 feet long. The flowers are white.

4. Chailletia Helferiana, Kurz in Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, XLI,

(1872), Pt. 2, 297. Scandent; young branches adpressed-yellowish

pubescent, terete. Leaves thinly coriaceous, elliptic or oblong-elliptic,

shortly and abruptly acuminate, the base cuneate, both surfaces reticu¬

late (the lower rather obscurely so) and glabrous, the midrib strigose

beneath ; main nerves 7 or 8 pairs, spreading, faint; length 4 to 6 in.,

breadth 1'25 to 2 25 in. ; petiole *25 in., strigose. Cymes solitary, axil¬

lary, about '5 in. in diam. ; their pedicels about '3 in. long, strigose.

1895.] Gr. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 93

Flowers sub -globular, less tban ‘1 in. long. Sepals broadly ovate, blunt,

sericeous on tlie outer, pubescent on the inner surface. Petals smaller

than the sepals, elliptic, obtuse, shortly bifid, the lobes blunt. Filaments

very short, the anthers ovate, the cells anterior. Ovary conical, laxly

sericeous. Ripe drupe transversely oblong, compressed, ‘65 in. broad,

and only ’4 in. long, minutely tomentose. Hook. til. FI. Br. Ind. I, 570.

Langkani ; Curtis, Ho. 1687. — Distrib. Burma, Wall. Cat. 4038.

Tenasserim ; Heifer (Kew Distrib.), Ho. 2172.

Curtis’s Langkani specimens are in fruit only, and those of Heifer’s

Tenasserim collecting (the type of the species) are in flower only. But

the two seem identical. I have not seen the Wallichian sheet Ho. 4038.

5. Chailletia Laurocerasus, Planch, ex Hook. til. FI. Br. Ind. I,

572. A scandent glabrous shrub 30 to 40 feet long ; young branches

slender, dark-coloured. Leaves coriaceous, elliptic or elliptic-oblong,

obtusely acuminate, the base narrowed, upper surface shining when dry,

the lower paler ; main nerves 7 or 8 pairs, spreading*, faint ; length 35

to 4'5 in., breadth 1*5 to 2*5 in., petiole about *1 in. Cymes axillary,

globose, few-flowered, ‘3 in. in diam., shortly pedunculate. Flowers

*15 to 2 in. in diam. Sepals hoary outside, glabrous inside, broadly

ovate or orbicular, concave. Petals longer than the sepals, glabrous,

oblong, cut half way down into two oblongblunt concave slightly diver¬

gent segments. Filaments nearly as long as the petals ; anthers shortly

ovate. Ovary densely lanate-sericeous, broadly ovoid ; style stout,

stigma concave. Drupes transversely oblong or globose, 1*25 in. in diam.

when ripe, the epicarp hoary ; endocarp thick, tuberuled outside, 1- or 2-

seeded. Wall. Cat. 7513, (indeterminatse) .

Penang ; common. Perak : King’s Collector.

6. Chailletia andamanica, King n. sp. A small tree ; young

branches pale-brown, lenticellate, puberulous. Leaves thinly coriaceous,

elliptic-oblanceolate or elliptic-obovate, abruptly and shortly blunt-acu¬

minate, much narrowed at the base ; both surfaces glabrous, minutely

reticulate, pale when dry ; main nerves 4 to 6 pairs, much curved and

interarching far from the edge, only slightly prominent on either sur¬

face ; length 3 to 4’75 in., breadth 1’25 to 2*5 in., petiole '15 to '2 in.

Stipules lanceolate, about as long as the petiole. Flowers in dense axil¬

lary shortly pedunculate dichotomous cymes. Buds ovoid-globular.

Sepals 5, sub-rotund, very concave, hoary externally, much imbricate.

Petals 5, quadrate, not bifid, glabrous, shorter than the sepals. Sta¬

mens shorter than the petals, the filaments very short, anthers ovate.

Rudimentary ovary ovoid, compressed, hairy. Female flowers not seen.

Fruit about '5 in. broad, and ‘4 in. depth, transversely oblong, much

compressed, puberulous, divided into two lobes by a deep vertical groove,

94 Gr. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

2-celled, 2-seeded, (often from the abortion of one of the cells) ovoid,

1-eelled and 1-seeded.

South Andaman Island ; King’s Collectors.

The greatest breadth of the leaves in this species is above the middle,

and in this respect it differs from G. gelonoides. The point of the leaves

is also shorter than in that species ; the flowers are less hairy, the cymes

less crowded, and they are pedunculate and not sessile as in G .

gelonoides.

7. Chailletia deplexifolia, Turcz. in Bull. Mosc. 1863, pt. 1, 611,

var. tomentosa. A climber, 10 to 30 feet long ; young branches densely

and minutely olivaceous-tomentose. Leaves thinly coriaceous, elliptic-

obovate, retuse ; upper surface minutely reticulate when dry, glabrous

when adult except the minutely tomentose midrib and nerves ; lower

surface softly and minutely pilose, the midrib tomentose as are the 5 to

7 pairs of curved, spreading, maiu nerves ; length 4'5 to 6'5 in.,

breadth 2’5 to 3’25 in., petiole *3 to "4 in. Gymes axillary, and often

terminal, pedunculate, tomentose, dichotomous, spreading, often 3 in.

in diam. ; the peduncles 1 to 1'25 in. long, stout. Flowers ‘25 in. in

diaru. Sepals oblong-lanceolate, deflexed, sericeous-tomentose outside,

glabrous inside. Petals as long as the sepals, deeply divided into 2

lanceolate segments. Stamens as long as the petals, the anthers shortly

ovate. Ovary densely lanate-sericeous, depressed globular, the style

slender, stigma small. D rapes compressed, rotund-reniform, sericeous,

rugose, pitted, 1 in. broad ; the endocarp very hard, 2-celled, 2-seeded.

Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 571; Wall. Cat. 9016 (indeterminatse) .

Malacca; Griffith, Maingay. Perak; King’s Collector, Wray,

Scortechini.

Order XXIX. Olacin eas.

Trees or shrubs, rarely herbs, sometimes climbing. Leaves alter¬

nate, rarely opposite, simple or lobed, penni- or palmi-nerved, exstipu-

late. Inflorescence cymose or racemose, rarely capitate, terminal, axil¬

lary or extra-axillary, sessile or more or less peduncled. Flowers

regular, hermaphrodite, polygamo-dioecious or dioecious. Calyx usually

small, 4—5-toothed, sometimes accrescent, free or adherent to the fruit,

lobes valvate or imbricate. Petals 3-6, valvate or imbricate, free, or

more or less coherent. Stamens 3-15, inserted with the petals, free or

adnate to them and either opposite to or alternate with them, all fertile,

or some (staminodes) anantherous, disunited or more or less monadel-

phous. Anthers erect, 2-celled, dehiscing longitudinally. Pise hypo-

gynous or perigynous, cup-shaped, often absent. Ovary free, or half in¬

ferior, 1-celled or imperfectly 2-3-5-celled (from the dissepiments not

95

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula.

reaching the apex of the cavity). Style simple or 0, rarely divided;

stigma 1 rarely 2, entire or lobed ; ovules 1-5, pendulous from the apex

of a minute free central placenta, or from the side or apex of the ovarian

cavity ; funicle (or placenta ?) often dilated into a thickened process

above the ovule. Fruit drupaceous or dry, indehiscent, 1- rarely 2-ceIl-

ed, 1- rarely 2-seeded, free, or more or less adnate to the calyx-tube and

disk. Seed pendulous; albumen fleshy, entire or lobed, rarely 0; radicle

superior; coty ledons leafy, flat or folded, rarely fleshy. — Distrib. Genera

about 45, species about 220, widely distributed through the Tropics of

both hemispheres.

The Olacinese are rather an assemblage of plants than a Natural Order. The

solitary character which is common to all the species included under the title is

pendulous ovulation ; and even that character is obscured by the fact that, in a

number of the genera, the ovules are pendulous from the apex of a minute free

central placenta which does not grow as the pistil developes, so that the seeds are

erect in the fruit and have the appearance of originating from a basal placenta.

In the remaining genera, both ovules and seeds are unmistakably pendulous from

the apex, or from near the apex, of the cavities of the ovary and fruit. The

majority of the genera have hypogynous stamens and superior fruit. But in Ery-

thropalum the stamens are perigynous and the fruit is inferior ; while Cansjera and

Lepionurus have their stamens perigynous in the flower, but the fruit (from the

development of the fertilized pistil in a downward direction) is most distinctly in¬

ferior. In by far the greater majority of the species the stamens are free from

each other, or, at the most, are slightly coherent by their bases : but in Harmandia

the sessile anthers are attached near the mouth of a fleshy staminal tube like that

found in Meliacese ; and this tube, in an anantherous condition, is found in the pistil¬

late flowers. By far the greater number of the genera have both calyx and corolla ;

but in Cansjera and Lepionurus the perianth is single, and in Phytocrene and Miquelia

the organs which take the place of the outer whorl of the flower appear to be

rather bracts than a true calyx. In most of the genera the petals are really free

from each other ; for, although many of them cohere by their edges for a time, they

ultimately become separate ; while in a smaller number there is genuine cohesion

near their bases. In Harmandia however the corolla is gamopetalous and urceolate

at all times and its texture is fleshy.

All the genera treated of below are woody except Cardiopteris which is her¬

baceous, and which moreover has milky juice. And all the genera have alternate

leaves except Ctenolophon in which the leaves are opposite. The whole order ap¬

pears to me to be in want of revision : and the study of the species described below

leads me to incline to the opinion that several of the sub-tribes would be better

treated as distinct natural orders ; while one ( Opiliese ) might be transferred to

Santalaceas .

Fruit drupaceous : Stigma 1.

Ovules pendulous from the apex of a minute

axile placenta ; seed spuriously erect.

Dichlamydeous, S : fruit superior.

Sub-Tribe I. — Olacese. Stamens aniso-

96 Gr. King — Materials for a "Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 3,

merous, twice as many as or equal to

and opposite the petals : ovary 2- to

5-celled at the base, 1 -celled at the

apex, or simply 1-celled.

Fruit superior.

Calyx much enlarged in the fruit.

Fertile stamens 3 to 5, not in a

tube ... ... 1.

Stamens 4, the filaments form¬

ing a fleshy tube ... 2.

Calyx not enlarged in the fruit.

Fertile stamens 12 to 15 ... 3.

Fertile stamens 5 ... 4.

Fruit inferior ... ... 5.

Monochlamydeous, ; fruit inferior.

Sub-Tribe II. — Opiliese. Stamens equal

in number to the segments of the pe¬

rianth and opposite to them ; ovary

1-celled, 3-ovuled.

Scandent ... ... 6.

Shrubby ... ... 7.

Ovules and seeds pendulous from the apex of the

ovary and fruit.

* Stamens hypogynous.

Sub-Tribe III. — Ximeniae. Stamens as

many as or twice as many as the pe¬

tals ; ovary 2- to 4-celled at the base,

1-celled at the apex.

Leaves opposite ... ... 8.

Leaves alternate.

Fertile stamens 10.

Stamens hypogynous, free from

the petals ... ... 9.

Stamens attached by pairs to

the petals ... ... 10.

Fertile stamens 6, concealed in

the concavities of the petals ... 11.

Sub-Tribe IY. — Icacinese. Flowers dich-

lamydeous, , or polygamo-dioecious :

stamens equal in number to the petals

and alternate with them ; ovary 1-

rarely 2-celled, ovules 2 (rarely 1).

Shrubs or trees.

Olax.

Harmandia.

Ochanostachys.

Bracea.

Strombosia.

Gansjera.

Bepionurus.

Ctenolophon.

Ximenia.

Scorodocarpus.

Anaeolosa.

97

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula.

Ovary and fruit 1-celled.

Flowers polygamo-d ioeceous;

ovary in female flowers cylindric,

with large sessile discoid stigma.

Sepals 5, distinct, imbricate;

male flowers in short axillary

interrupted glome rulose

spikes ... ... 12.

Calyx cupular, 4 5-toothed,

flowers in cymes ... 13.

Flowers hermaphrodite, stigma

minute ... ... 14.

Ovary and fruit 2-celled, the cells

1-ovulate (1 cell aborting) ... 15.

Sub-Tribe V. — Phytocrenese. Flowers

monoecious or dioeceous, mono-ordi-

chlamydeous,4-or 5-merous (the pieces

imbricate) : stamens equal in number

to and alternate with the segments

of the perianth in the monochla-

mydeous, and with those of the corol¬

la in the dichlamydeous species : ovary

J-celled, ovules 2. Scandent shrubs.

Flowers monochlamydeous.

Flowers 4-merous, those of both

sexes in capitules, bracteoles

close to the flower; drupe

bristly ... ... 16.

Flowers 5-merous, the males

umbellate, the females capi¬

tate, bracteoles separated

from the flower by a long

stalk; drupe not bristly ... 17.

Flowers dichlamydeous.

Flowers sessile in long pendulous

interrupted spikes ; filaments

longer than the anthers :

drupe pulpy ... ... 18.

Flowers in cymose panicles ;

filaments shorter than the

anthers ; drupe with very

little, if any, pulp ... 19.

** Stamens perigynous.

J. ii. 13

Plate a.

Gomphandra.

Lasianthera .

Gonocaryum.

Phytocrene.

Miquelia.

Sarcostigma.

lodes.

98 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula , [No. 1,

Sub-Tribe VI. — Erythropalese. Flowers

dichlamydeous, <jf . Petals 5, perigy-

nous, the stamens as many as and

inserted opposite to them. Ovary

half-immersed in the perigynous disk,

1 -celled, with 1 to 3 ovules. Fruit in¬

ferior, crowned by the persistent calyx-

lobes and by the disc, pericarp split¬

ting vertically into 3 to 5 pieces.

Scandent tendril-bearing shrubs ... 20. Erythropalum.

Fed it samaroid ; Stigmas 2.

Sub-Tribe VII. — Cardiopteridese. Flow¬

ers dichlamydeous, : corolla gamo-

petalous, the stamens equal to and

alternate with its segments ; ovules

pendulous ; stigmas 2, one at least of

them persistent at the apex of the

samaroid fruit.

Trees; ovary 2-celled, with I

ovule in each cell, fruit 2-

eelled ... ... 21. Pteleocarpa .

Herbs ; ovary 1 -celled, ovules

2 (1 usually abortive), fruit

1-celled, juice milky ... 22. Cardiopteris.

1. Olax, Linn.

Trees or shrubs, often scandent, sometimes armed. Leaves alter¬

nate, petioled, simple. Racemes axillary, simple, or branched. Bracts

minute. Calyx minute, cup-shaped, truncate or obscurely toothed, ac¬

crescent. Petals 4 or 5, hypogynous, valvate, free or more or less

coherent. Fertile stamens usually 3, generally opposite the edges of

the petals and attached to their bases, rarely opposite their centres ; an¬

thers adnate to the filaments, oblong, 2-celled, dehiscing longitudinally.

Staminodes 5-6, bifid, usually opposite the petals. Ovary free, usually

surrounded by a shallow, cup-shaped, hypogynous disk, more or less

3-celled below, 1-celled above ; style simple, terminal, stigma 3-lobed ;

ovules 3, linear, pendulous from the apex of a central placenta. Fruit

more or less covered by the accrescent fleshy calyx ; stone crustaceous,

1-celled, 1-seeded. Seed inverse, albuminous; embryo minute, in the

apex of albumen; radicle superior. — Distrib, 25-30 species, natives

of the tropics of the Old World.

1. Olax imbricata, Roxb. FI. Ind. I, 164. A scandent unarmed

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 99

shrub ; young branches terete, puberulous when very young. Leaves

coriaceous, oblong-lanceolate to ovate-oblong, acute, the base rounded

or narrowed ; both surfaces glabrous, the upper shining, reticulate, the

lower dull and the nervation indistinct ; main nerves 8 or 9 pairs, faint,

spreading ; length 3 5 to 5*5 in., breadth 1*25 to 2*75 in., petiole *2 to

'35 in* Racemes about *5 in. long, many-flowered ; the bracts rather

large, ovate, concave, imbricate when young, deciduous. Flowers

about *5 in. long ; petals 6, united in pairs. Fertile stamens 3, about

as long as the pale staminodes. Fruit sub-globose, the apex truncate,

*5 in. in diam., enveloped except at the apex by the accrescent calyx.

Wall. Cat. 6775; A. B. Decaisne Nouv. Ann. Mus. Ill, 438; Miq. FI.

Ind. Bat. I, Pt, I. 785 ; Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I. 577 ; Kurz For. Flora

Burma I, 234; Valeton, Olacineee, 115.

Andaman and Kicobar Islands, Malacca. Distrib : Java, Phillip-

pines, Burmah, Chittagong.

Although I have not included 0. merguensis , Planch as a synonym

of this, I cannot see how it can be specifically separated. 0. Wighti-

ana , Wall, also appears to me to resemble this too closely to be kept

distinct as a species.

2. Harmandia, Pierre.

Trees with alternate, simple, entire, petiolate leaves. Flowers uni¬

sexual, racemose, pedicellate, solitary in the axils of bracteoles. Calyx

cupular, entire or 4-toothed, greatly enlarged and persistent in the fruit.

Corolla campanulate or urceolate, fleshy, with 4 short acute valvate lobes

( in the female flowers 6- to 8-lobes ?) Disc short, thin, annular, crenulate,

deciduous, embracing the outside of the base of the cylindric staminal

tube. Anthers 4, sessile, inserted at the mouth of the thick fleshy

staminal tube opposite the teeth of the corolla, bilocular, introrse, the

apices reflexed, the connective thick. Pistil superior, pyramidal, sur¬

rounded in the female flower by the barren staminal tube, 1-celled;

stigma 3-lobed, sessile ; ovules 2 (usually only 1), short, free, descending

from the apex of the short trigonous central placenta. Drupe oblong,

1-seeded, surrounded at the base by the large, fleshy, spreading, coloured

accrescent calyx ; epicarp fleshy, endocarp ligneous. Seed solitary,

filling the cavity of the fruit, its testa thin and inseparable from the

fleshy albumen ; embryo minute, excentric, oblique, near the apex of the

allumen. Cotyledons flat, shorter than the radicle. Distrib. 2 species ;

both Malayan.

This genus founded by M. Pierre (Bull. Soc. Linn. Paris, No. 97,

p. 770), is remarkable in having a fleshy staminal tube very like

that of some Meliacese, and for the enormous development of the accre¬

scent calyx which forms a large coloured collar round the ripe fruit.

100 Or. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Feninsula. [No. 3,

1. Harmandia kunstleri, King, n. sp. A glabrous tree 30 to 40

feet high ; young branches slender, striate. Leaves coriaceous, ovate-

lanceolate or lanceolate, shortly and bluntly acuminate, the base

cuneate ; main nerves about 6 pairs, very indistinct on both surfaces ;

length 2*5 to 3*5 in., breadth 1 to 2 in., petiole '25 to '5 in. Racemes of

female flowers axillary, solitary, not much longer than the petioles.

Flowers '15 in. long, solitary in the axils of oblong obtuse bracteoles.

Calyx flat, spreading, with 4 very obtuse teeth. Corolla four times as

long as the calyx, urceolate ; teeth 4, acute. Ovary hidden (except the

stigmas) by the barren staminal tube and by the corolla, pyramidal,

the style short ; 1-celled with a single spuriously erect ovule : stigma

solitary, capitate. Fruit oblong, obtuse, 1'25 in. long, and '6 in. in

diam., surrounded at the base by the greatly enlarged coloured corru¬

gated calyx which forms a frill 3 to 4 in. in diam.

Perak ; King’s Collector.

A very striking plant. The accrescent calyx forms an enormous

waxy collar round the base of the fruit which, at first green, changes

into a beautiful flesh-colour, the central part being bluish-black. This

species is closely allied to LLarmandia mekongensis , Pierre (For. Flora

Cocli. China, t. 264), from which it differs in having an urceolate (not

tubular-campanulate) corolla and a larger fruit with the accrescent calyx

less invaginated at the base.

3. OCHANOSTACHYS, Mast.

Trees or shrubs. Leaves alternate, petiolate, penni-nerved. Flowers

numerous, on long sleuder branching axillary spikes. Calyx cup¬

shaped, 4-5-toothed, not accrescent. Petals 4-5, free, valvate. Stamens

12-15, hypogynous, or adherent to the base of the petals; filaments

subulate, glabrous ; anthers 4-celled, opening longitudinally ; stami-

nodes 0. Disk hypogynous, fleshy, very shallow, annular, inconspicuous ;

ovary free, sub-hemispheric, incompletely 3-celled beneath, 1-celled

above; style short, cylindric; stigma minute, terminal, 3-lobed; ovules

1 iti each cell, pendulous from the apex of a central placenta. Fruit dru¬

paceous, 1-celled, 1-seeded. — Distrib. Species 1 or 2 ; natives of the

Malay Peninsula and Borneo.

1. Ochanostachys amentacea, Mast, in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I,

579. A tree 30 to 40 feet high; young branches glabrous, the tips

alone puberulous. Leaves thinly coriaceous, elliptic-oblong, entire,

bluntly sub-acuminate, the base slightly narrowed, both surfaces gla¬

brous ; main nerves 5 (rarely 4) pairs, ascending, prominent on the

lower, depressed on the upper surface when dry; length 3 to 5 in.,

breadth 1*5 to 2‘5 in., petiole '5 to '75 in. Racemes as long as or longer

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 101

than the leaves, narrow, sometimes branched, axillary, interrupted.

Flowers on short pedicels with minute ovate, acute bracts at the

base; oblong-ovate in bud, less than *1 in. long. Petals ovate, glabrous

outside with a few coarse hairs inside. Ovary vertically striate. Fruit

ovoid-pyriform, 1*25 in. long, and *8 in. in diam. ; the pericarp glabrous,

thin, the endocarp bony, with one large cell and a single seed. Valeton,

Olacinese, 104. Petalinia bancana , Beccari in Malesia, I, 257.

In all the provinces except the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.

Common. — Disteib. Borneo.

This is a very common tree in the Malayan Peninsular where its

vernacular name is “ Petaling.” The same name is applied to it in

Borneo, and of this name Beccari’s Petalinia is an adaptation.

4. Bracea, nov. gen. King.

Arboreous ; leaves alternate, simple, entire, petiolate. Panicles

few-branclied, axillary or terminal, nearly as long as or longer than the

leaves. Flowers hermaphrodite, small, shortly pedicelled, scattered or

sub-glomerulate, minutely bracteolate. Calyx of 5, free, imbricate,

broad, non-accrescent, campanulate sepals. Petals 5, hypogynous, slightly

united at the base, much imbricate, glabrous. Stamens 5, opposite the

petals ; filaments shorter than the anthers, very broad. Anthers ovate,

innate, 2-celled, with introrse longitudinal dehiscence. Staminodes

none. Ovary broadly ovate, pyramidal, tapering to the short style,

imperfectly 2-celled at the base, 1-celled towards the apex; • stigma

small, 2-lobed. Ovules 2, from a short axile basilar placenta. Fruit

drupaceous, 1-celled, with a single spuriously erect seed.

A genus near Oclianostachys , Oliver ; but with only 5 stamens,

very different in form from those of that genus. I dedicate this to

Mr. L. Brace, formerly Curator of the Calcutta Herbarium.

1. Bracea paniculata, n. sp., King. A glabrous tree 50 to 70 feet

high ; young branches dark-coloured, smooth. Leaves coriaceous, ovate

to elliptic, sub-acuminate, the base rounded ; upper surface shining, the

lower dull ; main nerves 7 or 8 pairs, curved, spreading, slightly promi¬

nent beneath when dry; length 35 to 8‘5 in., breadth 185 to 2’75 in.,

petiole ‘65 to '8 in. Panicles with few, spreading, spike-like branches.

Flowers T in. long, on pedicels of about the same length, glabrous, the

calyx half as long as the corolla ; petals and sepals broadly ovate.

Stamens shorter than the petals, glabrous; dish hypogynous. Fruit

drupaceous, ellipsoid, blunt, glabrous (unripe), *75 in. long, and *4 in. in

diam. ; the calyx persistent at its base, but not accrescent ; pericarp

fleshy, endocarp leathery. Seed solitary, attached to the base of the

cell.

Perak ; Scortechini, No. 288, King’s Collector, No. 8086.

102 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

5. Strombosia, Blume.

Trees or shrubs. Leaves alternate, petioled, simple, penni-nerved.

Inflorescence shortly cymose. Flowers regular, hermaphrodite. Calyx

a shallow cup, more or less 5-lobed, inferior (partly superior in some

species). Petals 5, free, hairy within. Stamens 5, opposite the petals

and adnate to their bases. Anthers 2-celled, introrse. Staminodes 0.

Ovary wholly superior, or (in some species) partly inferior, imperfectly

4- 5-celled, surrounded by a perigjnous lobed disk. Style simple. Ovules

4-5, pendulous from a central placenta. Fruit drupaceous, surmounted

by the remains of the calyx-lobes and of the style, stone crustaceous.

Seed pendulous, embryo minute within fleshy albumen. Distrib.

Species 6, natives of the Western Peninsula, Ceylon and the Malayan

Archipelago.

Flowers in pedicelled few-flowered cymes ... 1. S. javanica.

Flowers in sessile many-flowered fascicles ...

Leaves ovate to oblong-ovate ; petals *2 in.

long ... ... ... 2. S. multiflora.

Leaves more or less rotund ; petals *15 in.

long ... ... ... 3. S> rotundifolia.

1. Strombosia javanica, Blume Bijdr. 1154. A tree 20 to 50 feet

high ; young branches rather slender, glabrous Leaves thinly coria¬

ceous, glabrous, oblong to elliptic, shortly acuminate, the base rounded ;

main nerves 5 or 6 pairs, curved, ascending, slightly prominent be¬

neath ; length 4 to 7 in., breadth 165 to 2'65 in., petiole '6 to '75 in.

Cymes axillary, not longer than the petioles, few-flowered ; bracteoles

small, deciduous, leaving pale scars. Flowers ellipsoid in bud, about

•2 in. long. Calyx nearly flat with 5 short lobes, inferior in the flower;

(accrescent and half inferior in the fruit). Petals erect, much exceed¬

ing the calyx, oblong, obtuse, hairy towards the apex. Stamens 5, op¬

posite to, nearly as long as, and adhering to the petals. Ovary elongate,

tapering into the short style. Fruit oblong-ovoid, glabrous, *8 in. long,

and *6 in. in diam., the apex crowned by the calyx and disc. Blume

Mus. Bot. Lugd. Bat. I, 251 ; Miq. FI. Ind. Bat. I, Pt. I, 787 ; Mast, in

Hook. FI. Br. Ind. I, 579 ; Kurz For. Flora Burmah, I, 235; Yaleton,

Olacinese, 86.

Penang: Wallich. Malacca: Maingay. Perak: King’s Collectors.

2. Strombosia multiflora, King, n. sp. A glabrous tree 50 feet

high and upwards ; young branches slender, striate, minutely lenti-

cellate, cinereous when dry. Leaves coriaceous, ovate to oblong-ovate,

acute or shortly acuminate, slightly oblique, rounded at the base, the

edges undulate ; leaves 5 to 8 pairs, slightly curved, ascending, slightly

prominent on the lower, obsolete on the upper, surface ; length 2*5 to 4

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 103

in., breadth 1*5 to 2 in., petiole *35 in. Flowers in dense axillary

fascicles ; pedicels shorter than the flowers, each with several rotund,

concave, minute bracteoles, one of which is close to the calyx. Calyx

a shallow cnp with 5 broad rounded concave Segments. Petals • 2 in.

long, much longer than the calyx, erect, oblong, obtuse, their apices

re-curved, pubescent on the edges and in the upper fourth of the inner

surface. Stamens opposite the petals to which their filaments are

attached for two-thirds of their length ; anthers short, ovate. Ovary

sub-globular, grooved, much shorter than the long cylindric style,

stigma minute. Fruit unknown.

Perak : King’s Collector, No. 7824. Penang : Curtis, No. 859.

Evidently a Stromhosia ; the fruit, however, is as yet unknown.

3. Strombosia rotundifolia, King. A tree or shrub; young

branches rather stout ; their bark cinereous, rugose, much lenticellate.

Leaves coriaceous, more or less rotund, glabrous ; main nerves 6 or 7

pairs, rather straight, sub-ascending, obsolete on the upper, slightly pro¬

minent on the lower surface when dry ; length 2*5 in., breadth 2 in. ;

petiole ’3 in., stout. Fascicles small, axillary, few-flowered, shorter than

the petioles ; pedicels short, each with 2 or 3 minute rotund scale-like

bracteoles. Calyx cupular, with 5 broad rounded imbricate teeth.

Petals *15 in. long, much longer than the calyx, oblong, hairy on the

upper half inside, otherwise glabrous ; filaments adnate to the petals for

half their length, anthers ovate. Ovary sub-globular, style cylindric.

Fruit ( fide Masters) “ the size of a pea, glaucous, globose.” Anacalosa

Maingayi , Mast, in Hook. fil. Br. Ind. I, 580.

Singapore: Maingay (Kew Distrib.), No. 1019.

A species closely allied to S. multiflora, King, but with differently

shaped leaves. The fascicles of this are fewer-flowered, and the flowers

are smaller than in that species. I have seen only Maingay’s specimen

of this, and there is no fruit on it. Dr. Masters puts this plant into

Anacalosa , but its petals and anthers are those of Stromhosia, to which

genus I venture to remove it.

6. Cansjera, Juss.

Climbing shrubs, sometimes spiny. Leaves alternate, entire, penni-

nerved. Floivers bracteate, in short axillary spikes, monochlamydeous,

hermaphrodite. Perianth tubular or urceolate, regular, 4- 5-parted,

lobes valvate. Stamens as many as the lobes of the perianth and

opposite to them ; filaments glabrous, free, or attached between the

fleshy thick lobes of the disk. Anthers small, oblong, adnate, 2-celled,

dehiscing longitudinally. Ovary superior, ovoid-conical, 1 -celled. Style

cylindric; stigma capitate, 4-lobed. Ov ule solitary, erect, or pendulous

104 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

from a short placenta. Fruit superior, drupaceous, surrounded at the base

by the marcescent perianth ; sarcocarp thin, endocarp bony. Seed solitary,

erect, roundish ; embryo in the upper part of the fleshy albumen, radicle

superior ; cotyledons sometimes 3, very long, plano-convex. Distrib.

Species 3-4, natives of Tropical Asia and Australia.

Cansjera Rheedii, Gmel. Syst. I, 280. A climbing shrub ; the

young branches olivaceous, puberulous, sometimes spiny. Leaves thinly

coriaceous, oblong-lanceolate to ovate, acute or acuminate, the base

slightly narrowed, both surfaces glabrous ; main nerves 3 to 5 pairs,

curved, ascending, faint; length 2'5 to 4 in., breadth 1 to T5 in.,

petiole *15 in. Spikes 1 or 2 from an axil, '5 to 1 in. long, tomen-

tose ; bracteoles minute, linear-lanceolate, one at the base of each

flower. Flowers *1 in. long, pubescent externally, apices of the teeth

of the perianth re-curved. Fruit ovoid, *4 in. long, glabrous; embryo

straight in the axis of copious albumen. Wall. Cat. 1043, B ; Wight Ic.

t. 1861; Bedd. Flor. Sylvat. Anal. Gen. t. xxvi. ; Thwaites Enum. 251;

Brandis For. Flor. 75 ; Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 582 ; Kurz For. Flora

Burma I, 237 : Valeton Olacinese 158. C. scandens, Roxb. Cor. PI. 103;

FI. Ind. i. 441. G. malabarica, Lamk. Diet. iii. 433. C. zizyphifolia , Griff.

Notul. iv. 360, t. 537, f. 1. G. niartabanica, Wall. Cat. 7266. Olax ?

sumatrana , Miq. FI. Ind. Bat. Suppl. i. 342. Opilia amentacea , Roxb. FI.

Ind. I, 86 Wall. Cat. No. 2331, G. Rlieede Hort. Mai. vii. t. 2, 4. Wall.

Cat. Ganscora , No. 7537.

Andaman and Nicobar Islands : Malacca. — Distrib. British India,

Malayan Archipelago.

I can find no trace of calyx in any of the flowers of this species

which I have dissected, and I cannot find that the ovary has more than a

single cell. The disc is deeply divided into 4 fleshy acute lobes, between

which the stamens are inserted. The fruit is entirely superior. The

genus is closely allied to Ghampereia, which has already been transferred

by Messrs. Bentham and Hooker to Santalaceae. It is also allied to

Lepionurus and Opilia ; and, with these, it should, in my opinion, be

retransferred to the family Santalaceae in which its founder, Jussieu,

originally placed it. Wall. Cat. 7537 clearly falls here and not under

Lepionurus sylvestris. Bl.

7. Lepionurus, Blume.

Shrubby. Leaves alternate, shortly petioled, simple, penni-

nerved. Inflorescence axillary, spicate, with large deciduous bracts, the

flowers solitary at the nodes, or in clusters of 3 or 4. Flowers mono-

chlamydeous, regular, hermaphrodite. Perianth urceolate, the limb 4-

parted ; lobes valvate, glabrous within. Stamens equal in number to

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 105

the lobes of the perianth and opposite to them. Anthers glabrous.

Staminodes 0. Dish fleshy, yellow, lining the perianth- tube. Ovary

free, oblong-conical ; stigma sessile, 4-lobed ; ovule solitary. Fruit

drupaceous, glabrous, endocarp crustaceous. Seed erect; embryo small,

in the axis of fleshy albumen, radicle terete, cotyledons ternate. — Distrib.

Species 2, natives of Tropical Asia.

Lepionurus sylvestris, Blume Bijdr. 1148. A glabrous shrub; the

branches sub-striate, pale when dry. Leaves membranous, oblong, elliptic-

oblong or elliptic, shortly acuminate, the base cuneate ; main nerves 7

to 9 pairs, rather straight, ascending ; length 4 to 6'5 in., breadth T4

to 35 in., petiole *15 to '35 in. Spikes axillary, 5 to T25 in. long, soli¬

tary, or in clusters of 2 to 6, their rachises filiform, at first enveloped

by the large ovate acute, membranous, deciduous bracts. Flowers

long, the tube inflated and lined by the adherent disc ; the lobes deltoid,

spreading when mature. Anthers and filaments broad. Fruit ellipsoid

to ovoid, *35 to *6 in. long when ripe. Blume Mus. Bot. Lugd. Bat. I,

246 ; Miq. FI. Ind. Bat., Vol. I, Pt. I, 284 ; Lepionurus oblongi-

folius , Mast, in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. 583 ; Valeton, Olacineae, 153.

Leptonium oblong if olium, Griff, in Calc. Journ. IV, 236. Opilia acumi¬

nata , Wall. Cat. 7206, also Wall. Cat. 7464.

Malacca, Penang, Perak, rather common. Distrib. — British India4

Burma, Malayan Archipelago.

I have not been able to make out, from dissections of dried speci¬

mens, the exact attachment of the ovule. But the ripe seed is unques¬

tionably attached to the base of the cavity of the fruit. Whether the

ovule was originally erect, or was attached in a pendulous manner, as

some botanists assert, from the apex of a short central placenta, I am

unable to say. The genus in my opinion is closely allied to Gansjera.

8. Ctenolophon, Oliv.

Trees. Ljeaves opposite, petiolate, simple, penni-nerved. Inflores¬

cence panicled-cymose. Flowers regular, hermaphrodite. Calyx 5-part-

ed ; lobes imbricate, not accrescent. Petals 5, free, imbricate, oblong,

reflexed after flowering. Stamens 10, free, springing from a short, ring¬

like, hypogynous disk, those opposite the petals longer than the others ;

anthers roundish, apiculate, 2-celled, dehiscing lengthwise. Staminodes

0. Ovary free, shortly stalked, imperfectly 2-celled ; style cylindric, bifid

at the apex, stigmas capitate ; ovules in pairs in each cell, collateral,

pendulous. Fruit coriaceous or crustaceous, 1-celled, 1-seeded, dehiscing

irregularly. Seed pendulous from the apex of a free central placenta,

and provided with a dorsal pectinate crest. — Distrib. 2 known species,

both Malayan.

J. ii. 14

106 Of. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

1. Inflorescence pale-tomentose ; flowers ‘2

to *25 in. long ... ... 1. G. parvifolius.

2. Inflorescence rusty-tomentose ; flowers

*4 in. long ... ... 2. C. grandifolius.

1. Ctenolophon parvifolius, Oliver in Trans. Linn. Soc. XXVIII,

516, t. 43. A tree; young brauches terete, purplish when fresh, cinere¬

ous when dry. Leaves opposite, coriaceous, elliptic or oblong-elliptic,

entire, shortly and obtusely acuminate, the base cuneate or rounded ;

upper surface shining, the lower dull, both glabrous ; main nerves

about 10 pairs, faint, sp reading, forming a double series of arches

within the edge ; length 2*5 to 4*5 in., breadth 1*25 to 2 in., petiole *3

to *5 in. Panicles terminal and axillary, shorter than the leaves, con¬

densed, minutely cano-tomentose ; bracts ovoid-deltoid, minute, decidu¬

ous ; pedicels stout, about as long as the calyx. Flowers *2 to *25 in.

long, oblong. Calyx-lobes sub-rotund, concave, minutely tomentose

outside, sub-glabrous inside. Petals coriaceous, erect, oblong, concave,

four times as long as the calyx, minutely pale tomentose on the back,

the imbricate edges and inner surface glabrous. Anthers ovate, adnate,

much shorter than the filaments. Ovary ovoid-globose, woolly, 2-celled,

surrounded at the base by an annular disc : style long, cylindric, glabrous,

2-furrowed. Fruit ellipsoid, slightly obovoid, apiculate, striate, *6 to

*75 in. long, minutely pale tomentose; the pericarp woody, splitting on

one side when ripe. Seeds with an imperfect pectinate arillus. Masters

in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 579: Beccari, Malesia I, 120.

Malacca: Maingay (Kew Distrib.), No. 382. Perak: Scortechini,

Wray, King’s Collector. — Distrib. Borneo, Beccari, P. B., No. 2637,

(-fide Beccari). Sumatra: Forbes, 3002.

2. Ctenolophon grandifolius, Oliver in Trans. Linn. Soc. XXVIII,

517, t. 43, figs. 8 to 10. A tree; the young branches pale, sparsely

lenticellate. Leaves oblong-elliptic, shortly acuminate, 3*5 to 5 in. long

and 1*5 to 1*75 in. broad, otherwise as in G. parvifolius. Panicles ter¬

minal or axillary, almost as long as the leaves, more or less open and

spreading, minutely rusty-tomentose ; bracts scale-like, caducous ; pedi¬

cels longer than the calyx. Floivers *4 in. long. Calyx and petals as in

G. parvifolius , but rufous- instead of pale-tomentose. Ovary as in G.

parvifolius , but the ovarian cavity shorter. Fruit unknown. Masters

in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 577. Beccari, Malesia I, 120.

Malacca: Maingay (Kew Distrib.), No. 383. — Distrib. Borneo.

P. B., No. 1966 ( fide Beccari).

This species is much rarer than the last. In fact I have seen no

other specimens than Maingay’s. It closely resembles G. parvifolius

Oliver., the only tangible differences that I can discover (in the absence

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 107

of fruit of this), being the greater size of its flowers, and the colour

of the tomentum of the flowers and inflorescence which in this is rusty,

whereas in G . parvifolius it is pale. Professor Oliver relies as a diagnostic

mark on a difference in the length of the ovarian cavity; the cavity of

the ovary in G. parvifolius reaching nearly to the base of the style,

whereas in C . grandifolius it occupies the base only of the ovary.

9. Ximenta, Linn.

A shrub or low tree. Branches spiny. Leaves shortly petioled,

alternate, simple, 1 -nerved. Flowers racemose, usually hermaphrodite.

Calyx cupular, 4- 5-toothed, persistent, not accrescent. Petals 4-5,

oblong, revolute, hairy within. Stamens twice as many as the petals,

hypogynous ; anthers innate, linear, 2-celled. Staminodes 0. Ovary

sessile, superior, 4-celled ; style columnar, stigma simple ; ovules

solitary in each cell, pendulous, anatropous. Drupe ovoid, 1 -celled ;

stone solitary. — Distrib. Species, 4-5, 1 Mexican, 1 South African,

1 Bornean, 1 Polynesian, 1 widely dispersed through the Tropics of

both hemispheres.

1. Ximenta Americana, Linn. Sp. PI. 1193. Glabrous, the young

shoots striate and lenticellat-e. Leaves coriaceous, oblong-ovate to sub-or¬

bicular, the apex emarginate, the base rounded; length J to 2 in., breadth

•75 to P25 in. Racemes short, axillary, or at the ends of short branches,

few-flowered. Flowers hermaphrodite or polygamous, *35 in. long; the

buds oblong, acute, bracts minute. Galyx much shorter than the

petals. Anthers linear, erect, the connective thick. Ovary ovoid-conical,

glabrous. Style as long as the stamens. Stigma simple. Fruit oval,

glabrous, about 1 in. long, orange-red when ripe, the pericarp pulpy;

endocarp bony, 1 -celled, 1-seeded. Lamk. Illust. 297, fig. 1 ; DC. Prod.

I, 533; Iloxb. FI. Ind. II, 252; W. and A. Prod. 89; Blume Mus. Bet.

Lugd. Bat. I, 247 ; Miq. FI. Ind, Bat. I, Pfc. 1, 786 ; Hook. fil. FI. Br.

Ind. I, 574 ; Pierre For. Flor. Coch. China, x. 265 ; Kurz For. Flora

Burma I, 233; Yaleton Olacinese, 74. X. Russellia?ia, Wall. Cat. 6784.

Malacca, Singapore, Hicobar and Andaman Islands : — Distrib.

Malayan Archipelago ; Peninsular India.

10. Scorgdocarpus, Beccari.

A tall tree. Leaves alternate, simple, penni-nerved. Flowers dich-

lamydeous, in short axillary racemes. Calyx small, cupular, 4-crenate,

not enlarging with the fruit. Petals 4 or 5, hypogynous, narrow, val-

vate, coherent by their edges until mature, lanate internally. Stamens

twice as many as the petals, attached to them in pairs, dehiscing sutu-

rally, the filaments shorter than the linear elongate erect anthers.

108 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

Ovary ovoid, grooved, imperfectly 4- or 5-celled, with 4 or 5 elongated

pendulous ovules. Style simple, much longer than the ovary; stigma

minutely-lobed, terminal. Fruit globose, 1-celled, the epicarp thin, fleshy,

the endocarp crustaceous. Seed solitary, globular, pendulous from the

apex by a filiform thread (? placenta), embryo near the apex of the

fleshy albumen, radicle superior. One species ; native of Malaya.

1. Scorodocarpus Borneensis, Beccari in Nuovo Giorn. Bot. Ital.

IX, 273. A tall very foetid tree ; branches dark-coloured, lenticellate.

Leaves coriaceous, elliptic-oblong, acute, the base slightly cuneate or

rounded ; both surfaces glabrous, the reticulations transverse ; main

nerves about 5 pairs, curved, ascending, prominent beneath ; length 5

to 65 in., breadth 2’5 to 3 in., petiole about ‘75 in. Racemes under

2 in. long, puberulous, the flowers in clusters of 3 or 4. Calyx with

wavy edge, nearly glabrous. Buds oblong ; petals puberulous outside,

*3 to *35 in. long. Disc 0. Fruit glabrous, 2 in. in diam. Valeton

Olacineae, 88. Schmidelia foetidissima, Wall. Cat. 8064. Ximinia bor¬

neensis, Baillon Adansonia LXI. 271 (in part).

Singapore: Wallicli, Ridley, King. Johore : Ridley. Perak: King’s

Collector. — Distrib. Borneo.

Rather a common tree, every part of which has a foetid alliaceous

odour. The wood is hard and durable, and is much prized for various

purposes. This tree was collected by Wallicli in Singapore, and he

referred it to Schmidelia. The Wallichian specimens, however, were

overlooked, and the plant was first described by Baillon from specimens

collected by Signor Beccari in Borneo. Subsequently the latter Bota¬

nist founded for its reception, the genus Scorodocarjpus. Its affinities

are with Ximenia .

11. Anacolosa, Blume.

Shrubs or trees. Leaves alternate, petiolate, simple, penni-nerved.

Inflorescence cymose, axillary. Calyx cup-shaped, 5-7-tootlied, not

accrescent. Petals 5-7, oblong, free, valvate, springing with the stamens

from a liypogynous or perigynous disk. Stamens concealed in the

cavity of the petals and slightly adnate to their bases, filaments

glabrous, or pilose at the apex ; anthers broad, innate, 2-celled, dehiscing

longitudinally. Ovary imperfectly 2- 3-celled below, 1-celled above ;

style cylindric, the stigma shortly lobed ; ovules 2 or 3, pendulous, the

placenta central. Fruit drupe-like, with the disc persistent at its apex

and the slightly accrescent calyx at its base ; stone crustaceous, 1- or im¬

perfectly 2-celled, with a single pendulous seed ; embryo minute at the

apex of fleshy albumen, radicle superior. — Distrib. 5 or 6 species, British

Indian and Malayan.

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 109

Calyx and pedicels glabrons ... ... 1. A. Griffithii.

Calyx and pedicels minutely rusty-pubescent

Leaves membranous ; young branches

glabrous, dark-coloured ; anthers with a

tuft of hairs in front ... ... 2. A. 'puberula.

Leaves coriaceous ; young branches thick

with pale scurfy bark ; antbers very

hairy ... ... ... 3. A. heptandra.

1. Anacolosa Griffithii, Masters in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 580.

A glabrous shrub or tree ; young branches dark-coloured, glaucous.

Leaves thickly membranous, ovate-lanceolate, sub-acute or acute, the

base rounded or sub-cuneate ; main nerves 5 or 6 pairs, obscure on both

surfaces, curved, spreading; length 2*5 to 4 in., breadth 1*2 to L5 in.,

petiole -35 in. Cymes axillary, few-flowered, sessile or very shortly

pedunculate ; pedicels longer than the flowers, angled, ebracteolate,

glabrous. Flower-buds sub-globose. Calyx cupular, minutely 5-or 6-

toothed, glabrous. Petals two or three times longer than the calyx,

oblong, obtuse, the upper half thick and fleshy, the lower half concave,

hairy towards its upper part, otherwise glabi’ous. Stamens embedded in

the concavities of the petals, the filaments short, slender ; the anthers sub-

globular, hairy in front. Ovary conical, flocculent-hairy, tapering into

the glabrous style, surrounded at the base by the annular fleshy disk.

Kurz For. Flora Burma I, 236 ; Valeton Olacineas, 92 ; Pierre For.

Flor. Coch. Chine, t. 266 B.

Burma : doubtfully in the Andaman Islands.

I have seen no specimen of this from the Andamans, but I include

it on the authority of the Flora of British India.

2. Anacolosa puberula, Kurz in Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, 1872, Pt. 2,

p. 297. A large shrub ; young branches glabrous, dark-coloured, all

parts except the inflorescence glabrous. Leaves membranous, oblong-

lanceolate, the apex more or less acute, the base slightly narrowed ;

main nerves 3 to 5 pairs, distant, ascending, pale and prominent on the

lower, faint on the upper surface; length 3*5 to 5 5 in., breadth 1'5 to

2 in., petiole '3 in. Cymes few- or many-flowered, axillary, about as long

as the petioles, their rachises conical, woody: pedicels ebracteolate.

Calyx cupular, with 6 minute distant teeth, rusty -pubescent outside like

the pedicels. Petals 6, in pairs, oblong, the upper half fleshy; the

lower half concave, glabrescent externally, glabrous internally except

for a tuft of long hairs at the apex of the concavity. Stamens opposite

to and as many as the petals, hidden in their concavities; the filaments

shorter than the anthers, broad, flat ; anthers broadly ovoid, tufted,

hairy ; disc large, crenulate, surrounding the base of the conical sub-

i 10 Gf. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

glabrous ovary ; stigma small, minutely lobed. Fruit ovoid, glabrescent,

•6 in. long, with the persistent disc at its apex and the slightly ac¬

crescent calyx at its base. Kurz For. Flora Burma I, 235 : Valeton

Olacinese 93.

Nicobar Islands, Kurz.

Var. Andamanica. Leaves ovate-elliptic or ovate-lanceolate, main

nerves 4 to 6 pairs, spreading, not pale underneath.

Andaman Islands : King’s Collectors.

The specimens on which Kurz founded this species are in the

Calcutta Herbarium. They were collected in the Nicobar Islands al¬

though Kurz, by a slip, attributes them to the Andamans. These

Nicobar specimens are distinguished from all which have, since

Kurz’s time, been collected in the Andamans (where the plant is

very common) by the smaller number of nerves in the leaves, which

are, moreover, ascending and pale beneath, whereas these from the An¬

damans have more numerous nerves which are spreading and are not

pale beneath.

3. Anacolosa heptandra, Maing. mss. ex Hook. FI. Ind. I, 581.

A shrub or tree ; young branches stout, with pale scurfy bark. Leaves

coriaceous, oblong-lanceolate, sub-acute at base and apex, glabrous ;

main nerves 5 or 6 pairs, ascending, obsolete on the upper, rather

prominent on the lower surface ; length 6 or 7 in., breadth 2‘25 to 3 in.,

petiole ‘3 in. Flowers in crowded axillary cymes not much exceeding the

petioles ; 'pedicels short, rufous-pubescent like the calyx, ebracteolate.

Calyx cupular, with 6 minute distant teeth. The other parts of the

Flower as in A . puberula , but the ovary narrower, and the anthers more

hairy, not merely tufted with hairs. Valeton Olacineac, 93.

Malacca; Maingay (Kew Distrib.), No. 368.

This species of which I have seen only two specimens (neither of

which is in fruit) comes very near to A. 'puberula. The young branches

however, are thicker, with paler bark, and have the anthers more hairy

than in that species.

12. Platea, Blume.

Trees. Leaves entire, coriaceous. Male flowers in short axillary

interrupted-glomerulose spikes ; the females in shorter cymes. Flowers

polygamo-dicecious. Sepals 5, distinct, imbricate, small. Petals 5,

united below into a tube, the teeth valvate ; in the female deciduous

or absent. Stamens 5, alternate with the petals and inserted at their

bases ; the filaments short, anthers ovoid, 2-celled. Ovary in the female

flower cylindric, oblong, obtuse, crowned by the large discoid stigma,

1-celled ; the ovules 2, pendulous. Drupe baccate, the endocarp woody.

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. Ill

Seed pendulous, the embryo straight, in the axis of the copious albu¬

men. — Distrib. about 4 species ; all Malayan.

1. Platea excelsa, Blume Bijdr. 646. A tree 50 to 100 feet high ;

young branches slender, softly rusty-puberulous. Leaves thinly coria¬

ceous, elliptic to oblong, acute or shortly acuminate, the base rounded

or very slightly narrowed ; upper surface sparsely rufous, puberulous

at first, afterwards almost glabrous ; lower minutely cinereous-lepidote ;

reticulations minute, rather distinct and puberulous on both surfaces ;

main nerves about 7 pairs, spreading, curved, puberulous ; length 4’5

to 7 in., breadth 1*75 to 3*5 in., petiole *5 to '75 in. Female flowers in

axillary, 7-or 8 flowered, shortly pedunculate, pubescent, axillary cymes

*5 in. long. Sepals '5 in., broadly ovate, acute, pubescent externally.

Petals none or early deciduous. Ovary cylindric, puberulous ; ovule

(only 1 seen) pendulous, much elongate. Fruit narrowly ovoid-ellipsoid,

tapering much to the apex, the base rounded 1 to 1*3 in. long, and *5 in.

in diam. ; when ripe the pericarp yellowish, thin, glabrous ; endocarp bony

with a few short furrows, seed much attenuate at the upper end. Miq.

FI. Ind. Bat. I, pt. 1, 793: Beccari Malesia T, 116: Yaleton Olacinese,

253.

Perak : King’s Collector, Wray. Penang : King’s Collector, No.

1302. Distrib. — Java.

13. Gomphandra, Wall.

Shrubs or trees. Leaves alternate, petioled, simple, penni-nerved,

(rarely triple-nerved at the base). Flowers polygamo-dicecious, cy-

mose, (practically unisexual). Calyx minute, cupular, 4- 5-toothed.

Petals 4 or 5, sometimes united and 4-or 5-cleft ; often absent in the

female flower. Stamens 4 or 5, hypogynous, alternate with the petals ;

filaments thick, flattened, hollowed in front, and attenuate at the apex ;

anthers rather small, pendulous from the apices of the filaments, 2-

lobed, the dehiscence longitudinal. Hypogynous disc thick, annular, or

absent. Male flower with rudimentary ovary sunk in the fleshy disc,

the stigma minute. Female flower with long cylindric ovary and large dis¬

coid stigma, i-celled (2-celled in two species), the ovules 2, collateral,

pendulous from the apex, the funicle dilated. Fruit elongate, drupe¬

like, surmounted by the remains of the stigma; pericarp smooth, thin,

endocarp leathery. Seed solitary, pendulous ; albumen fleshy, bi-par-

tite ; embryo minute. — Distrib. 8 or 10 species ; Tropics of Asia.

Flowers 4-merous.

Filaments with a large tuft of long white

glandular hairs on both surfaces near the

apex

• • •

1. G. comosa.

112 Gr. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula . [No. 1,

G. lanceolata.

G. joenangiana.

4. G. nyssifolia.

5. G. Maingayi.

G. gracilis.

G. andamanica.

Filaments with a few white hairs on the

posterior surface.

Cymes axillary or terminal ... 2.

Cymes extra-axillary or leaf-opposed ... 3.

Flowers 5-merous.

Filaments hairy near the apex.

Cymes on stout short peduncles, ovary

hairy, fruit *8 in. long ...

Cymes on slender peduncles, ovary

glabrous

Pedicels of cymes less than half

the length of the leaves ; fruit

*25 to '5 in. long

Pedicels of cymes half as long as

the leaves; fruit '65 in. long, im¬

perfectly 2-celled ... ... 6.

Filaments quite glabrous ... ... 7.

1. G-omphandra comosa, King, n. sp. A glabrous tree or shrub,

young branches cinereous. Leaves thinly coriaceous, oblong to elliptic-

oblong, shortly acuminate, much narrowed at the base ; main nerves

6 to 8 pairs, sub-ascending, faint; length 3*5 to 6 in., breadth 1*5 to

2 in., petiole *35 to '6 in. Cymes on slender pedicels about as long as

the petioles, umbellulate ; cymules 3 to 5, each with 2 to 3 flowers.

Flowers sessile, *2 in. long, the buds obovate-globose. Calyx shallow, the

edge wavy and obscurely 4- or 5-toothed. Petals 4, four or five times

longer than the calyx, broadly oblong, obtuse, with an indexed sub-apical

point, glabrous. Connective and upper part of filament densely cov¬

ered with long, white, glandular-pointed hairs. Ovary short, ovoid, conic,

immersed in the fleshy annular disk, style short. Fruit narrowly

ellipsoid, glabrous, vertically grooved, 1 in. long, and *4 in. in diam.,

epicarp thin, endocarp cartilaginous, one-celled, 1 -seeded.

S. Andaman; King’s Collector’s. — Distrib. Java.

The hairs on the filaments are white and very numerous, and they

have conspicuous glandular apices. The ovary above described is that

found in flowers bearing perfect anthers. It is probable that it aborts,

and that fertile ovaries are confined to flowers (as yet undiscovered) in

which the stamens are imperfect.

2. Gomphandra lanceolata, King. A shrub 5 or 6 feet high;

young branches thin, puberulous. Leaves sub-coriaceous, lanceolate or

oblong-lanceolate, sometimes very narrow, acuminate, the base cuneate ;

upper surface glabrous, the lower sparsely puberulous ; main nerves

about 5 pairs, spreading; the tips ascending, faint; length 2 to 6 in.,

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula . 113

breadth *4 to J’5 in., petiole *15 to *3 in. Cymes axillary and terminal,

their pedicels several times as long as the petioles, usually 3, tricho-

tomous ; the cymules 3- to 10-flowered, pubescent or glabrescent.

Flowers sessile, *15 in. long, buds clavate with truncate apices. Calyx

cupular, with 3 or 4 small obscure teeth. Petals and stamens of the

male flowers and female flowers as in G. penangiana. Lasianthera

lanceolata, Mast, in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 585. Stemonurus tomentella ,

Valeton (not of Beccari) Olacineae, 237.

Malacca : on Mount Ophir, Griffith. Perak : King’s Collector,

Wray, Scortechini, common.

This is rather a variable species as regards the form of leaf and

the amount of pubescence on the inflorescence, but the characters of

the flowers are constant. For two of the best-marked of these forms

I propose varietal names as below.

Yar. angustifolia , King : leaves narrowly oblong-lanceolate, 2 to

6 in. long, and ‘4 to *7 in. broad: fruit ovoid with a long apiculus, also

contracted at the base, ‘5 in. long. Wall. Cat. Olacineae , No. 7570.

Singapore, Wallich. Penang, Curtis, Nos. 737 and 1265. Perak :

Scortechini, King’s Collector, No. 4211.

Yar. triplinervis , the two lower lateral main nerves bold and con¬

tinued nearly to the apex of the leaf.

Perak; Scortechini, No. 375.

3. Gomphandra penangiana, Wall. Cat. 7204. A glabrous or sub-

glabrous shrub 3 to 8 feet high ; young shoots thin, pale. Leaves short¬

ly membranous, oblong, oblong-lanceolate or elliptic, shortly acuminate,

the base cuneate ; main nerves 5 to 9 pairs, spreading or ascending,

slightly prominent; length 4'5 to 7 in., breadth 1*5 to 2*75 in., petiole

*25 to ‘35 in. Cymes extra- axillary or leaf -opposed, pubescent, tricho-

tomous, spreading, many-flowered, their peduncles longer than the

petioles, erect. Flowers #15 in. long, on short glabrous or pubescent

pedicels. Calyx a shallow glabrous cup with 3 or 4 obscure broad

teeth. Corolla in bud cylindric-clavate, the apex truncate, four or five

times as long as the calyx, glabrous. Petals 4, oblanceolate (the apex

indexed), hyaline. Filaments flat, thick, tapering to each end, with a

tuft of few long pale glandular hairs near the apex behind the insertion

of the anther. Rudimentary ovary narrowly ovate, small, half-immersed

in the deep fleshy lobed disk. Cymes of female flowers longer than the

males, secund ; calyx as in the male : corolla absent. Ovary elongate,

cylindric, glabrous, crowned by a large discoid stigma wider than itself,

one-celled with 2 elongated ovules pendulous from the apex. Fruit

ovoid or elliptic, constricted at base and apex, vertically ridged, gla¬

brous, crowned by the persistent stigma, *5 to *7 in. long. Masters in

J. ii. 15

114 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 587. Stemonurus penangianus , Miers Contrib.

I, 90; Kurz For. Flor. Burm. 1,238. Wall. Cat. 3718. G. axillaris

(in part).

Penang; Wallicli, Curtis. Perak; Scorteclnni, King’s Collector,

Wray ; very common.

4. Gomphandra nyssifolia, King. A tree 15 to 40 feet high;

young branches dark-coloured, slightly winged under the nodes.

Leaves coriaceous, elliptic-ovate, abruptly and shortly acuminate, the

base cuneate ; main nerves rather straight, ascending, prominent on the

lower surface, the transverse veins distinct, ovary sub-horizontal ; length

3'5 to 5*5 in., breadth 2 to 2‘5 in., petiole *3 in. Gymes axillary, some¬

times 2 together, their pedicels shorter than or as long as the petioles ;

flowers 4 to 6, sessile, *25 in. long. Female flower : calyx cupular, with

5 minute distant teeth or sub-entire ; petals 5, puberulous outside,

5 or 6 times as long as the calyx. Filaments flat, with a few white

short hairs just below the anther, especially in front. Disk adherent

to the base of the ovary, glabrous. Ovary cylindric, as long as the

petals, puberulous, crowned by the large discoid lobed stigma. Fruit

ellipsoid, slightly clavate, glabrous, ridged, crowned by the persistent

stigma, *8 in. long, and *35 in. in diam.

Perak : Scortechini, King’s Collector, Nos. 6406 and 6984.

I have not seen the true male flowers of this species.

5. Gomphandra Maingayi, King. A glabrous shrub 4 to 6 feet high ;

young branches rather stout, dark-coloured, glabrous. Leaves sub-

coriaceous, oblong-lanceolate and acuminate, or sub-rhomboidal acute,

the base cuneate ; main nerves 5 or 6 pairs, rather straight, ascending,

prominent beneath; length 2 to 3‘5 in., breadth *9 to 1*2 in., petiole

‘25 in. Peduncles longer than the petiole, slender ; cymules 2 or 3, um-

bellulate, each 4- to 5-flowered. Flowers *15 in. long, sessile. Calyx

cupular, tomentose, with 4 or 5 shallow teeth. Petals 5, four or five

times as long as the calyx, rather thick, oblong, sub-acuminate, the

apex indexed, the midrib dark. Filaments pointed at the apex and with

small tufts of long white sub-apical hairs ; anthers pendulous from the

apex of the filaments. Rudimentary ovary and disk absent. Female flower

unknown. Fruit (fide Masters) ovoid, ‘25 to ‘5 in. long, 1-celled, 1-seeded.

Stemonurus Maingayi , Yaleton Olacinege, 236. Lasianthera Maingayi ,

Mast, in Hook. FI. Br. Ind. I, 585.

Malacca: Maingay (Kew Distrib.), No. 3742. Penang: Curtis.

Known only by Maingay’s and Curtis’s scanty specimens. It is pos¬

sible that under these there may really be two species : for Maingay’s

specimens divide themselves into two sets ; one with sub- rhomboid acute

leaves which bear the flowers described above; the other with narrowly

1895.] Gf. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula . 115

oblong-lanceolate leaves and whicli have neither flowers nor fruit. It

is possible that the second set belong to an undescribed species.

6. Gomphandra gracilis, King, n. sp. A glabrous shrub or small

tree ; young branches thin, pale. Leaves membranous, lanceolate or

ovate-lanceolate, acuminate, the base much narrowed, the edges slightly

recurved when dry, wavy and sub-crenulate ; main nerves 6 or 7 pairs,

spreading, faint. Peduncles axillary and terminal, nearly half as long

as the leaves ; the cymes trichotomous, compound, the ultimate cymules

umbellate. Male flowers *1 in. long, the buds sub-globular; Calyx

cupular, shallow, with 5 minute teeth ; 'petals 5, oblong, glabrous, re¬

flexed, 4 or 5 or 6 times as long as the calyx. Filaments 5, thin, flat,

attenuate upwards, bearing a tuft of white bulbous-pointed hairs below

the small anther. Female flower with calyx and abortive stamens like

the male, the petals (if any) deciduous. Ovary long, cylindric, glabrous,

crowned by the large pileate stigma, 2-celled, one of the cells usually

empty, the other with a single long ovule suspended from its apex.

Fruit ellipsoid, flat on one side, curved, glabrous, striate, about ‘65 in.

long, imperfectly 2-celled and with a single pendulous seed.

Perak : Wray, King’s Collector ; common.

A species readily distinguished by its small flowers globular in

bud, and by its curved imperfectly 2-celled fruit.

7. Gomphandra andamanica, King. A tree ; young branches

tawny-puberulous. Leaves thinly coriaceous, oblong or elliptic, shortly

and rather abruptly acuminate, the base round or narrowed, sometimes

oblique ; main nerves 8 or 9 pairs, curved, ascending, prominent be¬

neath and depressed above when dry ; length 5 to 8 in., breadth 2 to 3

in., petiole *4 to *6 in. Cymes in the axils of leaves or of fallen leaves,

often 2 together, '5 to *8 in. in diam,, many-flowered, dense, rusty-

pubescent, their peduncles stout and ’4 or *5 in. long. Floivers nearly

*15 in. long, sessile, globose-obovate in bud. Calyx cupular, thin, irregu¬

larly and minutely 4-5-tootlied, tomentose externally, and glabrous in¬

ternally like the petals. Petals 5, oblong-oblanceolate, spreading, the

apices curved, three times as long as the calyx. Male flowers : sta -

mens 5, as long as the petals, free, the filaments quite glabrous ; disk

hypogynous, fleshy, embracing the base of the narrowly ovoid small

rudimentary ovary. Female flower : calyx as in the male ; petals and

stamens not seen ; ovary narrowly ellipsoid, with a short constriction

at the apex, stigma disciform. Fruit compressed-ellipsoid, about 1 in.

long, slightly convex on one side, deeply grooved on the other ; the

pericarp glabrous, vertically striate, thin; the endocarp leathery, 2-celled,

one cell without a seed, and divided by vertical false dissepiments into

several chambers, the other cell occupied by a single pendulous flat seed

116 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan P eninsula. [No. 1,

bent vertically on itself at right angles. Apodytes andamanica, Kurz,

Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, 1872, II, 296 ; Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 587.

Andaman and Nicobar Islands ; Kurz. Narcondam Island ; Prain.

This species was published as an Apodytes by Kurz. The stamens

ovary and fruit however are exactly those of Gomphandra , to which

genus I therefore transfer it. In Apodytes the stamens have long

narrow anthers and short filaments, while the style is oblique and ex-

centric, more or less curved, and the stigma small, the fruit being more

or less orbicular or reniform with the scar of the stigma lateral.

14. Lasianthera, Pal. de Beauv.

Trees or shrubs, sometimes scandent. Leaves alternate, simple,

penni-nerved, coriaceous. Floivers dichlamydeous, bisexual, in stalked

axillary cymes. Calyx minute, cupular, 4- or 5-lobed. Petals 5, free

or rarely cohering, the apex indexed. Stamens 5, hypogynous, free,

alternate with the petals; the filaments flat, broad, the connective

dilated behind and bearing a tuft of long hairs curving over the anther

in the bud; anthers adnate, 2-lobed, dehiscing lengthwise. Hypo-

gynous disk cup-shaped, more or less corrugated. Ovary ovoid, 1-celled,

tapering into a subulate style, terminated by a minute stigma ; ovules

2, pendulous. Fruit drupaceous; stone fibrous outside, woody within.

Seed pendulous ; embryo in albumen, cotyledons leafy and broad, radicle

superior. — Distrib. Species 4, one African, the others Malayan.

The genus Stemonurus, as originally constituted by Blume in 1825, contained

three species. One of these has been referred by Messrs. Bentham and Hooker to

the older genus Lasianthera, which was founded by Palisot-Beauvois in 1805 ; while

the other two species of Blume, viz., 8. parvijlorus and S. javanica, have been placed

in the genus Gomphandra Wall, as defined by Lindley (Nat. Syst. Ed. II, p. 439).

This arrangement is not, however, accepted by all botanists who have written

concerning these genera. Miers (Contrib. I, 80) for example considers Gomphan¬

dra Wall, and Stemonurus, Bl. as identical, and both as undistinguishable from

Lasianthera, Pal-Beauv. ; while Beccari (Malesia I, pp. 107, et seq.) keeps up all

three genera, and in this, he is followed by Valeton (Olacineae pp. 207, et seq.). M.

Baillon, like Miers, includes the other two in Lasiandra which however he places in

the natural family Terehinthacese. Dr. Masters (in Hooker’s Flora of British India)

follows Messrs. Hooker and Bentham, and I do so also. I have, however, modified the

generic characters of Lasianthera and Gomphandra, and I have not followed

Dr. Masters altogether in his allocation of the species. I find the best characters

to distinguish Gomphandra from Lasianthera to be these : — Lasianthera, flowers

truly hermaphrodite, stigma minute, — Gomphandra flowers practically unisexual, the

stameniferous flowers having rudimentary ovaries and the seed-producing flowers

having large cylindric ovaries with large discoid stigmas, and usually abortive

stamens.

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 117

Ultimate branches of the inflorescence scor-

poid cymules 1*5 in. or more in length ... 1. L. secundiflora.

Ultimate branches of the inflorescence about

*25 in. long.

Leaves cuneate-obovate ... ... 2. L. umbellata.

Leaves elliptic-oblong or elliptic-acu¬

minate ... ... ... 3. L. malaccensis.

1. Lasianthera secundiflora, Miq. FI. Ind. Bat. I, Pt. T, 792;

Suppl. 342, t. 2, pp. 43 and 403. A glabrous tree 40 to 60 feet high ;

young branches stout, dark- coloured. Leaves coriaceous, elliptic or

ovate-elliptic, very shortly and bluntly acuminate or obtuse, the base

rounded or narrowed ; the midrib prominent on the lower surface, de¬

pressed on the upper; main nerves about 10 pairs, ascending, curving

slightly, not much more prominent when dry than the secondary nerves

and wide reticulations ; length 5 to 10 in., breadth 2*25 to 4 in. ; petiole

5 to ‘75 in., stout. Peduncles solitary, longer than the petioles, woody,

each bearing at its apex an umbel of 6- to 9-flowered secund sub-

scorpoid cymes. Flowers sessile, ebracteate, ‘25 in. long. Calyx short,

puberulous. Petals glabrous, four or five times as long as the calyx,

oblong, sub-acute, each bearing a fleshy conical inflected process slightly

below the apex. Filaments flattened, tapering to the base; the con¬

nective thick, bearing a dense tuft of white hairs as long as the stamen.

Ovary furrowed, shorter than the stamens but longer than the style.

Fruit narrowly ellipsoid, 2‘5 in. long, and 1 in. in diam., tapering to

each end, glabrous, vertically grooved ; epicarp thin, mesocarp fibrous,

endocarp thin and bony ; embryo half as large as the albumen, cotyledons

foliaceous, cordate, radicle superior. Stemonurus secundiflorus, Blume

Bijdr. 649 ; Mus. Bot. Lugd. Bat. I, t. XLV ; Beccari, Malesia, Yol. I,

t. IV, figs. 16 and 17 ; Valeton, Olacinse 234.

Singapore, Johore : Ridley. Perak : King’s Collector, Wray.

D ist rib. — Java, Sumatra.

2. Lasianthera umbellata, King. A glabrous tree 50 to 60 feet

high (or a shrub fide Beccari) ; young branches cinereous, terete.

Leaves coriaceous, cuneate-obovate, the apex rounded or slightly retuse,

much narrowed to the base, midrib prominent beneath ; main nerves

7 to 9 pairs, ascending, faint; length 2‘5 to 3‘5 in., breadth 1‘25 to 1*8

in., petiole ‘5 to *7 in. Cymes longer than the petioles, umbellulate ;

the 4 to 6 cymules each with 4 or 5 flowers. Flowers sessile, '15 in.

long, broad, truncate. Calyx nearly half as long as the petals, pube¬

scent, coriaceous, the edge with 5 broad rounded teeth. Petals sub-

coriaceous, elliptic, obtuse at each end and with an inflexed process below

the apex, puberulous outside, glabrous inside. Filaments attenuated

118 G\ King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

towards the base. Connective of anthers everywhere densely silky-

comose, the anther lobes separated. Ovary globose-ovoid, tapering into

the short style, 1-celled. Dish thin, hyaline, enveloping the base only

of the ovary. Fruit unknown. Stemonurus umbellatus, Beccari, Malesia,

I, 115 ; tav. XY, pp. 5, 6. Stemonurus intermedins , Scort. MSS. in Herb.

Calc.

Perak : King’s Collector, Scortechini. — Distrjb. Borneo.

3. Lasianthera malaccensis, Mast, in Hook fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 584.

A glabrous tree 30 to 40 feet high ; young branches cinereous, terete,

glabrous. Leaves coriaceous, elliptic-oblong to elliptic, shortly and

abruptly acuminate, the base narrowed, midrib prominent on the upper,

depressed on the lower surface ; main nerves about 10 pairs, straight,

sub-ascending, faint on both surfaces; length 3 to 4‘5 in., breadth P2

to 2'25 in., petiole '3 or *4 in. Cymes slightly longer than the petioles,

dichotomous, 8- to 10-flowered. Flowers sessile, ebracteate, 2 in. long.

Calyx with 5 acute teeth, puberulous. Petals 3 or 4 times as long as

the calyx, otherwise as in L. secundiflora. Filaments with a small tuft

of hairs in front, otherwise as in L. secundiflora. Fruit unknown. Stemo¬

nurus capitatus , Beccari, Malesia, I, 114, tav. XY, figs. 7 to 11 ; Yaleton,

Olacinese, 236.

Malacca: Maingay (Kew Distrib.), No. 385. Penang: Curtis,

Nos. 912, 957. Perak : King’s Collector, Scortechini.

This species has smaller leaves and different cymes from L. secun -

diflora , but the flowers of the two are very much alike.

15. Gonocaryum, Miq.

Trees. Leaves alternate, simple, penni-nerved, coriaceous. Flowers

in long axillary spikes, dimorphous. Calyx of 5 free, ovate, imbricate

sepals. Corolla much longer than the calyx, gamopetalous, tubular,

with 5 acute spreading short teeth, slightly inflexed at the very apex,

and valvate in {estivation. Stamens 5, alternate with the teeth of the

corolla, the filaments adherent to its tube, free only towards the apex ;

anthers sub-exserted, alternate with the teeth, oblong, bilocular, dehis¬

cing longitudinally. Ovary ellipsoid, seated on the glabrous annular

disk, minute, bilocular, the cells (unequal?), uniovulate, the ovule

pendulous. Style 1, very short, the stigma apical. Drupe dry, spongy,

4-gonous, ridged, narrowed to each end, crowned by the small incurved

style and stigma ; the calyx persistent at its base but not enlarged, 2-cell-

ed, the obsolete second cell being represented by a cylindrical cavity in the

spongy mesocarp ; the epicarp membranous, sub-glabrous in its upper

half, puberulous towards the apex ; endocarp papery, with a few minute

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 119

scattered hairs. Seed solitary, flattened, the abortive seed very small,

both pendulous.

The genus Gonocaryum was first published by Miquel in his FI.

Ned. Ind. Suppl. p. 343, to receive the single species G. gracile. The

generic description is incomplete as regards the structure of the seed,

but the specimens with which the author worked have no seeds.

I have had an opportunity of carefully examining these specimens and

I find that Miquel’s description is, as regards the structive of the ovary

which is found in the staminferous flowers, inaccurate. He describes

two styles and stigmas, whereas, I can find only one of each. And to

this extent, I have modified as above the generic description. I think

it highly probable however, that fertile ovaries occur ( as in so many

members of this family) in distinct flowers, and that these may possibly

have two stigmas like Pteleocarjoa and Cardiopteris. Of such flowers

however, there is no trace in the scanty materials on which Miquel found¬

ed the genqs. There are two fruits however on one of the type speci¬

mens, and a transverse section of these shows a vertical cavity in the sub¬

stance of the thick mesocarp on one side which has all the appearance

of an aborted loculus. The single perfect seed which has filled the loculus,

is too much decomposed for examination. In their Genera Plantar um ,

Messrs. Bentham and Hooker remark (in a note), that they have seen

no specimen of Gonocaryum Miq. And without admitting it as a genus

of Olacinese, they quote Miquel’s genera description. The late Mr.

S. Kurz, in a note in Journ. As. Soc. Bengal for 1870, Pt. 2, p. 72, pro¬

pounded the view that Phlebocalymna Griff. MSS., as described by Messrs.

Bentham and Hooker (Genera Plantarum I, 353) is identical with

Gonocaryum. Kurz, who had examined the specimens on which Miquel

founded Gonocaryum , also believed Miquel to be wrong about the cells

of the ovary; for he states that “ the ovary is really one-celled and, to

judge from the sterile fruits, 2-ovuled.” The abortive seed in the fruit

which Kurz examined was, he continues “suspended from the apex just

beneath the acumen, and there can be observed also the rudiment of the

second superposed ovule.” But Kurz entirely overlooked the cylindrical

cavity of the abortive loculus. JDr. Scheffer in (Ann. Jard. Bot. Bui-

tenzorg I, 96), published a note on the genera Gonocaryum and Phlebo¬

calymna , of neither of which had be seen (as he states) good or authen¬

tic specimens. In that paper Dr. Scheffer follows Kurz in reducing

Phlebocalymna to Gonocaryum. Scheffer gives also a definition of Gono¬

caryum which differs a good deal from Miquel’s. And he describes two

new species of this modified Gonocaryum (viz., G. Teysmannianum and

G. joy rifonne) . I have examined the latter, and I do not find it to be a

Gonocaryum at all, as Miquel defined the genus. Beccari (Malesia I,

120 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No 1,

122) follows Scheffer, adopts his modified definition of Gonocaryum, and

adds two new species viz. , G. Selebicuni , and (at p. 256), G. affine. In

my opinion Gonocaryum and Phlebocalymna are not identical.

The flowers of the two species P. Grifithiana and P. Lobbianum

(which are accepted as constituting the genus Phlebocalymna ) have the

calyx gamosepalous, deeply 5-lobed, the petals only twice as long as the

calyx, fleshy, cohering by their edges, but quite separable from each

other, their apices fleshy and indexed ; the buds being shortly cylindrical

and obtuse, and the fruit elliptic (not 4-gonous), slightly striate, obtuse

at each end with a bony (not spongy) and strictly 1-celled endocarp, and

there being no trace whatever of an abortive loculus. If the defini¬

tion of the genus Phlebocalymna be amended in these particulars to it cer¬

tainly belongs G. pyriforme , Selieff. And, judging from the description,

(for I have not seen specimens) G. Teysmannianum Scheff. and G. Selebi

Becc., with almost equal certainty belong to Gonocaryum. About the

allocation of G. afine, Becc., the description in Malesia I, 256, is too

incomplete to enable me to form an opinion.

Racemes 5 to 12 in. in length, flowers

'2 in. long. ... ... ... 1. G. longe-racemosum.

Racemes under 3 in. long: flowers T in. long 2. G. gracile.

1. Gonocaryum longe-racemosum, King, n. sp. A small glabrous

tree. Leaves coriaceous, elliptic-oblong, shortly acuminate, the base

slightly narrowed ; main nerves about 4 pairs, ascending, prominent on

the lower, depressed on the upper surface, length 5 to 7 in., breadth 225

to 35 in., petiole *3 to *5 in. Racemes axillary or from the stem and

larger branches, puberulous, slender, 5 to 12 in. long. Flowers *2 in.

long, irregularly disposed on the rachis, sometimes in pairs ; their pedi¬

cels T in. long, pubescent. Sepals 5, ovate, imbricate, puberulous.

Corolla tubular, the teeth small and recurved. Fruit obovoid-elliptic,

with 4 very bold vertical ridges and numerous striee, 1*5 to 2 in. long,

and 1 in. in diam., glabrescent ; mesocarp very thick, spongy, distinctly

2-celled, the aborted cell narrowly cylindric.

Singapore ; Hullett, No. 851 ; Ridley, No. 4750. Perak ; King’s

Collector, Nos. 7397, 7663 ; Scortechini.

2. Gonocaryum gracile, Miq. FI. Ind, Bat. Suppl. 343. A shrub P

Leaves as in the last, but slightly obovate. Racemes under 3 in. in

length, and the flowers only about *1 in. long, fruit 1*5 in. long. Kurz

in Journ. As. Soc. Beng. for 1875, II, 155 ; For. Flora Burma, I, 240.

G. Wallichii, Mast. FI. Br. Ind. I, 590 ; Beccari, Malesia, I, 122 ;

Valeton Olacineee, 245 : Platea Grifithiana , Miers Contrib. I, 97, ( not

Phlebocalymna , Griff). Gonocaryum? Wallichii , Mast, in Hook. til.

FI. Br. Ind. I, 590 (note).

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 121

Andamans or Tenasserim ; Heifer (Kew Distrib.), No. 817. — Dis-

trib. Sumatra ; Lebong Moesie, Teysmann.

I include this species here although it is not clear whether Heifer’s

specimen was collected in the Andamans or in the Tenasserim Proviuce

of Biirmah. This differs from G. longe-racemosa by its shorter more

slender racemes, and much smaller flowers. Other differences will no

doubt be found when both plants are properly collected. At present

the materials of S. gracile are very poor indeed. They are, however,

sufficient to demonstrate that the plant so long known as Phleboca-

lymna Grifjithii does not belong to the same genus as the specimens on

which Miquel founded his genus Gonocaryum.

«

16. Phytocrene, Wall.

Climbing shrubs, usually more or less hairy, often prickly ; wood

with very large porous vessels and thick medullary rays, but no annual

rings. Leaves alternate, petiolate, entire or palmately-lobed. Flowers

dioecious, monochlamydeous ; male in small globose' clusters borne on

long branching spikes ; female in large solitary globose pedunculate

heads. Male flowers each with an involucre of 3-5 free pieces ; the perianth

single, of 4 pieces, free, or united below and deeply 4-lobed, valvate.

Stamens as many as the pieces of the perianth and alternate with them,

the filaments hypogynous ; anthers 2-celled, introrse, dehiscing longitu¬

dinally; pollen grains globose, the rudimentary pistil small. Female

flowers without involucels ; the perianth as in the males, more or less

persistent in the fruit ; staminodes minute, tooth-like, as many as the

pieces of the perianth, or absent. Pistil sessile, 1-celled, villous ; style

thick, tapering ; stigma large, sub-capitate or discoid, lobed or emar-

ginate; ovules 2, collateral, suspended from near the apex of the cavity,

raphe dorsal, micropyle superior. Drupes many, in globose heads,

bristly or echinate ; stone hard, 1-celled, 1-seeded, pitted externally.

Seed pendulous ; embryo as long as the fleshy albumen ; radicle superior,

short; cotyledons large, flat, appressed. — Distrib. Species 8, all natives

of India and the Malayan Archipelago.

There is a difference of opinion as to the nature of the organs at

the base of the flowers, some authors regarding them as a calyx, while

others (e. g. Baillon) regard them as bracteoles. I adopt the latter

view, chiefly because these bodies are not isomerous with the inner

whorls of the perianth (corolla of some) or with the stamens. A further

argument for considering 'them as bracteoles is found in the allied

genus Miquelia} in the males of which similar organs are found, and

where they are separated from the flower by a long pedicel.

J. ii. 16

122 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

Leaves entire ... ... ... 1 . P. oblonga.

Leaves ovate, sometimes 3-lobed ... 2. P. bracteata.

Leaves deeply palmately 5-lobed ... 3. P . palmata.

1. Phytocrene oblonga, Wall. PI. As. Rar. Ill, 12. Bark brown¬

ish, rather rough, striate, not prickly, that of the younger branches

puberulous. Leaves coriaceous, oblong or oblong-lanceolate, more or

less acuminate, entire, the base narrowed ; upper surface glabrous, shin¬

ing, the lower minutely pubescent, minutely lepidote, the reticulations

very distinct; main nerves 7 to 9 pairs, curved, ascending, prominent

on the lower surface ; length 4'5 to 9 in., breadth 2 to 3 5 in., petiole

*6 to 1 in. Panicles of male flowers axillary, or clustered on woody

warted tubercles on the stem and larg’er branches, 1 to 2 in. long, and

from A to ’5 in. broad, the ultimate branches consisting of minute

pedicellate umbellules ; the pedicels of the umbellules ‘15 in. long, rusty -

tomentose, each with a subulate bract shorter than itself. Flowers sessile,

*05 in. long, in 4- or 5-flowered umbellules *15 in. in diam. Bracts of

involucel free, narrowly deltoid, rufous-sericeous. Pieces of the peri¬

anth 4, free, ovate, concave, glabrous inside, rufous-sericeous externally.

Stamens shorter than the perianth, anthers broad. Rudimentary ovary

minute, sericeous. Female flowers in shortly pedunculate globular

capitula, ‘5 in. in diam., borne on the stem and branches, the peduncle

stout, '25 in. long. Drupes cuneate-ovoid, obtuse, 1*5 in. long, and 1 in.

in diam. ; the base pointed trigonous and strigose ; the rest of the surface

densely covered with very stout asperulous pale brown bristles, collected

in globular heads, the size of a cricket-ball ; epicarp leathery, mesocarp

pulpy, endocarp crustaceous. Seed solitary ; cotyledons thin, tortuous,

embedded in lobulated fleshy albumen. Baill. in DC. Prod. XVII, 13 ;

Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 592 ; Wall. Cat., No. 4948. Gynocephalum

oblongum , Tree, in Ann. Sc. Nat. Ser. 3, VIII, 149.

Penang; Wallich. Malacca; Maingay. Perak; Scortechini, King’s

Collector.

The female flowers are often diseased, and the petals are converted

into a long fleshy tube which contains no trace of ovary.

2. Phytocrene bracteata, Wall. PI. As. Rar. Ill, 12. Stems

with sharp tubercles ; branches striate, minutely prickly when young.

Leaves coriaceous, broadly ovate, cordate at the base, often 3-lobed and

obscurely dentate, the apex acute, upper surface glabrous, the nerves

pubescent; lower surface pale, softly and minutely pubescent, reticu¬

lations distinct especially on the lower surface ; main nerves 4 or

5 pairs, spreading, curved, prominent beneath ; length 4 to 8 in.,

breadth 3 to 5*5 in. ; petiole 125 to 3 in., minutely tomentose with

bristles intermixed. Panicles of male flowers bracteate, axillary, 4 to

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 123

8 in. long, and from *75 to 1*25 in. broad; the ultimate branches

consisting of minute clustered, 6- to 10-flowered, pedicellate umbel-

lules ; bracts from the bases of the pedicels of the umbellules, *4

or '5 in. long, subulate, curved, hispid. Flowers sessile, *05 in. in

diam. Bracteoles of the involucel 3, deltoid, their apices broad and bifid,

glabrous on the inner, densely villose on the outer surface. Pieces

of the perianth 4, free, ovate-lanceolate, acute, smaller than the sepals,

valvate. Stamens shorter than the perianth, the anthers broad. Rudi¬

mentary ovary minute, villous. Female flowers ( fide Griffith) in oblong

or spherical pedunculate capitula of which there are several in a leaf-

axil. Style short, tri-partite ; the segments revolute, stigmatiferous on

the inner surface. Ovary strigose, 1-celled, with 2 pendulous ovules.

Drupes ovoid, tapering to each end, densely covered with adpressed

yellowish bristles, 1*5 in. long, and ’75 in. in diam., 1-celled, crowded

in dense pendulous globose capitula as large as a man’s head. Seed

solitary, albumen fleshy, radicle broad ; cotyledons small, orbicular. Baill.

in DO. Prod. XVII, 12 ; Hook. fil. PI. Br. Ind. I, 592; Kurz For. Flora

Burmah I, 212 ; Beccari Malesia, I, 127 : Wall. Cat. No. 4947. P. macro-

carpa , Griff. Notul. IV, 322: Ic. PI. Ind. Or. 487 and 488. Gynocephalum

brcTcteatum , Tree, in Ann. Sc. Nat. Ser. 3, VIII, 149, No, 3.

Penang ; Porter, Curtis. Malacca ; Griffith. Perak ; King’s Col¬

lectors. Singapore ; Maingay, Ridley. — Distrib. Borneo.

3. Phytocrene palmata, Wall. PI. As. Rar. Ill, 12. Stem minutely

prickly ; the younger branches rufous-hispid, striate. Leaves coriaceous?

reniform, deeply 5-lobed ; the lobes oblong, acuminate or acute ; upper

surface glabrous, the lower densely covered with soft course rufous or

yellowish hairs ; main nerves 5 to 7, palmate, prominent on the upper,

depressed on the lower surface ; length 7 to 12 in., breadth about the

same ; petioles 3 to 5 in., densely ferruginous-pilose. Panicles of male

flowers axillary, 2 5 to 13 in. long, and about P5 in. broad, the ultimate

branches consisting of minute 12- to 15-flowered, pedicelled, ebracteate

umbellules ; pedicels T5 in. long, softly pubescent. Male flowers as in

P. oblong a. Female flowers in shortly pedunculate axillary ovoid capitula,

*5 in. in diam. ; the peduncle *25 in. long, pilose. Flowers *2 in. long, ses¬

sile. Bracteoles of the involucel of two deltoid bifid pieces : corolla 0. Ovary

ovoid, pointed, densely hirsute. Brupes numerous, ellipsoid, slightly obo-

void, tapering much to the base, the apex acute, the whole surface more

or less densely covered with yellowish shining stiff hairs ; P5 to 2 in.

long, and *75 in.in diam., collected in sub-globular heads 3 or 4 in,

in diam., Baill. in DC. Prod. XVII, 11 ; Miq. Ann. Mus. Lugd. Bat.

Ill, 248 ; Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 592 ; Beccari Malesia, I, 127. Gyno¬

cephalum palmatum , Tree, in Ann. Sc. Nat. Ser. 3, VIII, 149 : Wall.

Cat., 4949.

124 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula . [No. 1,

Penang ; Wallich, Curtis. Malacca; Griffith. Perak; King’s Col¬

lector, Wray.

17. Miquelia, Meissner.

Climbing shrubs, the wood with large vessels. Leaves alternate,

simple, entire or dentate, petiolate, penni-nerved. Flowers dioecious, the

males pedicellate and in clustered umbels, the females sessile and in

solitary capitula. Male flowers each on a long pedicel with a whorl

of minute brncteoles at its base. Perianth 5-merous, the pieces oblong

or lanceolate, free or united at the base, valvate. Stamens equal to the

pieces of the perianth and alternate with them ; filaments short, anthers

linear- oblong, 2-celled, introrse, disk 0. Rudimentary pistil small.

Female flowers ; — bracteoles as in the male, sometimes united by their

bases. Flowers sessile, the perianth deeply divided into 4 fleshy lanceo¬

late reflexed segments. Bisk none. Ovary solitary, compressed, crowned

by the large discoid stigma, 1- celled, with 2 pendulous collateral ovules,

raphe dorsal, radicle superior. Drupe oblong, more or less compressed,

the calyx persistent at its base, the mesocarp thin ; the endocarp crus-

taceous, rugose externally, often verrucose internally. Seed suspended,

solitary, with thin testa, albumen fleshy rugulose, radicle superior •

cotyledons elliptic, thick, leafy. Species about 5 Indian and Malayan.

1. Miquelia caudata, King, n. sp. A slender climber 10 to 20 feet

long ; branches thin, pale, striate. Leaves membranous, oblong-lanceo¬

late, shortly acuminate, the base narrowed ; upper surface glabrous, the

lower puberulous especially on the midrib and 5 or 6 pairs of spread¬

ing, curving, ascending or spreading main nerves; length 5 to 8 in.,

breadth 1'5 to 2 in., petiole *5 to '65 in. Umbels of male floivers '65 to

1 in. long, in fascicles from pilose tubercles on the stem, axillary or

extra-axillary. Bracteoles of involucel of each flower 4 or 5, free or

united at the base, lanceolate, pilose. Pedicels of flower *15 to *2 in.

long, pubescent. Flowers ’15 in. in diam., the segments of the peri-

anth spreading, puberulous ; filaments shorter than the linear-oblong

sagittate anthers. Rudimentary ovary minute, hirsute. Gapitules of

female flowers '25 in. long, ovoid, solitary, axillary; their peduncles 2 to

2'5 in. long, puberulous. Flowers sessile, '15 in. in diam. ; perianth

leathery, glabrous. Ovary tomentose ; the stigma discoid, depressed

in the centre, wider than the ovary, glabrous. Drupe broadly ovoid,

slightly compressed, rounded and broad at the base, tapering upwards

into a long terminal tail crowned by the persistent stigma ; epicarp

thin, rusty-pubescent on the surface ; endocarp bony, rough, and pitted

on the outer surface, smooth and tubercled ou the inner; length from

base to apex 1 to 1'25 in., breadth at base '6 in.

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 125

Perak ; Scortechini, King’s Collector.

This species is closely allied to M. Kleinii , which is a common

plant in the forests at the base of the Assam Hill Ranges. This differs

from M. Kleinii chiefly in its fruit having a long apical tail which is

quite absent in the former. The male flowers also differ in the two

species. The genus Miquelia was founded by Meissner (Plant. Vase.

Genera) ; but Griffith, over-looking Meissner’s description, published M.

Kleinii under the name Jenkinsia Assamica , in 1844, in the Calcutta

Journal of Natural History, Vol. 4. 231, t. 12. A description and figure

of the female flowers are to be found in the same author’s Notulse , 370 ;

and a figure in his leones, t. 537, fig. 2. Wallich issued the Assam plant

as No. 6760 of his Catalogue under the name Zanonia ? oblonga.

18. Sarcostigma, W. and Arn.

Climbing shrubs. Wood without zones. Leaves alternate, simple,

shortly petioled, much reticulate Flowers dioecious, minute, arranged

in glomeruli along a long pendulous racliis. Male fl. : Calyx minute,

cupular, 4-5 lobed. Petals 5, free, or nearly so, valvate, oblong, ultimately

reflexed. Stamens 5, alternate with the petals, free, or adnate to the

base of the petals, filaments glabrous ; anthers ovate, sagittate, erect,

2-celled, dehiscing longitudinally. Pistil rudimentary. Female fl. :

Calyx and corolla as in the male, but shorter and more fleshy. Staminodes

4-5, hypogynous, alternate with the petals. Ovary superior, sessile,

1 -celled; stigma sub-sessile, discoid or umbonate ; ovules 2, collateral,

pendulous, funicle thick. Drupe oblong, more or less compressed, sur¬

rounded at the base by the persistent calyx and corolla ; epicarp coria¬

ceous ; endocarp woody, lined with a thin white membrane. Seed

(according to Baillou) pendulous, exalbuminous ; cotyledons fleshy,

wrapping round the short superior radicle. — Distrib. Species 3 or 4, all

tropical Asiatic.

Sarcostigma Wallichii, H. Brongn. in Adansonia, X, 282. A power¬

ful climber ; young branches pale, puberulous at first, afterwards gla¬

brous like all the other parts except the inflorescence and fruit. Leaves

coriaceous, shining, much reticulate, oblong to broadly ovate, acute, the

base narrowed, under surface sometimes sparsely pubescent; main nerves

5 to 7 pairs, much curved, ascending ; length 4 to 7 in., breadth T5 to

4’5 in., petiole '4 to ’6 in. Spikes of male flowers axillary or extra-axil¬

lary, solitary or in fascicles, often nearly as long as the leaves, softly

rufous-tomentose ; flowers T to * 15 in. long, sessile. Calyx a membra¬

nous, obscurely-toothed cup, rufous pubescent outside, glabrous inside.

Petals about four times as long as the calyx, lanceolate, spreading,

slightly united at the base, the apices indexed, pubescent outside, gla-

126 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula . [No. 1,

brous inside. Stamens shorter than the petals, filaments glabrous, lludi-

mentary ovary ovoid, obtuse, pubescent. Fisk none. Female flowers not

seen. Drupes ovoid or globular-ovoid, compressed, 1*25 in. long and

*75 in. in diam. ; pericarp leathery, densely rusty-tomentose ; mesocarp

pulpy, rather copious ; endocarp thinly bony, smooth on both surfaces.

Baillon in DO. Prod. XVII, 16; Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 591;

S. edule , Kurz, For. Flora Burmah I, 242. Ghailletia edulis , Wall.

Cat. 9030 (“ indetermin. ”) Kurz in Andaman Report, App. 6.

S. Andaman ; Kurz, King’s Collector. — Distrib. Burmah.

Kurz himself (in Herb. Calcut. ) reduced his species S. edule to

S. Wallicliii Baill., and there is no doubt the reduction is right.

19. Iodes, Blume.

Climbing shrubs, rarely erect. Leaves opposite, or sub-alternate,

petiolate, simple, penni-nerved. Inflorescence cymose, cymes axillary

or extra-axillary ; lower peduncles often sterile, cirrose. Flowers dich-

lamydeous, dioecious. Male fl. : Calyx minute, cup-shaped, 5-toothed.

Corolla 5-merous, lobes valvate. Stamens hypogynous, equal in number

to, and alternate with the lobes of the corolla ; anthers basifixed,

straight, 2-celled, introrse, dehiscing longitudinally. Pistil rudimentary.

Female fl. : Calyx as in the male. Corolla 5-parted, the segments united

below. Staminodes 0. Ovary sub-sessile, 1-celled, with 2 collateral pen¬

dulous ovules ; stigma sessile, discoid. Drupe surrounded at the base

by the persistent, but not accrescent calyx ; stone 1 -seeded. Seed pen¬

dulous, testa thin, albumen fleshy ; cotyledons flat, leafy ; radicle supe¬

rior. — Distrib. Species about 8, natives of India, the Malayan Archipe¬

lago and tropical Africa.

Flowers 4-merous ... ... ... 1 . I. reticulata.

Flowers 5-merous.

Calyx cupular with 5 minute teeth ... 2. I. velutina.

Calyx deeply divided into 5 lanceolate lobes.

Leaves ovate to rotund, pubescence ru¬

fous

3. J. ovalis .

Leaves oblong or oblong-lanceolate ;

pubescence cinereous ... ... 4. I. oblong a.

1. Iodes reticulata, King, n. sp. A woody creeper 20 or 30 feet

long ; young branches slender, striate, with a broad line of tomentum

on one side, changing sides at the nodes. Leaves thinly coriaceous, ellip¬

tic or broadly ovate, sometimes slightly obovate, shortly acuminate,

narrowed slightly to the rounded or sub-emarginate base ; both surfaces

minutely but boldly reticulate, the upper glabrous, the lower with long

soft hairs especially on the midrib and nerves ; main nerves 4 or 5 pairs,

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 127

curving, ascending, prominent beneath as are the transverse nervules ;

length 2 to 5 in., breadth 1*3 to 25 in., petiole ’4 to '6 in. Cymes both

of male and female flowers terminal and extra-axillary, or occasionally

axillary, usually much longer than the leaves, much-branched, and some¬

times bearing tendrils, softly olivaceous-pubescent ; pedicels longer than

the flowers. Male flowers less than *05 in. long, 4-merous, globular in

bud. Calyx shorter than the corolla, with 4 acute segments, densely

pilose outside. Corolla with 4 broadly ovate concave lobes, pilose

outside and glabrous inside. Stamens shorter than the corolla, anthers

broadly ovate, rudimentary ovary minute. Female flowers like the males

but larger and with the lobes of the corolla reflexed. Ovary cylindric,

tomentose, crowned by the broad discoid stigma, 1-cell ed, with 2 pendu¬

lous collateral ovules. Drupe elliptic, compressed, the apex with a slight

apiculus bearing the stigma, the base narrowed ; the calyx and corolla

persistent but not enlarged, minutely velvetty ; endocarp bony, 4-angled,

smooth inside. Seed solitary.

Perak ; Wray, King’s Collector.

The tetramerous very small flowers, and large velvetty fruit, dis¬

tinguish this species. The young branches are sub-glabrous on one

side and densely pubescent on the other ; at the nodes these two lines

cross.

2. Iodes VELUTINA, King, n. sp. A scandent shrub ; young

branches slender, terete, shortly rufous-pubescent, especially so oh one

side. Leaves coriaceous, ovate, acute or very shortly acuminate ; the

base rounded, slightly emarginate ; upper surface sparsely and minutely

pilose, the midrib tomentose ; lower surface densely velvetty-tomentose ;

main nerves about 4 pairs, ascending, curved ; length 2*5 to 3*75 in.,

breadth 1’35 to 2“25 in., petiole *35 to ’6 in. Cymes axillary, terminal

or leaf-opposed, longer than the leaves, pubescent, few-flowered, some¬

times bearing tendrils. Male flowers T in. long, or slightly more,

globose-ovoid in bud, on very short pedicels. Calyx cupular, with 5

small acute teeth. Corolla little more than twice as long as the calyx,

with 5 deep oblong concave teeth with indexed apices, adpressed-pilose

externally and glabrous internally like the calyx. Stamens nearly as

long as the corolla ; the filaments short, pilose, the anthers oblong. Rudi¬

mentary ovary ellipsoid, pilose. Drupes elongated-obovoid, compressed,

4-angled, obtuse or retuse at the apex, the stigma persistent, much

narrowed to the base where the corolla and calyx are persistent, minutely

cinereous -tomentose, 1*25 in. long, and ‘5 in. broad; endocarp bony,

more or less 8-angled, smooth inside. Seed solitary, compressed.

Malacca; Maingay (Kew Distrib.), No. 380, and perhaps No. 1039.

Perak; Scortechini, Wray.

128 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

The leaves of this resemble those of I. ovalis , Bl. ; but they are

more velvet ty beneath. The calyx and fruit are much larger than in

that species and the cymes have fewer flowers.

3. Iodes ovalis, Blume Bijdr. 30. A climbing shrub 20 to 60

feet long ; young branches slender, rufous-tomentose, striate, with a

few axillary or leaf-opposed tendrils. Leaves opposite, sub-coriaceous,

ovate to rotund, acute or very shortly acuminate, the base rounded

sometimes slightly emarginate ; upper surface glaberulous, the midrib

and nerves rufous-tomentose like the whole of the lower surface ; main

nerves 4 or 5 pairs, curved, ascending, prominent on the lower surface

as are the transverse veins ; length 25 to 5*5 in., breadth 175 to 325 in.

Male flowers in leaf-opposed or terminal, much-branched, lax, rufous-

tomentose cymes 6 to 8 in. long. Flowers *15 in. in diam., on pubescent

pedicels *1 to '2 in. long. Galyx discoid, irregularly 3- to 6-toothed

rufous- villose. Gorolla 5 or 6 times as long as the calyx, deeply divided

into 5 lanceolate lobes with long acuminate indexed points, strigose

externally, glabrous internally ; stamens much shorter than the corolla-

lobes, the filaments much shorter than the broadly ovate anthers ; rudi¬

mentary pistil erect, cylindric, pilose. Female floivers with calyx and

corolla like the male ; stamens 0. Ovary cylindric, tomentose, crowned by

a large discoid stigma wider than itself, 1- celled, with 2 pendulous

ovules. Drupe ovoid, compressed, slightly oblique at the base, rufous-

tomentose, crowned by the persistent stigma, 75 in. long, and *5 in. in

diam., pericarp thin ; endocarp bony, rugose outside, smooth inside.

Mast, in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 596 ; Beccari Malesia, I, 124 ; Baill. in

DO. Prod. XVII, 22 ; I. tomentella cumvar. Br. in Benn. PI. Jav. Bar.

243, t. 48; Hassle. Cat. PI. Hort. Bogor. 172; Miq. FI. Ind. Bat. i. 795.

I. tomentella , Miq. FI. Ind. Bat. I, Pt. 1, 796; Kurz For. Flora

Burmah I, 243. Natsatium oppositifolium , Planch, in Hook. Lond.

Journ. Bot. V, 247.

Malacca ; Griffith, Maingay. Perak ; Scortechini, Curtis, King’s

Collector ; common. — Distrib. — Burmah, Sumatra.

4. Iodes oblonga, Planch, in Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 597. A

slender climbing shrub ; young branches cinereous-tomentose, ulti¬

mately glabrescent and rugose. Leaves membranous, oblong or ob¬

long-lanceolate, glabrous above except the pilose midrib and nerves,

beneath adpressed-pilose, the midrib pubescent ; main nerves 7 or 8

pairs, curving, spreading; length 3 to 4‘5 in., breadth 1 to P6 in.,

petiole '3 or ‘4 in. Cymes of male flowers axillary or terminal, dichotom-

ously branched, slender, cinereous-pilose. Male flowers ‘05 in. long.

Calyx nearly as long as the corolla, with 5 deep lanceolate lobes.

Corolla rufous-tomentose externally. Female flowers and drupes not seen,

1895.] Gr. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 129

Penang ; Phillips, Cnrtis, No. 2438. Singapore ; King’s Collector,

No. 1185.*

This species has smaller flowers, with a longer calyx, than the last :

its leaves are narrower, and its pubescence is cinereous not rufescent.

20. Erythropalum, Blume.

Climbing glabrous shrubs with axillary tendrils. Leaves alternate,

entire, 3- to 5-nerved at the base. Cymes slender, pedunculate,

dichotomous ; the cymnles umbellate, minutely bracteolate. Flowers bi¬

sexual. Calyx with 5 broad short teeth, imbricate in aestivation, its tube

adherent and much enlarged in fruit. Corolla perigynous ; petals 5,

short, broad, spreading, slightly coherent by their bases, inserted out¬

side the large cupular fleshy 5-lobed disc, valvate in aestivation. Sta¬

mens as many as the petals, opposite to them and slightly attached to

their bases, filaments short ; anthers broadly ovate with lateral longitu¬

dinal dehiscence, the connective rather large. Ovary half immersed in

the disc, tapering to a short terminal style, 1-celled ; ovules 1 to 3, pen¬

dulous from the apex ; stigma minute, 3dobed. Fruit crowned by the

persistent calyx-lobes and the disc, oblong, 1-celled ; the pericarp and

putamen thin, lined by a pulpy coat, splitting, when dry, into 3 to 5

vertical segments. Seed solitary, pendulous ; the embryo minute, lying

near the apex of the large fleshy albumen.

To this genus there are attributed in the Flora of British India three species,

viz., E. scandens, Bl. E. populifolium, and E. vagum , Mast. Each of the three ori¬

ginally appeared in Botanical literature as the type of a distinct genus. Of these

three genera, Erythropalum is the oldest and is therefore now retained. It was

founded by Blume (Bijdr. 921) in 1826, and was by him referred to the Natural

order Cucurbitacese. As Blume describes the flowers as monoecious, his material was

presumably imperfect. For the reception of the second species, Dr. Walker- Arnott,

in Jardine’s Magazine of Zool. and Bot. for 1838, p. 551, formed the genus

Maclcaya, and in an excellent note he discusses its affinities. Of it he says, “ I

cannot indicate the natural order, nor even the place in the linear series which it

ought to occupy but on the whole he was inclined to regard it as a species of

Olacinese near Schcepjia, but with perfectly inferior fruit. Walker- Arnott consi=

dered it to be also allied to Santalacese, although differing both from that Order

and from Olacinese in the absence of a central columella in its ovary ; while, from

Santalacese, it has the additional difference of possessing a corolla. And he suggests

the formation of Maclcaya and Schcepjia into a small calycifloral order connected on the

one hand with Santalacese and on the other with Olacinese. The third species

E. vagum Mast., was first published by Griffith (Notulae IV, 633 and Ic. PL Ind.

Or. t. 628) as the type of a genus which, from its supposed affinity with Modecca,

be named Modeccopsis. The relation to Modecca is however superficial, and extends

only to a similarity in general habit and in the externals of the fruit. For in struc¬

ture the flowers of Modecca are very different from those of Modeccopsis , inas¬

much as they have no perigynous (finally epigynous) disc, and the superior ovary

J. II. 17

130 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula . [No. 1,

has 3 parietal multi-ovulate placentas, while the fruit is a 3-valved many-seeded

capsule. Planchon [Ann. des Sc. Nat. Ser. IV. Bot., Yol. II, p. 260 (1854,)] suggests

the formation of a natural order for the reception of the single species Erythro¬

palum, a suggestion followed by Miquel ; while Baillon puts it (along with Olacineee

Santalacese, Ampelideae , Styraceae, and Loranthese proper) into his order Loranthac6es.

Messrs. Hooker and Bentham put Erythropalum into Olacineae, where, in spite

of its affinities with the Cornaceous genus Nyssa, it may be left for the present,

although its inferior fruit makes its inclusion in Olacineae rather an anomaly. To

this genus also without doubt belong Decastrophia, Griffith (Notulae IY, 737); Ery-

thropalla, Hassk. Cat. Hort. Bogor, 191 ; and in all probability (as Yalenton sug¬

gests) the obscure plant named Balingayum decumbens by Blanco (FI. de Filip. 187.)

1. Erythropalum scandens, Blume Bijdr. 921. Leaves membranous,

ovate-oblong or elliptic to oblong-lanceolate, acuminate, tbe base round¬

ed or minutely cordate, sub-peltate ; basal nerves 3 to 5, two of

them minute ; lateral nerves about 4 pairs, distant, faint : length 3 to G

in., breadth 1*75 to 3 75 in., petiole '75 to 1’75 in. Tendrils (abortive

peduncles) simple or bifid, thickened upwards. Cymes slender, shorter

than the leaves, divaricate, the peduncles long. Flowers under *1 in. in

diam. Fruit oblong, ellipsoid or slightly obovoid, glabrous, the epicarp

yellowish. Seed large, ovoid, without testa. Miq. El. Ind. Bat. I, Pt, 2,

704; Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 578; Pierre For. Flor. Coch. Chine, t.

269 A ; Kurz For. Flora Burma, I, 234 ; Yaleton Olacineee 132 ; Wall.

Cat. 7539 Menisperma ? ; also No. 9033 (without name). Cocculus

calophyllus, Wall. MSS.

Malacca, Perak : — Distrib. Java, Burmah, Tropical Himalaya,

Khasia Hills.

Closely allied to, if not identical with, this is E. vagum, Mast. And

E . populifolium Mast. (Wall. Cat. Nos. 1233 bis. and 2248 ; Passijlora

Hey neana, Wall.)

21. Pteleocarpa, Oliv.

Trees. Leaves alternate, simple, penni-nerved, petiolate. Inflor¬

escence terminal, panicled, many-flowered. Flowers regular, dichlamy-

deous, hermaphrodite. Calyx tubular below, limb deeply 5-parted, lobes

imbricate, not accrescent. Corolla tubular below-limb deeply 5-parted,

lobes imbricate, glabrous. Stamens 5, glabrous, attached to the tube

of the corolla, alternate with its lobes ; anthers linear-oblong, innate,

dehiscing longitudinally. Ovary free, stipitate, 2-celled ; styles 2,

stigmas small; ovules solitary in each cell, pendulous, anatropal, raphe

lateral or subventral. Fruit 2-celled, samaroid, orbicular, emarginate ;

the wings broad, thin, striate. Seed elongate, much compressed, albu¬

minous ; radicle superior, cylindrical; cotyledons linear-lanceolate, longer

than the radicle. — Distrib. Species 2, both Malayan.

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 131

Pteleocarpa malaccensis, Oliver in Trans. Linn. Soc. XXVIII,

515, t. 42. A tree ; young branches terete, glabrous, slender ; all parts

except the puberulous inflorescence glabrous. Leaves membranous,

oblanceolate or oblanceolate-oblong, shortly and bluntly acuminate, the

base much narrowed ; midrib prominent beneath, the 5 or 6 pairs of

curving spreading main nerves obscure on both surfaces ; length 3 to 45

in., breadth L25 to 1*5 in., petiole *6 to *75 in. Panicles terminal, um-

bellately cymose, spreading, many-flowered, 1*5 to 2*5 in. in diam. ;

bracts minute, deciduous. Pedicels T5 to '25 in. long, filiform, ascend¬

ing, lengthening in fruit. Flowers yellow, (or red ?) *3 in., in diam.

Calyx-lobes broadly ovate, obtuse, puberulous. Corolla four times as

long as the calyx, its tube short, the lobes deep, oblong, obtuse. Stamens

as long as the corolla; the filaments slender, glabrous, the anthers

elliptic. Ovary on a short thick stalk, oblong, glabrous, compressed,

slightly furrowed, obtuse. Fruit 1*25 to 1*65 in. long, the calyx per¬

sistent at the base not quite so broad. Seed '5 in. long : embryo much

shorter than the albumen. Beccari, Malesia, I, 130 ; Miq. FI. Ind.

Bat. Suppl. 511.

Malacca ; Maingay. Penang ; Curtis, Nos. 835 and 1494. Perak ;

Wray, No. 3418. Singapore ; Hullett, Nos. 3609 and 3610.

I have seen an authentic specimen of Dodoncea Lamponga , Miq.

(FI. Ind. Bat. Suppl. 511) and there can be no doubt that it belongs

to this or to a closely allied species. It was collected by Teysmann in

Eastern Sumatra. Beccari has described (Malesia, I, 130) a species

(P- longistyla ) from Borneo, which appears to differ from P. malaccensis by

the length of its styles and the shortness of the filaments of its stamens.

22. Cardiopteris, Wall.

Herbaceous, scandent, glabrous, the juice milky. Leaves alternate,

long-petiolate, simple, pal mine rved. Flowers small, hermaphrodite

regular, in axillary long sparse few-branched panicles. Calyx 5- partite,

the lobes imbricate, persistent in the fruit, but very slightly accrescent.

Corolla very deciduous, sub-campanulate, deeply 5-lobed, imbricate. Sta¬

mens attached to the short tube of the corolla and alternate with its lobes ;

filaments short, glabrous ; anthers 2-celled, introrse, with vertical dehis¬

cence. Disk none. Pistil free, cylindrical, slightly compressed, 1-celled :

crowned by two stigmas, the one stipitate short and capitate, the other

elongating after flowering. Ovules 2 (1 usually aborted), pendulous from

the apex of the ovary. Fruit samaroid, obovate, oblong, emarginate at

the apex ; the nucleus narrow, elongate, prolonged laterally into mem¬

branous, horizontally striate wings and crowned by the columnar accres¬

cent stigma. Seed solitary, pendulous, linear, sulcate, with thin testa,

132 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

fleshy granular albumen, and small conical embryo. — Distrib. A single

Malayan species.

Cardiopteris lobata, Wall. Cat. 8033 A, and in Benn. PI. Jay.

Rar. 246, t. 49. Stems twining, terete, striate, pale when dry.

Leaves membranous, ovate-cordate, acuminate, more or less lobed,

glabrous ; main nerves 7 to 9, radiating from the apex of the petiole ;

length 2*25 to 5 in., breadth 1*5 to 2'75 in., petiole 2 to 5 in. long.

Panicles 2 to 4 in. long, solitary, axillary, on long peduncles with

a few long slender recurved few-flowered branches. Flowers distant, '1

in. long, on short puberulous pedicels. Calyx puberulous ; corolla slight¬

ly longer than the calyx, pale. Anthers emarginate. Fruit *8 to 1*25

in. long, by *6 to *8 in. broad, the calyx persistent and very slightly

accrescent. Seed sub-cylindric, compressed : Miq. FI. Ind. Bat. I, Pt. 1,

799. H. Brongn. in Adansonia, X, 280 : Baillon in DC. Prod. XVII,

26. C. moluccana , Blume, Rumpliia, IV, 207. t. 177, f. 2. C. javanica ,

Blume 1. c. Ill, 206, IV, t. 177. Peripterygium quinquelobum , Hassk.

Cat. PI. Hort. Bogor. 351. Olus sanguinis , Rumph. Herb. Amb. V, t.

4S2.

Perak : King’s Collector. — Distrib. British India, Siam, Malayan

Archipelago, New Guinea.

A widely distributed plant, varying considerably as to the form of

its leaves. On these diversities of shape, four varieties have been

founded.

The position of Cardiopteris has given rise to considerable discus¬

sion. Robert Brown was the first to suggest its affinity to Phytocrene

and lodes. By Wallich (its original founder) the genus was placed in

Sapindacese ; Hasskarl placed it in Euphorbiacese ; and Blume regard¬

ed it as forming a separate family near Boraginese and Verbenacese .

There is no doubt that the gamopetalous character of the corolla and

the absence of a disk are characters at variance with those of the majo¬

rity of the species which are grouped in the family of Olacinese ; but

the ovulation and structure of the fruit of Cardiopteris are quite un¬

like those of either of the gamopetalous families suggested as allies by

Blume. The single character which, in my opinion, suggests a relation¬

ship with Euphorbiacese is the milky nature of the juice. The stamens

and ovary, as Brown pointed out, are essentially those of lodes , from which

genus however this differs in calyx and in fruit. The genus with which,

as it appears to me, there is by far the closest relationship is Pteleocarpa ,

Oliver. In fact the only characters which separate Pteleocarpa from

Cardiopteris are that Pteleocarpa is a tree, while Cardiopteris is a scandent

milky -juiced herb ; and that Pteleocarpa has a 2-celled ovary and 2-celled

fruit. And even this latter distinction is to a great extent neutralised by

1895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 133

the facts that, although there are two cells in the ovary of Pteleocarpa ,

there is only 1 ovule in each ; and that both genera have two stigmas

which are to some extent persistent in the fruit. The fruits of the two

are strikingly alike, both being samaroid ; and in this respect differing

from all the other Asiatic genera which it has ever been proposed to in¬

clude in Olacinese. So great are the affinities of the two genera with each

other, and so great their divergence from the other genera in the order,

that I think they ought either to be separated as a tribe of Olacinece or

that the Natural family Gar diopter idese first suggested by Blume, partially

approved of by R. Brown, and adopted by Baillon, should be kept up, and

that Pteleocarpa should be added to it.

Order XXX. — Ilicinejj.

Shrubs or trees. Leaves alternate, simple, exstipulate, or with 2

minute stipules, usually coriaceous and evergreen. Flowers small, in

axillary cymes fascicles or umbellules, usually dioecious ; cT with imper¬

fect ovary, and $ with imperfect stamens. Calyx 3-6-partite or -lobed ;

segments or lobes imbricate, persistent. Petals 4-5, rarely 6-8, connate

at the base, or connate in the c? and free in the $ , deciduous, imbricate.

Stamens 4-5, adhering to the bases of the petals, sometimes free and

hypogynous in the $ : filaments subulate ; anthers shortly oblong, dorsi-

fixed. Disk 0. Ovary free, 3-16-celled ; style 0, or very short, rarely

long, stigma capitate or discoid ; ovules J , or 2 collateral, pendulous,

raphe dorsal, micropyle superior, funicle often cupular. Drupe with 2 or

more 1 -seeded, free, rarely connate stones. Seed with a membranous

testa, fleshy albumen and minute embryo. — Distrib. Three genera, and

about 220 species, chiefly tropical.

1. Ilex, Linn.

Calyx 4-5-lobed or -parted. Corolla with petals free or connate at

the base and rotate. Stamens 4-5, adhering to the base of the corolla

in the d1, sometimes hypogynous in the 9. Ovary 2-J2-celled ; styles

0 or very short, stigmas free or confluent on the top of the ovary.

Drupe globose, very rarely ovoid, with 2—16 stones. — Distrib. Of the

Order ; species about 220.

Blowers of both sexes in simple axillary

racemes ... ... ... 1. I. spicata.

Blowers in axillary fascicles.

Pyrenes 6 or 7

Leaves very obtuse, entire ... ... 2. I. epiphytica ,

Pyrenes 4

Leaves acute, serrulate ... ... 3. I. Grijfithii .

134 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

Leaves shortly acuminate, entire

Flowers of both sexes in branched pedunculate

cymes.

Py renes 4 to 6 ; nerves of leaves 10 to 12

pclll S ••• ••• • • •

P 7 renes 8

Cymes dense, capituliform ; nerves of

leaves 7 or 8 pairs

Cymes branched, often paniculate, rather

lax; nerves of leaves 6 to 8 pairs

Imperfectly known

4. I. glomerata.

5. I. Maingayi.

6. I. macrophylla.

7. I. cymosa.

8. I. sclerophylla.

1. Ilex spicata, Bl. Bijdr. 1149. A glabrous shrub (sometimes

epiphytal, fide Blume) ; young branches rather stout, pale, glabrous.

Leaves coriaceous, elliptic, shortly and abruptly caudate-acuminate, the

base rounded or slightly cuneate ; the midrib stout, prominent beneath,

depressed above ; main nerves 7 to 12 pairs, faint, spreading (not much

more prominent than the secondary) straight, interarching within the

edge ; length 3’5 to 6 in., breadth 1*5 to 2 in., petiole '2 in. Racemes soli¬

tary or in pairs, axillary, ‘75 to 1*5 in. long, sub-erect or spreading, pube-

rulous, the bracts minute, pedicels 1 in. long. Flowers shorter than the

pedicels. Calyx rather flat, with 4 or 5 broad rounded lobes. Petals

broadly oblong, united at the base, finally reflexed. Stamens as many as

the petals, inserted at their edges near the base ; filaments longer than

the corolla, anthers small. Female flowers like the male, but the petals

and stamens smaller. Ovary broadly ovoid, compressed, 16-celled; the

stigma large, sessile, elongate. Drupe *15 in. long, broadly ovoid, com¬

pressed, the stigma persistent; pyrenes 10 to 16, compressed. Hook,

fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 598. Prinos spicata , Miq. FI. Ind. Bat., 1, Pt. 2, 594.

Malacca: Maingay (Kew Distrib.), No. 390. Perak: King’s Col¬

lector, No. 2463. — Distrib. Java, (?) Borneo, Sumatra.

A species readily distinguished by its compressed fruit which has

moreover many pyrenes (from 10 to 16).

2. Ilex epiphytica , King, n. sp. A small glabrous epiphytic shrub ;

young branches rather stout, pale brown, striate. Leaves coriaceous,

oval or elliptic, sometimes sub-obovate, very obtuse, the edges entire

recurved when dry, the base slightly narrowed ; main nerves 5 or 6

pairs, rather straight, spreading, not prominent ; length 2 to 2'75 in.,

breadth 1 to P35 in., petiole *15 in., stout. Female flowers in axillary

fascicles of 5 to 7, *15 in. in diam., their pedicels '15 in. long. Calyx with

5 to 7 broadly ovate concave obtuse imbricate teeth, puberulous at the

edges. Petals 6, oblong, sub-obtuse, longer than the calyx, free, nearly

equal, imbricate. Ovary broadly ovoid, tapering to the very short style,

3895.] G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. 135

6- or 7-celled ; stigma discoid, dotted in the middle. Drupe ovoid,

*2 to ’25 in. long, crowned by the persistent style and stigma ; pyrenes 6

or 7, trigonous. Male flowers not known.

Perak ; at elevations of about 5,000 feet, Wray, No. 3811 ; King’s

Collector, No 7413.

3. Ilex Griffithii, Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 601. A bush or

small tree ; young branches stout, pubescent or glabrescent. Leaves

coriaceous, elliptic, rarely elliptic-rotund, acute, the edges serrulate, the

base slightly narrowed ; upper surface glabrous, except the depressed

puberulous midrib ; lower surface puberulous or glabrescent, the midrib

prominent and pubescent ; main nerves about 8 pairs, spreading, inter¬

arching far from the edge; length 1 to 2*5 in., breadth *5 to 13 in.,

petiole *15 to '25 in. Flowers 4-merous ; the males fascicled, less than

•2 in. in diam., on pedicels longer than themselves. Female flowers

larger than the males, in smaller fascicles, and sometimes solitary. Calyx

a shallow cup, with 4 broad shallow ciliolate lobes. Petals broadly

oblong, obtuse, finally re-curved, connate near the base. Ovary globose ;

stigma sessile, 4-lobed. Drupe globose or ovoid-globose, glabrous or

glabrescent, ‘35 in. in diam., the pulp scanty; pyrenes 4, coriaceous,

rounded at the back ; pedicel '35 to '6 in. long.

Malacca: Griffith, Maingay. Perak : Wray, King’s Collector. —

Distrib. : Sumatra, Java, Khasia Hills and Cachar, Assam.

4. Ilex glomerata, King, n. sp. A glabrous shrub or small tree ;

young branches, slender, dark-coloured. Leaves thinly coriaceous, oblong

or elliptic-oblong, acuminate, the edges entire slightly wavy and recurved

when dry, the base cuneate ; main nerves 6 or 7 pairs, curving, ascend¬

ing, forking, obsolete on the upper, faint on the lower surface ; length

3 to 4'5 in., breadth 1*3 to P75 in., petiole '3 to *4 in. Male flowers

‘2 in. in diam., in axillary fascicles of 6 to 12, their pedicels *15 in. long.

Calyx minute, with 4 shallow rounded teeth. Petals 4, very much

longer than the calyx, broadly ovate, membranous, slightly coherent

by their bases, hypogynous. Stamens alternate with and longer than

the petals, slightly adherent to them at the base ; filaments subulate,

much longer than the broad shortly ovoid suturally dehiscent anthers ;

Rudimentary ovary ovoid, compressed, stigma sessile. Female flowers

not known. Drupes globular, *3 or '35 in. in diam., the pulp copious ;

pyrenes 4, trigonous. .

Perak : King’s Collector, Curtis, No. 2091, Scortechini.

5. Ilex Maingayi, Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 605. A glabrous tree

20 to 30 feet high (60 to 80 fide Kunstler) ; young branches stout, len-

ticellate, dark-coloured. Leaves coriaceous, elliptic, narrowly elliptic-

oblong or oblanceolate-oblong, sub-acuminate, the base narrowed ; upper

136 G. King — Materials for a Flora of the Malayan Peninsula. [No. 1,

surface shining, the lower dull and sub-glaucous ; main nerves 10 or 12

pairs, sub-horizontal, faint on the lower, obsolete on the upper surface ;

length 4 to 5'5 in., breadth i *35 to 2 in., petiole ‘4 to '65 in. Male

flowers in pedicelled sub-umbellulate sub-racemose cymes about 1'25 in.

long ; the buds globular, less than ’1 in. in diam. Calyx lobes 4 in the

male, 6 in the female, rounded, not ciliate. Petals in the male

4, broadly oblong ; stamens longer than the petals and attached to their

bases. Female flowers in short racemes ; petals and stamens 6, hypogy-

nous. j Ripe drupes ovoid or globular, '2 to '25 in. in diam., grooved

when dry ; pedicels stout, as long as the drupes, pulp scanty ; pyrenes

4 to 6, trigonous, thickly coriaceous ; stigma sessile, swollen.

Penang, Maingay ; (Kew Distrib.), No. 1021 ; Curtis, No. 2152.

Perak ; Scortechini, King’s Collector.

6. Ilex macrophylla, Wall. Cat. 4331. A tree 15 to 30 feet

high ; young branches stout, pale, sometimes lenticellate. Leaves cori¬

aceous, elliptic to elliptic-oblong, obtuse or sub-acute, entire, the base

slightly narrowed ; upper surface shining with the midrib depressed

and the nerves obsolete ; the lower dull, the 12 pairs of spreading

nerves slightly prominent and interarching freely at some distance from

the edge ; length 4 to 6 in., breadth 2 to 2'5 in., petiole about '5 in.

Cymes dense, capituliform, often branching; their pedicels slender,

axillary, longer than the petioles. Flowers *15 in. in diam., 4-6-merous.

Calyx with broad deep teeth. Petals broadly oblong, obtuse in the male

flowers, united at the base ; in the females, free and sub-equal. Stamens

longer than the corolla and inserted on it. Drupes sub-globular, #2 in.

in diam., the stigma permanent and prominent; pyrenes about 8,

trigonous.

Penang: Phillips, Wallich, Curtis, King’s Collector. Malacca:

Griffith, Maingay. Singapore : Ridley.

7. Ilex cymosa, Blume Bijdr. 1149. A glabrous tree 15 to 40

feet high ; young branches slender, very pale. Leaves thinly coriaceous,

elliptic-oblong to elliptic, the apex often shortly and bluntly acuminate,

the base slightly narrowed or rounded, lower surface slightly glaucous ;

main nerves about 6 to 8 pairs, curved, ascending : length 2 '5 to 4'5 in.,

breadth 1'35 to 2'5 in., petiole '25 to '35 in. Cymes solitary, peduncu¬

late, branched and often paniculate, spreading, mnn}7 -flowered, rather

lax. Flowers *1, in. in diam. ; their pedicels slender, '25 in. long. Male

flowers 4-5-merous ; the calyx lobes broad, rounded, ciliolate ; petals

broadly obtuse, about as long as the stamens. Female flowers with 5-6-

merous calyx, and 6 to 8 short erect free concave slightly unequal petals ;

ovary globular-pyramidal ; style short, thick ; stigma large, hemispheric.

Drupes globular, ovoid, crowned by the persistent style and stigma,

1895.] H. A. Cummins — Lathraea from the Eastern Himalaya. 137

grooved when dry ; the pulp scanty ; pyrenes about 8, trigonous. Hook,

fil. FI. Br. Ind.I. 605. J, singaporiana , Wall. Cat. 6526. Prinos cymosa,

Hassk. Tijdschr. Hat. Gesch. X, 140 : Miq. FI. Ind. Bat. I, pt. 2, 595.

Leucodermis javanica, Planch. MSS.

In all the provinces except the Andaman and Nicobar Islands :

common. — Distrib, — Sumatra, Java, Borneo, and probably in other

islands of the Malayan Archipelago.

The short thick style is in the ovary often obscured by the stigma,

but in the ripe fruit it is very apparent.

8. Ilex sclerophylla, Hook. fil. FI. Br. Ind. I, 606. Leaves thickly

coriaceous, elliptic-oblong, obtuse, the edges entire, narrowed at the base

int$ the very thick petiole ; upper surface shining, the lower glaucous ;

length 5 or 6 in., petiole *5 in. Female cymes 1 in. long, sparingly

branched, the peduncle very stout, the branches apparently 3-flovvered ;

the pedicels stout, *25 in. long. Calyx with 5 rounded ciliolate lobes.

Petals minute, free, unequal. Ovary ovoid, truncate, stigma sessile.

Malacca, on Mount Ophir: Griffith, Ho. 5013.

I have seen no specimens of this except Griffith’s which is at Kew,

and the above description is largely copied from Sir Joseph Hooker.

Description of a New Lathraea from the Eastern Himalaya. — By Surgeon

Captain H. A. Cummins, Army Medical Staff.

[Read, 6th Feb.]

During an expedition to the Dichu Valley in August, 1893, a species

of Lathraea was found growing in black soil in dense bamboo jungle.

The connection with the roots of the bamboo (Arundinaria aristata

Gamble) was not made out, but there was no other plant except this

bamboo in its neighbourhood. The specimens could not be matched in

the Calcutta Herbarium by Dr. King, Dr. Prain, or myself. Dr. Prain

and I have since examined the material of Lathraea in the Kew Her¬

barium and have come to the conclusion that the specimens represent

a very distinct new species most nearly related to Lathraea clandestina

Linn. The systematic description of the new species is as follows :

Lathraea (§ Clandestina) Purpurea Cummins ; diffusa laxius ramosa,

caulibus purpureis brevibus (3 — 4-unc.) gracilibus squamosis ; squamis

purpureis orbicularibus obtusis oppositis breviter petiolatis ; floribus

racemosis longiuscule pedicellatis, strictis, erectis ; bracteis squamis

caulinis conformibus sub-sessilibus ; calyce cylindrico-campanulato

hirsuto, 10-costato, indistincte 2-labiato, purpureo ; corollae tubo pur-

138 H. A. Cummins — Lathraea from the Eastern Himalaya . [No. 1, 1895.]

pureo calyce sub-2-plo longiore (0'75 unc.), labio superiore purpureo

galeato infra apicem utrinque subacute 1-dentato, inferiore 3-lobo,

albo-purpurascente venis purpureis ornato ; staminibus didynamis in-

clusis filamentis anticis prorsus liirsutis quam posticos tertio summo

tantum liirsutos distincte brevioribus ; oyario 2-lobo purpurascente apice

plano-convexo, stylo simplici stigmate minimo, subexserto, loculis

10 — 15-ovulatis; capsula matura ignota.

In Himalaya Okjentali : Bhutan, in valle Dichu, 12,000 p.s.m. ;

ipse ! Haec evidenter arete L. clandestinae Linn. ( Clandestinae rec-

tiflorae Lamk.) affinis, statim tamen differt statura minore, liabitu

laxiore, squamis petiolatis, planta tota fere concolore purpurea, nec

caulibus, more L. clandestinae , squamisque luteis ; calyce subintegro. nec

distincte 4-fido, corollaque multo minore dentibus galea subapicalibus

subacutis nec rotundatis, ovario apice fere piano et ovulis magis

numerosis. Simulac L. purpurea caulibus brevibus squamis oppositis et

floribus racemosis pedicellatis cum L. clandestina arete convenit et cum

hac specie sectionem Glandestinam satis bene limitatam indicat, a sec-

tione Eulathraea , L. squamariam, L. Rhodopeam et L. japonicam inclu-

djente et caulibus elongatis, squamis alternis, floribusque subsessilibus

spicatis gaudente, facillime distincta. Sectio Clandestina tamen vix, uti

dicant nonnulli, pro genere distincto habenda est : imprimis L. japonica

habitum L. squamariaee t L, rhodopeae cum floribus fere iis L. clandestinae ,

etsi multo minoribus, congruentibus, ostendit ; iterumque L. purpurea

ovulis quam in L. clandestina magis numerosis cliaracteribus floralibus

paullo ad L. squamariam accedit.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Vol. LXIV. Part II.— NATURAL SCIENCE.

No. II.— 1898.

Notes on the bleaching action of light on colouring matters. — By

Alexander Pedler, F.R. S., &c.

[Read, 6th Feb. ]

That many colours fade when exposed to sunlight is a fact which

is only too frequently observed, and which admits of no doubt. The

colours which are thus bleached are almost invariably of organic

nature, while coloured substances of inorganic character are, as a rule,

practically unaffected by the action of light. The exact cause of this

bleaching action of sunlight on organic colouring matter is, however,

not well understood, and the experiments summarized in this note were

conducted to add to the sum of our knowledge on this subject. They

are, therefore, published not with the hope that they will set the question

of the cause of the bleaching action of light at rest, but rather because

they strengthen the conclusions which appear to have been arrived at

by previous workers on this subject, and to exist in a more or less in¬

definite form in chemical literature.

That the subject of the bleaching of colours by light is not yet in a

satisfactory condition may be judged by the following quotation from a

work published as recently as 1890, by Professor E. Hjeltof Helsingfors,

the well known Sweedish chemist, who in his work on “ General Organic

Chemistry,” in the chapter on the “Chemical Action of Light,” writes*: —

“ A considerable number of organic colouring matters lose their

colours and become bleached by the action of sunlight; the process by

# General Organic Chemistry, by Hjelt. Translated by Dr. Tingle, 1890.

J. II. 18

140 A. Pedler — Bleaching action of light on colouring matters. [No. 2,

which the colours are destroyed is unknown. The action of light upon

sensitive organic substances has been little investigated generally, but

a number of single observations of an interesting nature have been

lately made on this subject,” etc. Hence it would appear there is still

room for further experimentation on this subject.

The bleaching effect of sunlight or diffused light on colours or

coloured fabrics, may be due to several causes. These causes may, per¬

haps, be summarized as follows : —

1. The bleaching may be due to a decomposing action of the

light itself, unaided by any chemical action of the oxygen, carbon dioxide,

moisture, ozone, etc., present in the air, or even, though not at all pro¬

bable in the great majority of cases, the loss of colour may be due to the

colouring matter itself being volatile.

2. The bleaching may be caused by the light inducing some

chemical action due to the oxygen, carbon dioxide, moisture, ozone, etc.,

of the air.

3. Or in the case of dyed colours, the bleaching may be due to

some action between the organic matters of the fabrics, and the

colouring matters under the influence of light, or to a similar action

accompanied by a chemical action due to the oxygen, carbon dioxide,

moisture, etc., contained in the air.

4. Also the bleaching action may be due to changes connected

with the growth of certain low forms of life, such as germinate when

bodies in a favourable condition are freely exposed to ordinary air, in

which such germs of life practically always exist.

To test these propositions early in 1891, the following sets of

experiments were started.

A series of six colouring matters representing roughly different

parts of a spectrum was taken. The colours were Purple as represent¬

ed by neutral Litmus, Blue by Methyl Blue, Green by Methyl Green,

Orange by Methyl Orange, Pink by Eosine, and Red by Rosaniline

Acetate. Solutions of these substances were taken of definite strength

(4 grams in a litre of water), so that they could be always reproduced

when required. With these solutions specimens of pure cotton-wool as

representing organic matter such as used in various dyed fabrics, and

asbestus, representing an inorganic surface, which would have no practi¬

cal chemical action on colouring matters, were dyed, and afterwards

carefully dried. With these three sets of materials, i.e., the solutions,

the dyed cotton, and the dyed asbestus, the following principal sets of

experiments were made : —

A. The solutions were placed in tubes stoppered merely with

cotton- wool, and were then exposed freely to the action of the air and

1895.] A. Pedler — Bleaching action of light on colouring matters. 141

of any germs floating in the air at the time of preparation, and they

were placed (a) one set in direct sunlight, (b) one in diffused day¬

light opposite a window with a north aspect, and (c) one set in perfect

darkness. Fifteen experiments of this kind were started.

B. A set of solutions was taken as in A, except that the tubes

containing the solution were thoroughly boiled for from 15 to 20

■minutes in order to kill any germs likely to produce any action. While

the solutions were still boiling the tubes containing them were plugged

well with cotton-wool. Sets of these tubes were also exposed in parallel

series (a) in direct sunlight, (h) in diffused daylight, and (c) in dark¬

ness. Eighteen experiments of this class were started.

C. Sets of the solutions were placed in tubes drawn out at one

end and connected with the Sprengel mercurial pump. The solutions

were boiled for 15 to 20 minutes, so as to free them from all dissolved

oxygen and from all living germs, etc., and they were then completely

exhausted of air and hermetically sealed. Sets of the solutions in

these tubes were exposed (a) in full direct sunlight, (b) in diffused

daylight opposite a north window, and (c) in total darkness. Eighteen

experiments of this class also were started.

D. Specimens of cotton-wool, dyed with solutions of the six

colours and then thoroughly dried at 100° C, were placed in test tubes,

plugged at their mouths with cotton-wool, and then while thus freely

exposed to air in its ordinary hygrometric condition, they were placed

(a) in direct sunlight, and (6) in total darkness. Twelve experiments

of this class were started.

E. Sets of dyed cotton-wool dried at 100° C, were placed in tubes

rendered vacuous by the Sprengel pump, and then hermetically sealed

and exposed ( a ) to direct sunlight, and ( b ) in total darkness. Twelve

experiments of this class were started.

F. Specimens of asbestus were freed from organic matter and

from any organisms, etc., by ignition, and dyed with the colours and

carefully dried at 100° C. Specimens were placed in test tubes freely

exposed to the air in its ordinary hygrometric state, and plugged with

cotton- wool only. These were placed one set ( a ) in full direct sunlight,

and (b) in total darkness. Ten experiments of this class were started.

G. Similar sets of asbestus specimens dyed with the colours and

dried, were placed in tubes carefully exhausted by the Sprengel pump

and hermetically sealed. One set was placed (a) in full direct sun¬

light, and a second set (b) in total darkness. Twelve experiments of

this class were started.

The above sets of experiments were allowed to continue for periods

varying in some cases up to nearly three years. In addition also some

142 A. Pedler — Bleaching action of light on colouring matters . [No. 2,

sets of experiments were tried in which coloured substances were

exposed to the action of sunlight after being moistened with water,

and the bleaching under these circumstances compared with that

produced by sunlight when the coloured bodies were kept free from

water and only exposed to moist air. In all cases the presence of

evaporating water rendered the bleaching much more rapid.

It will be seen that in the above list, A to G inclusive, no less than

97 experiments were started, and in addition to these a good many

others were made, which are not reproduced in detail. Bach experi¬

ment was examined every few days at first, and later on every few

weeks, and the condition of the specimens was compared with freshly

prepared specimens when necessary, and the results carefully recorded.

Hence a large mass of facts was obtained. It will be seen that it

would be impossible to describe the detailed results of each individual

experiment, as this would take a large amount of space, nor indeed are

the results of sufficient value to make the publication of the details

necessary. Hence the main results only of the experiments are sum¬

marised in seven tables, A to Gr, which are printed below.

It may be convenient here to explain that the comparative results

shown in tables A and B, are intended to differentiate between the

causes referred to in 4 previously. The comparison of the results in

B and C, is intended to differentiate between the causes referred to in

1 and 2. The comparison of the results given in D and E, and given in

E and Gr, is again intended to differentiate between the causes referred

to in 1 and 2, and finally the results of D and E together, compared

with those of F and G together, will enable a conclusion to be obtained

with reference to cause 3.

1895.] A. Pedler — Bleaching action of light on colouring matters. 143

144 A. Pedler — Bleaching action of light on colouring matters. [No. 2,

1895.] A. Pedler — Bleaching action of light on colouring matters. 145

Cotton-wool dyed with strong solutions of colours , and dried carefully , placed in test tubes plugged with cotton

wool , exposed therefore freely to air in ordinary hy geometric conditions.

J46 A. Pedler — Bleaching action of light on colouring matters. [No. 2,

1895.]

A. Pedler — Bleaching action of light on colouring matters.

147

J

ii

19

148 A. Pedler — Bleaching action of light on colouring matters. [No. 2,

1895.] A. Pedler — Bleaching action of light on colouring matters . 149

150 A. Pedler — Bleaching action of light on colouring matters. [No. 2,

The general results shown in the foregoing seven tables may be

fairly accurately summarized in the following small table.

General results of experiments on the bleaching action of Sunlight on Colours.

The following general conclusions appear to follow from the above

experiments taken in conjunction with a number of others which can¬

not be described in detail : —

1. Organic colours, both in solution in water or on dyed fabrics

inorganic or organic, exposed freely to the action of air in the presence

of the usual atmospheric conditions of moisture, etc., are practically

unacted on in darkness even when exposed to these conditions for nearly

three years.

2. Organic colours in the conditions mentioned in 1, are also

practically unaffected by diffused daylight opposite a north window,

even for the same period of nearly three years.

3. Organic colours in the conditions mentioned in 1, when exposed

to the direct rays of the sun are all bleached, but with varying rapidity.

4. In the absence of air (moisture, etc.) strong sunlight, even for

a period of three years, has practically no bleaching action on organic

colours either in solution in water or used as dyes on inorganic fabrics.

In the case of organic fabrics partial bleaching occurs.

5. It hence follows from 4 that the bleaching is not due to any

action of light alone or to any volatility of the colouring matters.

1895.] H. H. Godwin- Austen — Notes on Indian Land Mollusca. 151

6. The bleaching of colours takes place less .rapidly when the

colours are in solution than when they are dyed on fabrics.

7. The bleaching of colours in solution takes place less rapidly if

the living germs or organisms in the solutions are destroyed by boiling

than if they be not so destroyed.

8. The bleaching action of light appears to be more powerful if

the colours are in contact with an organic fabric than if they are used

to colour inorganic materials (asbestus).

9. The bleaching action of light in presence of air is much facili¬

tated by the presence of moisture in contact with the colours and more

particularly of evaporating water in contact with dyed fabrics.

10. There can therefore be little doubt that the bleaching action

of light on ordinary organic colouring matters is usually due to oxidation.

This oxidation when facilitated by evaporating water is probably or almost

certainly due to the action of ozone, for Gorup von Besanez has shown

that ozone is invariably formed when water evaporates in the air.* It

therefore appears highly probable also that the action of the sunlight

on the oxygen of the air brings it into an active condition ( resembling

perhaps that of ozone), and that the bleaching of organic colours is due

to oxidation from this cause ; for ordinary oxygen uninfluenced by

sunlight does not bleach.

No. 3. Notes on, and drawings of, the animals of various Indian Land

Mollusca ( Pulmonifera ). — By Lieut. -Colonel H. H. Godwin- Austen,

F.R.S., F.Z.S., &c.

[Read 3rd April.]

Plate VII.

Continued from J. A. S. B., Pt. ii., Vol. LI, 1882, p. 71.

After the long lapse of 12 years since publishing my second paper

(in 1882), on the drawings of Indian Land-Mollusca made by native

artists under the superintendence of Ferdinand Stoliczka, I now

forward a third, with the hope that it will lead some of our younger

naturalists to make notes and drawings, and if possible dissections, of

Indian species, so that they may be more accurately placed in generic

position.

The first I have to notice and reproduce on Plate vii, fig. 1, is No. 29

of Ferd. Stoliczka’s drawings, a very careful and accurate one of Helix

octhoplax, with his MS. note attached,— “ Asalu ; sent down by Major

God win- Austen.” In 1869 I was surveying in the Naga Hills and

# Ann. Chem. Pharm. clxi. 232; also Roscoe and Schorlemmer Treatise on

Chemistry Vol. I., p, 200.

152 H. H. God win- Austen — Notes on Indian Land Mollusca. [No. 2,

was able to send a large number of species alive to Calcutta, by packing

them in hollow green bamboos. In this way they travel well. No wet

moss is necessary, and should be excluded. Green leaves or grass are

best, and with the present rapid transit they might in the autumn

months reach England in safety. A collection made in Aden reached

me all in a living state, and survived a long time, and bred, being

viviparous.

Sub -family Helicea.

Sub-Genus Eucochlias, Theobald.

Catalogue Land and Freshwater Shells of British India, August

1876, p. 26. No description is given, so I add one below.

Type of genus Helix octhoplax , Benson. Plate VII. fig. 1.

Annals and Mag. Nat. Hist., Sept. 1860. from Pegu, (Theobald).

Description of Genus.

Animal. — A true Helix ; jaw grooved (according to W. T. Blanford,

vide Nevill’s Hand List, p. 81) ; foot very flat and oval when fully

extended ; tentacles rather thick, surface granulate, no defined pallial

line.

Shell. — Large, solid, closely umbilicated, depressed, convex above

and below, keeled, aperture broadly lunate, peristome slightly expanded,

reflected near the short solid columella, margins joined by a slight

callus. Ranges from the North Khasi Hills eastward. Theobald gives

Moyang Khasi Hills as the habitat, and as the type shell described by

Benson came from him, Pegu, I think, must be a mistake.

Description of H. octhoplax from Moyang, northern side of the Khasi

Hills, in my note book : “of a rich dark madder brown colour, base of

foot and its narrow edge of same colour but lighter, when partially with¬

drawn into shell the foot is much flattened and crinkled up along the

margin, foot rounded at extremity with no gland above.” In the drawing

of the animal there is a well marked pale line on the dorsal side of the

neck, formed by three strong parallel rugae or lines, broken up into

large tubercles.

This is a very distinct genus, and the animal of very striking and

beautiful appearance, if we can apply such a term of praise to a snail,

and it is unlike any other Helix I have seen in this part of India.

It is very rare and local on the North-East Frontier, and I never

obtained it on the south of the water-parting. I have it from the

north of the Garo Hills, Moyang in the Khasi Hills, and Asalu in

the Naga Hills.

153

1895.] H. H. Godwin- Austen — Notes on Indian Land Mollusca.

Nevill suggests in Ms Hand List, that it “is probably closely allied

to Stylodon ( Stylodonta ?) possibly not separable.” This can only be

settled after a comparative examination of the anatomy of the animals.

It would certainly be a very interesting fact with regard to distribu¬

tion, to find a genus of the Seychelle Islands extending to Eastern India.

I hope before long to receive specimens in spirit from the Khasi Hills.

E. illustris Pfr. from Cambodia is very close to E. octlioplax , and Nevill

includes bougainvillei , Pfr. from the Solomon Islands. Benson taking

shell characters alone into consideration and, no doubt, thinking it one

of the Zonitidde , placed it near cycloplax of Sikkim.

It grows to a large size. My finest specimen measures, major

diam. 61’0, minor diam. 5L’0, alt. axis 25’0 millim.

Benson’s type measures, major diam. 46, minor diam. 26, alt. axis

25-0 millim.

Since commencing this paper I have received another and distinct

species of this genus, from my old friend and former assistant in

the Indian Survey Department, Colonel Woodthorpe, C.B., who got

it on the eastern frontier of Burmah, beyond Fort Stedman ; and I am

about to describe it in the Annals and Magazine of Natural History.

It is preserved in spirit, so that I have been enabled to examine its

anatomy. It appears to me far nearer to such forms of Gochlostyla as

G. cineracea, Semper ; and if I should be correct in this view, it would

be an interesting extension westward of that group of shells.

Genus Plectopylis, Benson, Type achatina, Gray.

Annals and Mag. Nat. Hist,, April I860.*

This genus has been treated of by Mr. W. T. Blanford, in Annals and

Mag. Nat. Hist., April 1861, and J. A. S. B., Yol. XXXIY, 1865, p. 73.

In the P. Z. S., November 1874 and January 1875, and in this Journal

for 1879, a number of species both old and new were described and

figured with some detail by myself, especially as regards the very pecu¬

liar and characteristic internal plication.

This genus is anatomically described most admirably by F. Sto-

liczka from the type species, in this Journal for 187J, p. 217. How far

it differs from Gorilla of Ceylon, to which it must be closely allied, has

still to be made out ; as also the true affinity with retifera from the

Nilgherries, and with clathratula from Ceylon, which is still more remote.

Stoliczka, from his observation and knowledge of the animal, con¬

sidered this genus related to Glausilia. The genus is ovo- viviparous as

observed in three species — achatina , cyclaspis and pinacis — jaw grooved,

# Fig. 56 of Stoliczka’s Drawings, Moulmain, PI. vii. fig. 5.

154 H. H. Godwin- Austen — Notes on Indian Land Mollusca. [No. 2,

Helix (Plectopylis) minor, Godwin-Austen. Plate VII. figs. 3 and

3a. (No. 51 of MS. Stol.).

Described in Annals and Mag. Nat. Hist., August 1879. Darjiling ?

I give below a copy of the original description and add the dimen¬

sions then omitted. I now also give magnified drawings of the hair¬

like epidermal fringe in this species (fig. 3a) and in another allied to it,

also from Darjiling, P. pinacis (fig. 2a), in which it is seen how

greatly they differ, being regular and symmetrical in size and diameter

and perfectly rounded at the end in P. minor ; while in the other

it is irregular flattened and divided near the extremity into two or more

points, which are again split at the end. This distinction held good in

both young and old specimens and was not the result of age or weather¬

ing.

It may be interesting here to refer to Plate I, J. A. S., B., 1879,

where the epidermal fringe of P. brachy discus is given, shewing another

and very distinct form of hairy fringe.

Description. “ Shell sinistral, openly umbilicated, discoidal, hirsute.

Sculpture coarse with irregular transverse ribbing, near the apex fine

and regular ribbing ; color pale umber, with regularly disposed broadish

transverse bars of sienna-brown : spire flat, only the first three whorls

slightly rising above the others ; suture shallow. Whorls five, sub-

angular on the periphery of the last, which has four distinct rows of

short hairs, entire at the point. Aperture oblique, slightly descending ;

peristome lunate, slightly flattened on the upper outer margin, but very

little reflected, the inner margins connected with a distinct bridge on

the parietal side. The parietal vertical lamina is simple, with no dis¬

tinct horizontal plica below it, as in macromphalus ; the palatal plicae

are six in front, four behind, the basal one in front thin, and longer than

the others.”

Major diam. 020 in., minor diam. 0T7 in. alt. axis 0*09 inch.

„ „ 5’0 mm. „ „ 4*5 mm. „ „ 23 mm.

The animal in Stoliczka’s drawing now before me is coloured dark

brown, and being a young shell is enlarged. In my MS. notes I find a

specimen of P. macromphalus from Shillong in the Khasi Hills thus

described : “ Animal with lower tentacles represented by two small

hemispherical protuberances, body all pale with tinge of orange on

head and neck : extremity of foot pointed.” I must now correct an

error in my paper in the Annals and Magazine of Natural Hislory for

1879, where I say that in Stoliczka’s drawing it is represented of a

pink color.

The animal of P . plectostoma, Bs., from Teria Ghat, is thus de-

Scribed in my field book : “ Animal : foot short, of a pale brown yellow

1895.] H. H. Godwin-Austen — Notes on Indian Land Mollusca.

155

tint, neck and tentacles the same slightly darker ; tentacles short, the

oral very small ; no gland on foot, which is pointed.”

Helix (Plectopylis) achatina. Gray. Plate VII. fig. 5.

Moalmain ? (fig. 56 of MS. Stol.)

Description from drawing. — Animal with long slender eye-tentacles,

the oral of ordinary size ; colour of tentacles and neck dark umber brown,

pale towards the extremity of the foot, which is pointed, very minutely

speckled with brown throughout: a broad pale pedal margin, or

fringe, distinctly defined by a line of oblong tubercles apparently simi¬

lar to what is seen in the Zonitidse , but there is no mucous gland at the

extremity of the foot.

Helix huttoni, Pfr.

(Fig. 23 of the drawings: no remarks.)

No locality is given ; but as the drawing was made on a piece of

cardboard on which were two other shells from Darjiling, I imagine

it was collected there. I note also that Mr. G. Nevill in his Hand List,

gives 30 specimens in the Indian Museum from Darjiling, and in Mr.

W. T. Blandford’s colleclion are specimens from the same locality.

In the drawing the animal is shewn nearly pure white including the

tentacles, with a pointed extremity to the foot, the pedal margin

distinct.

Now true Helix liuttoni , which was described from the N. W. Hima¬

laya, is very differently described in my Notes on specimens from.

Waverley, Mussoorie Hill Station: — “Animal light brown, tentacles

long and dark brown ; ” it is doubtful therefore, whether the N. W.

Himalayan and the Darjiling species are identical. The former also

have a much more hairy, rougher epidermis than those so called huttoni

from the latter place and the Khasi Hills.

Mr. Theobald placed this species in the genus Fruticicola Helder

( = Hygroucia , Risso, apud Adam’s genera) of which the European H.

hispida is the type, and to which in shell structure it closely assimilates.

It is just as well in our present state of ignorance of the animal

to leave H. huttoni in the sub-genus Fruticicola , of which the animal is

known, rather than in Plectotropis of Albers founded on the shell only

(of elegantissima ) from the Liew-Kiew Islands, or in Planispira, Beck

(type zonaria ) from Celebes( = Eurystoma, Albers, type vittata) from Cey¬

lon. We should also be guided somewhat by the known, or rather reputed

distribution of Fruticicola ; which ranges from the European region into

Asia and is represented by rujispira , Von Martens, in Turkestan ; b y plecto-

J. ii. 20

156 H. H. Godwin- Austen — Notes on Indian Land Mollusca. [No; 2,

tropis and pliaeozona, V. Martens, Sasak Taka ; dschulfensis in Persia ;

and by bactriana , Hutton, from Kandahar ; which carries it close into the

Himalayan range. Nevill also describes one (mataianensis) from Mataian,

Sind Valley, Kashmir.

Helix similaris and bolus which have been placed in the genns

Fruticicola have, I slionld say, but very slight connection with it. The

list of species in Planispira and Plectotropis, as given by Geoffrey

Nevill in the Hand List, will require very considerable revision. In an

unpublished copy of his Hand List, greatly corrected, which he was good

enough to give me before his early death, he has put H. huttoni in

Aegista, a genus of Albers, who placed in it Helix oldhami from

Burma, a very different form as regards the aperture of the shell.

Until we know the anatomy of Hury stoma vittata , Plectotropis

elegantissima and Aegista oculus from China, it is unsatisfactory work

trying to place these Indian species under any of these three genera ;

and it is very difficult to get hold of the type species in spirit.

Sub-genus Planispira, Beck.

(Type Zonaria , Muller from Celebes.)

Hurystoma , Albers (on shell alone), type H. vittata , Ferussac, from

Madras.

Semi-cornUy Klein.

H. ( P Planispira') propingua, Pfr. Plate VII, fig. 4.

Central India (fig. 40 of MSS. Stol.)

The remarks which I have made regarding the location of Indian

species in this genus, applies here to this one. An examination lately

made of the anatomy of some Southern Indian Shells (and I am expect¬

ing some more material) shews that a number of them are very closely

related, although they do not shew it in shell character.

Description of Plate.

Fig. 1. Animal of Helix (Eucochlias) octhoplax, Benson.

2. Animal of Helix (Plectopylis) pinacis, Benson.

2a. Epidermal hairs on keel magnified.

3. Animal of Helix (Plectopylis) minor, G.-A.

3a. Epidermal hairs of same magnified.

4. Animal of Helix (Planispira ?) propinqua. Pfr.

5. Animal of Helix (Plectopylis) achatina. Gray.

1895.]

A. Alcock — Carcinological Fauna of Lidia.

157

Materials for a Carcinological Fauna of India. No. 1. The Brachyura

Oxyrhyncha. — By A. Alcock, M.B., C.M.Z.S., Superintendent of the

Indian Museum.

Plates III-V.

[Received 11th. April: — Read 1st May.]

It was the intention of my immediate predecessor and late friend

James Wood-Mason to write a Descriptive Catalogue of the collection

of Crustacea in the Indian Museufri.

To this end he had collected a very comprehensive Crustacean

literature, and had set in motion a scheme for extracting in a handy

form the references contained therein.

He had also roughly sorted the whole collection into its component

great-groups, and had made a large number of identifications.

In short he had, before his sad and premature death, collected the

raw material for, and sketched the broad foundations of, a work that,

had he lived on in unimpaired health, might have been a fit companion

and sequel to the classical volumes of that great naturalist Henri

Milne-Edwards.

Only in the case of the Stomapoda had he gone further than this ;

and I am now preparing to edit, from the rough MS. notes at my

disposal, his account of a part of this Order as represented in the

collection of the Indian Museum.

The present paper is the first of a series in which I hope to be

able to turn to some — though inadequate — account the mass of

material accumulated by my predecessor.

My own work in this paper has been to complete, to arrange

systematically, to collate, and to verify the available references to the

literature of the Oxyrhyncha ; to determine about 70 per cent, of the

Indian species contained in the collection of the Indian Museum ; to

prepare the generic diagnoses and the descriptions of all the species

mentioned; and to work out, to the best of my ability, keys — which I

hope may be of use to naturalists in India — to sub-families, genera,

and species.

In the arrangement of the group as a whole, I have been guided

and assisted by the Revision of the Maioid Crustacea , by Mr. E.'J. Miers,

158

A. Alcock — Carcinological Fauna of India.

[No. 2,

in the Journal of the Linnsean Society (Zoology), Yol. XIV. 1879;

and by the same author’s Report on the ‘ Challenger ’ Braehyura ; and to

these important works I have here to acknowledge my great indebted¬

ness.

I have not, however, been able to give my complete adherence to

the classification proposed by Mr. Miers, further than to accept the

previously adopted division of the Oxyrhyncha into two groups of

equal value — the Maioids and the Partlienopoids. To these groups, I

would, following Dr. Claus, give the rank of families — Maiidse and

Parthcnopidse.

But to further sub-divide a group like the Maioids — in which we

find, as Miers himself remarks, every reasonable gradation of form

from Stenorhynchus to Pericera — into separate families, as is done by

Miers, involves, I think, an unnecessary and unphilosophical interference

with the meaning of the term ‘ family.’

Nor is anything gained, from the point of view of the practical

systernatist, by establishing families which overlap in all direc¬

tions.

I am so much indebted to the works of Mr. Miers, that I should be

loath to criticize them in any but a friendly spirit. But it seems to me

that while Mr. Miers has recognized the value of certain characters

round the developments and modifications of which the Maioid Crabs

easily cleave into most natural groups, he has proceeded in practice to

ignore in great measure the value of his own generalization.

It appears to me that Mr. Miers’ families of Maiinea consist each

of a quite natural nucleus hidden in a loose artificial wrapping.

Beginning with the Iuaclndse of Miers, we find a natural group,

typified by such forms as Leptopodia and Inachus , linked with forms like

Anamatliia , Xenocarcinus , Huenia , Pugettia , Aeanthonyx , Poclea and

Stenononops , none of which are any more nearly related to Leptopodia

and Inachus than they are to any other Maioid.

In the Maiidse of Miers again, we find a most arbitrary jumble of

forms. Amid the confusion, however, we can discern a large natural

nucleus, typified not, it is true, by Maia , but by such forms as Egeria r

Chioncecet.es , Pisa , Naceia, etc. ; but these are no more nearly related to

Maia, Paramithrax , Scliizophrys , Criocarcinus, and Micippa than they

are to any other Maioid.

The third family, Periceridse, is even more bewildering; but as

Miers himself, in his Report on the 1 Challenger ’ Braehyura , has distri¬

buted many of his original Periceroid genera among the other two

families, it would be unjust to enter into any detailed criticism of this

family now.

A. Alcock — Carcinological Fauna of India.

159

1895.]

The classification proposed in this paper is in many respects a

reversion to the older authors.

For a most interesting and instructive historical and critical review

of the Oxyrhyncha as a whole, I would refer to the Introduction of

Miers’ paper, already cited, in the Journal of the Linnaean Society,

Zoology, Vol. XIY. 1879, pp. 634-642.

I have only to add that as almost all the new species described in

this paper have been dredged by the ‘ Investigator,’ they will be

figured in next year’s issue of the “ Illustrations of the Zoology of the

‘ Investigator.’ ”

Tribe OXYRHYNCHA or MAIOIDEA.

Oxyrinques, Oxyrinchi , Latr. Hist. Nat. Crust, et Insect, tom. VI. p. 85.

Oxyrhinques et Canceriens Cryptopodes, Milne-Edwards, Hist. Nat. Crust, tom. I.

pp. 263, 368.

Maioidea or Oxyrhyncha, Dana, U. S. Expl. Exp. Crust. Pt. I. pp. 66, 67 and 75.

Oxyrhyncha, Miers, Journ. Linn. Soc., Zool., Vol. XIV. 1879, p. 634; and

4 Challenger’ Brachyura, p. 2.

Carapace more or less narrowed in front, and usually produced to

form a rostrum : branchial regions considerably developed, hepatic

regions small. Epistome usually large ; buccal cavity quadrate, with

the anterior margin usually straight. Branchiae almost always nine in

number on either side*: their efferent channels open at the sides of

the endostome or palate. Antennules longitudinally folded. The

palp of the external maxillipeds is articulated either at the summit or

at the antero-internal angle of the meropodite. The external genitalia

of the male are inserted at the bases of the fifth pair of trunk-legs.

The Oxyrhyncha may be sub-divided into two families, namely : —

(J) the Maiidse, in which the basal joint of the antennae is well

developed, and in which it is exceptional to find the chelipeds vastly

longer than the other legs ;

and (2) the Parthenopidse , in which the basal joint of the antennae

is very small, and is embedded between the front and the floor of the

orbit ; and in which it is exceptional not to find the chelipeds vastly

longer and vastly more massive than the other legs.

* Encephaloides is the only Oxyrhynch known to me in which the branchiae are

less than nine in number on either side : in Encephaloides the reduction, both in

size and number, of the anterior bran chi® seems to be due to the enormous

development of the four posterior branchiae.

160 V. A. Smith & W. Hoey — Ancient Buddhist Statuettes [No. 2,

Height of figure, from surface of pedestal to surface

of top-knot ... ... ••• ••• 10-50

Diameter of aureole ... ••• ••• 5 */5