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JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL

VOL. LXXI1I,

PART I. (History, Antiquities, &c.)

(Nos. I-IV., and Extra No. — 1904.)

EDITED BY THE

Honorary Philological ^Secretary.

“ It will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of

science in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing, and

send them to the Asiatic Society of Calcutta. It will languish, if such communi¬

cations shall be long intermitted ; and it will die away, if they shall entirely

cease.”-— Sir Wm. Jones.

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CALCUTTA :

PRINTED AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS,

AND PUBLISHED BY THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY, 57, PARK STREET.

1907.

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CONTENTS

OF THE

JOURNAL OF- THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,

Vol. LXXIII.r Part I (Nos. 1 — 4 and Extra No. — 1904).

No. 1. Page

The Quatrains of Baba Tahir. — "Edited and translated by Mirza

Mehdy Khan ... ... ... ... 1

An ancient Gave and some ancient Stupas in the District of Gaya. —

By Parmeshwar Doyal ... ... ... ... 30

The Morans. — By Major P. R. T. Gurdon, Superintendent of

Ethnography in Assam ... ... ... ... 36

Observations on General Maclagan’s paper on the Jesuit Missions to

the Emperor Aicbar , J.A.S.B. for 1896 , p. 38. — By H.

Beveridge ... ... ... ... ... 49

On Isd Khan , the ruler of Bhati , in the time of Akbar. — By H.

Beveridge ... ... ... ... ... 57

Numismatic Supplement [With Plates I. and II.] ... ... 64

No. 2.

The Mints of the Mughal Emperors. — By R. Burn ... 75

On some Archaeological remains in the District of Ttdjshahi. — By

Maulavi Abdul Wali ... ... ... ... 108

A List of Tibetan Books brought from Lhasa by the Japanese Monk ,

Mr, Ekai Kaiva Gochi. — By E. H. C. Walsh, I.C.S. ... 118

History of the Hutwa Baj, with some unrecorded events of the admi¬

nistration of Warren Hastings and of the Indian Mutiny. — By

Girindranath Ddtt ... ... ... ... 178

Numismatic Supplement (With Plate III.) ... ... 227

1Y

Contents.

Page

No. 3.

Further Notes on the Bhojpuri Dialects spoken in Saran (vide

J.A.S.B. Part I ., pp. 192 — 212 of 1897). — By Girindranath

Dutt. ... ... ... ... ... 245

Mahals in Sarkar Lakhnau. — By H. R. Nevill ... ... 250

An ancient Assamese Fortification and the Legends relating there¬

to. — By Walter N. Edwards and Harold H. Mann

(With Plates IY. and V.) ... ... ... 254

On the Antiquity and Traditions of Shazddpur. — By Matjlavi

Abdul Wali ... ... ... ... 262

Proposed identification of the name of an Andhra King in the Peri-

plus. — By C. R. Wilson, M.A. ... ... ... 272

On the names hitherto unidentified in four Dutch Monumental

Inscriptions. — By C. R. Wilson, M.A. ... ... 274

A Forgotten City. — By J. E. Eanthome. ... ... 276

The Khurda Copperplate Grant of Madhava , King of Kalinga. —

By Gangamohan Laskar, M.A. (With Plate VI.) ... 282

No. 4.

The Later Mughals ( 1707 — 1803). — By William Irvine, I.C.S.

(retired) ... ... ... ... ... 282

A Language Map of West Tibet with notes. — By A. H. FranCKE

(With Plate VII). ... ... ... ... 362

Numismatic Supplement (With Plates VIII. — IX.) ... ... 368

. 4 -4

Extra No.

Some Notes on the Bahmani Dynasty. — By Major W. Haig, I.A. 1

On Some Archseological Remains in Bishnath. — By W. N.

Edwards ... ... ... ... ... 16

Vidyapati Thakur — By Nagendranath Gupta ... ... 20

A Note on Mahdmahataka Candesvara Tliakkura of Mithilfi. — By

Mr. Justice Saradacharan Mitra ... ... ... 25

The Later Mughals (1707 — 1803). — By William Irvine, I.C.S.

(Retired) ... ... ... ... ... 28

Some Kolarian Biddles current among the Mundaris in Chota

Nagpur , Bengal. — By Rev. Paul Wagner, G.E.L. Mission,

Purulia ... ... ... ... ... 62

The Hierarchy of the Dalai Lama ( 1406 — 1745). — By Rai Sarat

Chandra Das, Bahadur, C.I.E. ... ... ... 80

Tibet under the Tatar Emperors of China in the 13th Century

A.D. — By Rai Sarat Chandra Das, Bahadur, C.I.E. ... 94

Numismatic Supplement ... ... ... ... 103

LIST OF PLATES

ISSUED WITH

JOURNAL, Vol. LXXIII., Paet I.— 1904.

Plate I : Gold coins of Samudra Gupta, S'ri Vigharaha, and

Jahangir (zodiacal) ; Silver coins of Balban, and Jahan¬

gir ( = Salim Shah) ; Copper coin of Murad Bakhsh.

„ II: Silver Coronation Medal of Ghazi-ud-din Haidar.

,, III : Gold coin of Muhammad ibn Tughlaq; Silver coins of

‘Umar Shah, Sher Shah, Akbar (Guzarat fabric), Jahan¬

gir, Kam Bakhsh, Jahandar, and Farrukhsiyar.

,, IV., nos. 1 and 2 : Buroi Fortifications (Assam).

„ V., no. 1 : Buroi Fortifications (Assam).

,, ,, no. 2: Cliff at the north end of Buroi Fortifications

(Assam).

„ VI : Khurda Plates of Madhava.

,, VII : Language Map of West Tibet.

,, VIII : Gadhaiya coins (obverses).

,, IX: Gadhaiya coins (reverses); Gold coin of Nasir-ud-din

Mahmud I, of Bengal; Silver coins of Muhammad ibn

Tughlaq, and Sher Shah Suri.

,, I : Extra No. : Copper coins of Akbar, Ahmadabad Mint.

,, II : Extra No. : Silver coinage, Murshidabad Mint ; Silver

coins of Aurangzeb, Siva Singha Shah and Pramathes-

vari (jointly) ; and Dewas State copper coin.

INDEX

TO

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Vol. LXXIII, Part I, 1904.

N.B.— Figures prefixed by the letter “ e ” refer to the pages of the Extra Number

of the Journal.

A

‘Abbasi Khalifa, 113.

‘Abdul Baqi Turkestani, 60.

‘Abdul-Ghafur, 330, 351.

‘Abdul-Jalil Belgrami, 361.

‘Abdnl-Karim. 302.

‘Abdullah Khan 294, 295, 301, 340, e. 31,

e 50—52.

‘Abdallah Khan, Afghan, 349.

‘Abdul Qadir Badayuni, Historian, 278.

‘Abdul Waheb, 110.

‘Abdul Wali, Maulavi — On the antiquity

and traditions of Shah-

zadpur, 262.

„ On some Archaeological

remains in the District

of Rajshahi, 108.

‘Abdnnnabi, 289.

‘Abdnnnabi Khan, 335.

‘Abdur-Rahman-b-Samara, 270.

‘Abdus-SamadKhan, Governor of Lahore,

292, 341.

Abu-‘ Abdur Rahman-al-Ansari-al-Khirz-

raji, 270.

Abu-Bakr, 270.

Abu-Bakr, Khalifa, 237.

Abu'l-barakat, title of Rafiu’ddarajat,

e. 28.

Abu’l Fath, title of Roshan Akhtar, e. 56,

Abul Fazl, Historian, 49 — 51.

„ ,, his Akbarnama, 277.

,, „ his list of the names of

Rajas, 225.

Abul Muzaffar Bahadur, 114.

Abul Muzaffar Mu'inuddin Mhd., title of

Farrukhsiyar, 356.

Abnl Muzaffar Nasrat Shah, 109, 111.

Abul Muzaffar Nasiruddin Nasrat Shah.

111.

Abu Noem, 270.

Abu-zaidal-Hasan of Siraf, 268.

Acquaviva Rodolfo, missionary, 52, 54.

Adam, Mr., his report on Education, 113.

Adityasena, Afshad inscription of, 282.

Adorn, Mint, 358.

Affinity of Miran Kachari (modern)

Ditnasa or Hills Kachari and Hodg¬

son’s Bodo (probably Mech) languages,

36.

Afzal Khan, 313, e. 30.

Agara Sindur, 58, 59.

Agharabad, place, 299, 308.

Aghar Khan 343,

Agra, city, 279, 280, 288, 290, 292, e. 45,

e. 58.

Agrah, fort, 32.

Agrah fort, siege of, e. 45 — 48,

„ „ surrender of, e. 48—50.

Agra Mint, coins of, 233, 234.

Ahbar-i-Nasara, 50.

Ahmad Shah, 80.

Ahmad Shah, rupee of, e. 113.

Ahmad Shah III, e. 11.

Ahmad Shah Tali, offspring of, e. 10.

Ahmad, son of Hasan, e 4.

,? son of Shahabuddin Mahmud

Shah, e. 11

Ahmadabad, town, 319, e. 37.

,, in Gujarat, e. 44.

,, mint, Akbar’s copper coins

of, e. 103—108.

„ Subah, e. 58.

Ahmad Beg, 343, 344.

Ahmad Khan Bangash, 80.

Ahmadnagar, fort at, 321.

„ mint coins of, 239, 240.

Ahmadnagar Farrujdiabad, 80.

Ahom kings, 37, e. 17.

„ tribe, 37.

11

Index.

Ahwal-i- Khawaain. 296, 354.

Aihar, mahal, 252.

Aima Estate, 113.

Ain-i-Akbari , 49.

,, Hutwa Raj in the, 225.

Ajam-dpal-dbyans chhos-kyi-rje-dkon -

mchhog-chhos-aphel-gyi-rnam-thar , a

Tibetan work, 125.

Ajeet Mull, zemindar of Gorakhpur,

192.

Ajit Singh, Raja, 290, 311 — 314, 316,

326, 336, 33S, 339, 343, 345, 351, e. 28,

e. 31, e. 50-52, e. 57—58.

Ajmere, city, 288, 290.

„ mint, 77.

Akbar, The Great, 182.

Akbar’ s copper coins of Aljmadabad.

mint, e. 103—108.

Akbar, Rupees of, 376.

Akbar II, copper coins of, 79.

Akbar Ali Khan, Raja, 191.

Akbar, Prince, the rebel son A’lamgir,

319.

Akbarabad, town, e. 32, e. 33, e. 37.

,, mint, 357.

Akbarabadir mosque, 351 .

Akbarnama, history, 49, 277, 278.

Akbarpur, ferry station, 329.

Akdalla, place, 59.

Akhor-los-bsgyur-ba-rnams-kyi-byung-ba

gsal-bar-byed-pa-mkhas-pa-i dga-ston ,

a Tibetan work, 133.

Akon, a Chinese commissioner, e. 99.

‘Ala Bakhsh Barkh-urdar Lashkari, 111,

113.

‘Alaragir, 289.

‘Ala’u-d-Din Bahman Shah, the off¬

spring of, e. 4.

‘Ala’u-d-Din Husain Shah, Sultan, 111.

,, Hasan Kankui, Bahmani,

e. 2.

,, ,, Shah Gangui-Bah-

mani, e. 2.

„ ,, Shah, his pedigree

as given by Pirishta and

the author of Burhan-i-

Ma’asir, e. 3.

„ Khilji, the Afghan, Sultan of

Delhi, e. 26.

‘Ala’u-d-din III, son of Mahmud Shah,

e. 11.

‘Ala’u-d-din Ahmad II, e. 9.

‘Ala’u-d-din, son of Shahabuddin Ahmad,

e. 11.

‘Ala’ud-dunya Wad-din Abul-Muzaffar

Bahman Shah, e. 2.

‘Ali, pr. n., e. 3.

‘Ali-bin ‘Azazi-’Ullah Tabataba, e. 2.

‘Ali, Khalifa, 237.

‘Ali Mardan Khan, e. 47.

*AU Murad, 306.

‘Alim ‘Ali Khan, 320, 321. [376.

Allahabad mint, Rupees of Akbar, of the,

Allahwirdi Khan, 287.

Allote, pargana, e. 115.

“ Allote ” pice, e. 115.

Altan Khan, e. 84.

Al-Waqidi, 270.

Amber, city, e. 35, e. 37, e. 45, e. 56 — 57.

,, country, 292.

Amdo, province of Tibet, 122, e. 81, e. 84,

e. 89, e. 98.

Amin-ud-Din, pr. n., 289, 330,332.

,, Khan Bahadur, 297, 301.

Amir, pr. n. e. 3.

„ Barid, e. 11.

,, Khan, 302, 308.

Amir-ul-Islam, 112.

Amnabad, town, 279, 280.

Amnour, village, 178.

Amsterdam, capital city, 274, 275.

Ancient India, 246, 269.

Andhar Kotha or Black hole, the jail of

Shahzadpur, 266.

Andhra dynasty, 272.

Andhra History and Coinage , 273.

Andor, people of, 249.

Andries Gadzeszoon, pr. n., 274.

Ansars, 270.

Ansuri, pr. n., 2.

Antonio Cabral, pr. n., 53.

Anwar Khan, 302.

Aphags-pa-ajam-dpal-gyi-mtshan- y an g -

dag-par-brjod-pa-bklags-thabs -

bchas bshugs-so , a Tibetan

work, 176.

,, ,, bzang-po-sphyod-pa-i-smon-

lam-gyi-rgyal-po-bshugs-so , a

Tibetan work, 177.

,, ,, bzang-po tshig-don-gyi-agrel-

bci-bgs-bshad-kun-las-btus - pa

bshugs-so, a Tibetan work,

177.

,, „ de-bhsin gshegs-pa-i-gtsug-tor-

nas byung-ba-i-gdugs-dkar,

a Tibetan work, 155.

,, „ shes-rab-kyi-pha-rol-tu-phyin-

pa-brgyad-stong-pa-bshugs-so,

a Tibetan work, 169.

,, „ shes-rab-kyi-pha-rol-tu-phyin-

pa-rdo-rje-gchod-pa-shes bya-

ba-bshugs-so, a Tibetan work,

168.

Apo, place, e. 85

Apshad inscription of Adityasena, 282,

Arahanna, village, 282, 284.

Aravali Hills, 61.

Argoor, pass of, 191.

Arig-thang, province, e. 84.

Arimuri or Arimatta, a former tradi¬

tional ruler of Nowgong and Durrang,

259—261, e. 16.

Index.

111

Arkat, mint, 358.

Arrah, town, 245.

Asad ’ Ali Khan, 321, e. 36, e. 47.

Asad Khan, 299, 312.

,, ,, ‘Alamgir’s Wazir, e. 47.

Asaf Khan, 302, 304.

Asafabad Bareli, mint, 78.

Asafud-daula, Nawab of Oadh, 188.

,, Nawab, Yazir, 78.

Asoka, Raja, 31.

Asoph-ud-Dowla, Nawab, 207.

Assam, invaded by the king of Kashmir,

260.

Assamese Buranji, 37.

Asur, dialect, e. 62.

Atrai, The, river, 115.

Audard, tribe, 305.

Audh (Lakhnau) mint, 357.

Aufi-ul-ash’ari, 270.

Aurangabad mint, 357.

„ coins of, 240.

„ town, 191, 319, 322, 329.

Aurangzeb, two rare coins of, 240,

„ , a new mint of, e. 108, 109.

Avadh, Subah of, 250.

Avalokitesvara, Buddhist god, 129, 152.

,, Bodhisattva, e. 82, e. 88.

A’zam Khan, General of Shah f Jahan,

_ 242, 302.

A‘zam Shah, 289.

Azes, the line of, 227.

Azilises, the line of, 227.

‘Azimabad city, 295.

‘ Azimabad-Patna, province, 331.

‘Azim-ullah Ehan, 304.

‘Azim-ush-shau, 290, 340, 351, e. 32/*

‘Azizul Islam, 112.

B

Baba Mughal. e,.49, .

Babar, Emperor, 181.

Baba Tahir, a few words about the date

of, 2.

Baba Tahir, Quatrains of, 1 — 21.

„ » translated in

' English, 3—21.

»> „ ,, Persian Text,

22—29.

Babhan, caste, 178.

Babu Khan Qnshqal.

Babas of Pursa, 197.

Badayuni, historian, 49, 51, 277.

Badli Karang, the cave of bats, 258.

Badr, battle of, 270.

Badrinath Thaknr, pr. n., e. 27.

Badru-l-IsIam, 112, 113,

Badshah Begam, 360.

Bae Indar Kunwar, wife of Earrukhsivar,

359. 1 J

Bagachin Bhuinhars, caste, 180.

Bagaha, place, 189.

Bagha, Jami Masjid at, 108.

Bagh Dahr-arae, place, e. 45.

Bagh Malham Shah, 312.

Baghochia Bhuinhars, a caste, 180.

Bahadur Dil Khan, 297, 298.

Bahadur Gilani, e. 12.

Bahadur Shah, 52, 289, 290, e. 42.

Bahadur Shah, IT, a rare coin of, 243.

Bahadur Shah, Shah Alam, e. 109.

Bahaud-Din Zakariya, 271.

Bahmani Dynasty, three genealogical

tables showing the pedigree of the,

e. 13—15.

Bahraich, city, 226.

Bahrami-gur the Samani, pr. n., e. 3.

Bahtam pr. n., e. 3.

Bai-rot-saua, the life of, 132.

Bai-ro-tsa-na-i-rnam-thar , 132 .

Bakht Mall, Rajah, 347.

Bakhtyar Khilji, ruler of Bengal, 262,

269.

Bakraur, place, 30.

Bal, people of, 249.

Balabhadra Shahi, Maharaja Bahadur,

184.

Bala Ji Visvanath, the Peshwa, 321, e. 30.

Balam Nadi, a stream, 259.

Balas, Sassanian king, 369.

Balkh, place, 369.

Balkissan Ojha, pr. n., 202.

Balvant Singh, Zemindar of Benares, 185.

Banar, river, 59.

Banauli, village, e. 23.

Banda, town, 80.

Bandhu, pr. n., 337.

Banga, district, 190.

Bangala-burj, a bastion of the Agra Fort,

e. 45.

Bangwan (Bangawan), mahal, 252, 253.

Banjaras, people, 80.

Bantzen, town in Germany, 367.

Bara Banki, district, 252, 253.

Bara Bhuyas of Eastern Bengal, 57.

Bara, Pergana, 249.

Bara Sindur, 58.

Baragaon, place, 188, 192.

Baragong, 211.

Barai, pergana, 249.

Barahpulah, place, 290, e. 38, e. 43.

Barbakabad, Sarkar, 111,

Bareli, mint, 357.

Barheria, place, 183.

Bariguda, village, 284.

Barqandaz Khan, the faujdar of Gwali-

yar, 329.

Bartoli, pr. n., 51, 54.

Basant Sbahi, Babu, 183, 187, 193.

Basanta Shaw, Babu, 207, 208.

Basantpur, village, 198.

IV

Index.

Basdeo Dewal, temple, e. 17.

Bassein, treaty of, 239.

Basurba, 53.

Battle axe type, coins, a new variety

of, 65.

Bayley, Sir Stnart, Lieut.-Governor of

Bengal, 200.

Bchom-ldan-ades sman-lha-imdo-tsho-ga-

suying-po-bsdus-pa-yid-bshin nor-bu-

shes-bya-ba-bshugs-so , a Tibetan work,

153.

Bchom-ldan-adas thub-pa-i-dbang-po-i-

rnam-par-thar -pa-la bstod-pa, a Tibetan

work, 174.

Bde-bar gshegs-pa-la bstod-pa-lha-irnga-

bo-chhe-i-sgru-dbyans-shes-bya-ba-bsh-

ugs-so, a Tibetan work, 159.

Beams, J., Mr., 250, 251.

„ „ his short note on the Old-

Dutch hatchments in Chin-

surah Church, 274.

Bechu Singh, pr. n., 191.

Bedar Bakht (Prince), 289, 346.

Bedar Dil, Prince, 346.

Behali, mauza, e. 16.

Behali, Mandir, a description of, e. 18.

Behali Mukh, 255.

Belbari, mauza, 110.

„ silver coins found in, 233.

Bencker Andreae, pr. n., 274.

Benedict Goes, 55.

Benett, Mr., 250.

Ber, district, e. 98.

Beri, King of Khan, e. 86.

Berlin, city, 367.

Betwa, river, 246.

Beveridge, H : — Observations on General

Maclagan’s paper on the Jesuit Mis¬

sions to the Emperor Akbar, 49 — 56.

Bhadawar, city, e. 37.

Bhagvanlal Indraji, Pandit, his account

of the Western Ksarapas, 227, 370.

Bhajja, pr. n., 289.

Bhandara, a district in the C.P., e. 109.

Bhandrepa, family, 364.

Bhanpura, mint, coin of, 233.

Bharatpur, town, e. 55.

Bharhichowra, place, 180.

Bhartpur, town, 289.

Bhati, country, 58.

Bhedapa, family, 365.

Bhelari, village, 183.

Bhlm Singh, Baja of Kotah, e. 28.

Bhim Singh Hada, Raja, 291, 294, 298,

e. 36.

Bhim Singh, Rao, e. 59.

Bhojpur, town, 246.

Bhojpuri dialects of Saran, notes on, 245

—249.

Bhojpuri dialects origin of, 246.

Bhoj Raja, 246.

Bholanath, pr. n., 201.

Bhore, place, 196.

Bhowal, town, 58.

Bhubanesvar Dutt, Babu, Dewan Hatwa

Raj, 200.

Bhuinhar, caste, 178.

Bhujawan Misir, pr. n., 196.

Bhukan Mall, e. 47.

Bhurkaha, village, 183.

Bhurthoohi, place, 193, 195.

Bhusanda, village, 35.

Bianah, town, e. 50.

Bibi Sata, wife of Ahmad Shah III, e. 12.

Bidyapur, village, e. 52, e. 53, e. 55.

Bijapur, mint, 358.

Bijapur daru-z-Zafar, mint, coin of, 240,

Bijugarh, place, 191.

Bika, Hazari, 324.

Bikaner, a district, 314.

Bilmaria or Lalpur, 111.

Bindraban, mint town, 79.

Bird, Shearman, Secretary, 209, 211.

BIr Pratap Shahi, Babu, 198.

,, ,, Privy Council Judg¬

ment on the appeal

of, 223—225.

Bir Sen, Raja, founder of the Hutwa

Raj family, 179.

Bisen Rajputs, 180.

Bishmukh Raja, 254.

Bishnath, plain, 258.

Bishnath — On some Archaeological re¬

mains in, e. 16-19.

Bispi, village, e. 21.

Bkah-agyur, a Tibetan work, 119.

Bkra-shis brtsegs-pa bshugs-so, a Tibetan

work, 151.

Blama-brgyud-pa-i-rnam-thar , a Tibetan

work, 128.

Bla-ma-mchhod-pa-i-chho-go, a Tibetan

work, 157.

Bla-ma-shi-ba-i-phrin-sgrub-rin-po-chhe-

i-sgron me-uyang-bted , a Tibetan

work, 160.

Bleazby, G. B., Mr., of Allahabad, 229,

230, 242, 373, e. 109.

Blochmann, Mr. 49, 53.

Blon-po-bka-i-thang , 131.

Bodhisattva , Avalokitesvara the guar¬

dian Saint of Tibet, e. 82.

Bod-Jcyi brda-i-bye-brag-blo-ldan uyer -

mklno-i-sgron-gsal , a Tibetan work, 140.

Bod-kyi-brda-i-bye-ba brag-gsal-bar-byed-

pa-i-bsten-bchos-tshigs-be-u-byad pa

mkhas-pa-i-ngag-gi-sgron-mat a Tibetan

work, 141.

Bod-kyi-bedasprod-pa-i-gshung-sum-chu -

pa-dang rtags-kyi-ajug-pa-nyung-ngu —

tshig-gis-go-sla-bar-bkral-ba legs-bshadi

snang-ba-dampa-shes-bya-ba-bshugs-so, a

Tibetan work, 139.

Index.

v

Bodo, group of languages and Deori

Chutiya, some connections between, 37.

Bodong-riseb, district, e. 100.

Bokhara, city, 263, 270.

Bon, religion, e. 86.

Bondi, city, 292.

,, a province of Rajputana, e. 59.

„ campaign against, e. 59.

Bonio Nanju, Profsr. of Sanskrit, 118.

Booneah Rajas, dynasty of the, 60.

Bordhol Dewal, temple, e. 17.

Bothenia Andreae, 274.

Bourbon, John Philip, 54.

Bourdillon, Mr. 198.

Boyer, M., 272, 273.

Bragcaupa, family, 365.

Brahmachari, Fakir, e. 17.

Brahmanda Parana, 272.

Brahmaputra, river, 58, 254.

,, river god, 259.

Brahmi inscription on the reverse of a

Nahapana coin, 228.

Brihadratha, the last Maynrya king, 180.

Brindaban, village, 201.

Bristow, Mr., British Resident at the

Court of Oudh, 188, 207.

Broach, a city on the Bombay Coast,

53, 268.

Browne, H. Ulick, Lord, 221.

Brushal, a village near Gilgit, 365.

Brushalpa, Pha-spunship, 364.

Bsod-nams-mchhog-grub-bstan-pa-i-rgyal -

mtshan-dpal-byang-po-i-rnam-t h ar, a

. Tibetan work, 127.

Bstan-bchos-kyi-dkar-chhag-rin-po-chhe-i -

-mzod khang she-bya-ba, a Tibetan

work, 163,

Bstan-bchos-kyi-dkar-chhag-rin-po-c hhe-i-

mzod-khang-she-bya-ba, a Tibetan

work, 127. [131.

Btsun-mo-bka-i-thang , a Tibetan work,

Buddha Gaya, place, 31.

Buddha Shakhyathubpa, a short biogra¬

phy of, 174.

Buddhist Suttas, reference made to, 181.

Budh Singh, Maharao Rajah Hada of

Bondi, 291.

Budh Singh, Rao, Raja of Kotah, 298,

e. 59.

Buguda, village, copper-plate Charter

found in, 282, 283, 284.

Buller, J. C., his letter to R. Graham

Esq., 206.

Bundelkhand, province, 247.

Bunyad Singh, pr. n., 189.

Burhan-i- Mddsir , e. 2 — 12.

Burhanpur, piace, 295, 319, 320, 329.

Burn, Mr. C. S., 65, 74, 232, 244, 381.

„ ,, an abstract of the rarer Mu¬

ghal coins compiled by, 374-

375.

Buroi fortification, history of, e. 18.

„ „ marks found on stones

in the, 257.

„ „ plan of the, 256.

Buroi river, 254, 255, 259.

“ Burra-Gosai Jharoni,” a clump of trees

known as, e. 19.

Burrah Gang, place, 204, 208. |

Buxar, battle of, 181, e. 109.

Byabapa, family, 364.

Byd-ka-rana-i-rtsa-ba-swm-chhupa-d an g-

rtags-kyi-ajug-pa-guyis-kshugs-so , a Ti¬

betan work, 138.

Byang-chhub-lam-gyi - dmar-khrid thams-

chadmkhyen-par-agrod-pa-i-bde-lam-

shes-bya-ba-bshugs-so , a Tibetan work,

171.

By ang -clihub -l am gyi-rim-pa-i-akhrid-kyi

- sa-bchad , a Tibetan work, 143.

Byang-chhub-lam-gyi-rim-pa-i-akhrid-yig-

ajam pa-i-dbyuns kyi shal-lung, a Tibe¬

tan work, 172.

Byang-chhub-l am-g yi- r i m-p a-i-d mar -

khrid-thams-chad-mkhyen-par bgrod-pa-

i-bde-rims-shes-bya-ba-bshugs-so , a Ti¬

betan work, 165.

Byang-chhub-sem-dpa-i-spyod-pal ajug-pa

- bshugs-so , a Tibetan work, 170.

Byang-chhub-sems-dpa-i-spyod-pa-la-ajud

pa-i-agrel-ba-legs-par-lshad-pa-i - r g y a

mtsho shes-bya-ba bshugs-so, a Tibetan

work, 17 1.

By ang -pa-rig -azin chhen po-ngag-gi

dbang po-i-rnam-thar, a Tibetan work,

125.

Byroo Singh, pr. n., 191.

c

Cairns, Lord, 224.

Canbar, people of, 249.

Canto Babu, Dewan, 192, 205.

Canton, Chinese city, 269.

Carstairs, Mr., 116.

Cashmere, country, 260.

Catron Manonchi, 69.

Census of Tibet, e. 99 — 101.

Ceranel, Perga na, 247.

Chabelah Ram, 290.

,, Raja, Governor of Allahabad,

e. 32, e. 45, e. 48, e. 56.

Chachrauli, mint town, 79.

Chainpur Babu, 194.

Chait Shahi, Maharaja Bahadur, 184.

Chait Singh, Raja of Benares, 186,

Chakhyungtag, place, e. 85.

Chaklah Muradabad, 315.

Cakora Satakarni, pr. n., 272, 273.

Chalukya, Dynasty of Gujarat, 372.

VI

Index.

Chambabamling, place, e. 85.

Cambal, river, 288, 290.

Chatnchen, the coming Buddha, a large

image of, e. 80.

Chamchen Choije, title, e. 80.

Chamdo, place, e. 85.

Chanda Jha, a Pand.it of Mithila, e. 22.

dandesvara Thakkura, author of Vivada

Ratnakar, e. 25.

Chandi Dewal, temple, e. 17.

Chdndogya-Paddhati, e. 26.

Cand Rai, of Bikrampur, 58.

Chang- Dok, province, e. 97.

Chankya Rinpo-che, e. 92.

Chapra, tomb of J. V. H. at, 275.

Charkhia, jungle, of, 187.

Charters, Mr., 214.

Chatarsal, Bundelah, e. 59.

Chattradhari Shahi Bahadur, Raja, 194,

195.

Chavada, dynasty of Gujarat, 372.

Cha-yul, monastery, e. 100.

Chero Rajas, 247.

Cheros, an aboriginal race, 179.

Chetra, place, 191.

Cheyupore, village, 179.

Chhos-gshi-rin-po-chhe- aphrung - ba-shal -

gdams-dris-lan-skor, a Tibetan work,

160.

Chhos-kyi-rgyal-pO'Mo-bzang - chhos-kyi-

rgyal-mtshan-gyi-rnam-thar , a Tibetan

work, 124.

Chinapatan, mint, 358.

Chinsurah, the Dutch factory at, 275.

Chilman Majumdar, 114, 115.

Chim-phu-pa, district, e. 100.

Chitta Singh, Raja, 204.

Chlokha-Sum, three great provinces of

Tibet, e. 101.

Choikhorling, monastery, e. 84.

Choikhor Gyal, monastery, e. 82.

Choikyi Cholkha, the province of Bud¬

dhism, e. 99.

Choipon Deba, pr. n., e. 88.

Chopra, 80.

Chos-tse-ling, 120.

Chovo, the historical, e. 100.

Chowchukka Math Madho, village, 201.

Chronicles of Oonao, 250, 252.

„ of the Pathan Kings of Delhi,

230.

Churning, province, e. 99.

Chunar, town, 190.

Chunargarh, Fort, 191.

Chungar, the left branch of the CElenth

Mongols, e. 90.

Cuniakhalipara, a mahallah of Shahzad-

pur, 266.

Chun-Wang, title, e. 92.

Chupatpha, surname of Godadhara

Sinha, e. 17.

Chupra, Grand Durbar at, 198.

Coraman Jat, son of Bhajja, 289 — 294,

, 302, 324, 341, e. 36—37, e. 47—48.

Curarnan, Jat, settlement with, 309.

Chutiyas, people, 37.

Chuzang-Rinpo-che, the abbot of Khog-

gon, e. 92.

Chya-Yul District, e. 102.

Chyog-le Namgyal, Court, e. 88.

Chyrog-tshang-pa, monastery, e. 102.

Clans of the Roy Bareilly Districts, 250.

Cleveland, Mr. 191.

Clive, Lord, 269.

Codrington, Dr., 241, 370.

Cognomen Bahmani, origin of the, e. 1.

Coinage in Bengal, the East India Com¬

pany assumed the right' of, e. 109.

Coinage of Farrukhsiyar, 357.

Coin of Gujarat fabric, metal of, 235.

,, „ features of, 237 — 238.

,, „ form of, 235 — 236.

,, ,, legends of, 236.

,, ,, mint of, 238 — 239.

,, „ weight of, 236.

Coins of Mediaeval India, Cunningham’s,

227.

Coins of Murshidabad Mint between 1748

and 1793 A.D., e. 109—113.

Colvile, Sir James W,, 224.

Conquest of Tibet by the Tartars, e.

96—102.

Consens, H., Mr., Supdt. of the Archseo-

logical Survey of Western India, 372.

Coote, Sir Eyre, 190.

Copper Coins of Ahmadabad, Akbar’s,

e. 103—108.

Copper Currency, Local, in the Dewas

State, Central India, e. 114 — 116.

Copper temple, of the Sutias , e. 18.

Cornwallis Lord, his treaty with ‘Asafad-

daula, 78.

Coronation medal of the first king of

Oudh, 74.

Cosserat, Mr. 264.

Cowreah, place, 191.

Coxe, Captain, 189, 212.

Crawford, Major James 191.

,, , Major Moses, 190.

Oruss-Laplant, Lt., Secretary, 213.

Cullianpore Koarry, pergana, 204.

Cunningham, Captain, 370.

„ General, 64.

Currencies of Rdjputdnd by Webb, 243.

Cutumba, village, 191,

D

Da, District, e. 98.

Dacca, mint at, e. 109.

Dadhlci a saint, e. 22.

\

Index.

• •

Yll

Dadrah, village, 253.

Dahibhata, village, e, 26.

Dilamite dynasty, 2.

Dalman, pargana, 252.

Dalton, Captain, 254.

Daman, Portuguese city, 53.

Dames, Mr., 75.

DanbdTcydbali, e. 23.

Dandanayaka, title of royal favour, 284.

Dangra, district, e. 100.

Dangsi, pargana, 249.

Danishmand Khan, 290.

Dan Khang, district, e. 98.

Daorahhar, a hamlet, 252.

Daphla, country, 256.

Daphas, Mongolian tribe, 255, 258.

Dapung, monastery, e. 80, e. 86.

Dapung Talku, an Avatar, title, e. 83.

Darbar-i-Akbari, 53.

Dard customs, 366.

,, language, remnants of, 365.

„ question of West Tibet, 364.

Dar jam, district, e. 102.

Darlung, district, e. 97.

Darrung, district, 255.

Dar-ul-barat Kandi, 81.

Dar-ul-Mansur, Jodhpur, 79.

Dar-ul Musawwir, Deh, Jamalpur, 79.

Darya Khan, 57, 181.

Dasalcarma Paddhati, e. 26.

Dasavadhan, a title of Vidyapati, e. 21.

Dastur-ul-Insha, 288.

Daud Khan, 294, 295, 336, 339, e. 10.

Daud Shah, 61.

Daundia Khera, pargana, 250—252.

Davad, pr. n., e. 3.

Dawar Dad Khan, e. 32.

Dayen Khan, son of Gushi Khan, e. 87 —

88.

Dbn-ma-la-ajug-pa bshugs-so, a Tibetan

work, 174.

Dbn-ma-rtsa-ba shes-rab-Tcyi-ngag-don

bshad-pa-rin-po-chhe-i-phreng ba bshugs

so, a Tibetan work, 172.

Devaditya, grand-father Candesvara,

e. 26.

Deba of Tsang, e. 86.

Deba Simha, son of Siva Simha, e. 22.

De Huller, Dr., 275.

Delhi, arrival of Husain ‘Ali Khan at,

328—333.

,, Mint, coins of, 229.

„ named after its founder Dilu, 180.

,, progress of events at, 323—326.

Delmerick, Mr., 81, 229, 381.

Den-Wang-Tsi-Zur-Gya-Tsho, Lama, 140.

Deogarh, mint town, 80.

Deorakh, mahal, 252.

Deori-Chubiya and Bodo group of lang¬

uages, some connection between, 37.

Defabali, M.S., 178.

Despalla, district, 284.

Desrid- Governor, e. 87.

Deva Sarma, pr. n., 260.

Devendra Nath Dutta, Babu, 200.

Dewa, mahal, 253.

Dge-slong-gi bslab-bya-sags nye-bar-nikho-

aga-shig, a Tibetan work, 135.

Dhari (Dharur), 242.

Dharwar, town, 80.

Dhiresvara, son of Devaditya, e. 26 — 27.

D hoi pur, city, 290.

Dhongra Devi, 33.

Dhongra Hill, 32.

Dhongresvarl, 33,

Dhujju Singh, Babu, 192.

Dibrugnrh, district, 36, 254.

Diego-da-Coato, pr. n., 53.

Dig, place, 289.

Digambara Chatterji, translator of ,

Vivadaratnakar, e. 25.

Dighapatiya, Raiahs of, 110.

Dihli, city, 288.

,, mint, 357.

Di-khung, district, e. 98.

„ „ monastery, e. 100.

Dikhnng, district, e. 102.

Dikrang, river, 259.

Dilawar, ‘ Ali Khan, Sayyed, 351, e. 51,

e. 57 — 59.

Dilawar Jang, 325.

Dil Daler Khan, the ‘Ali Murad Khani,

321.

Dildarnagar, camp at, 190.

Dilu King, founder of the city of Delhi,

180.

Dinapore, city, 191.

Dindar Khan, 347.

Dirham Shara'i, a coin, 303.

Diwan Muhammad Khan, 61 .

Diyanat Khan (grandson of Amanat

Khan ‘ Khafi), 321, e. 30.

Do-Chung, district, e. 100.

Dogmi Lochava, a Buddhist sage, e. 95.

Doh, district, e. 100.

„ , place, e. 95.

Doh-meh = lower Doh country, e. 97.

Dok-pa = pastoral people, e. 100.

Dol-Jong, district, e. 99.

Dolma, goddess (Tara), a prayer to, 174.

Dong, a Tibetan tribe, e. 94.

Doordooreah, place, 59.

Dopeh mar-wa, district, e. 100.

Dorje Tag, monastery, e. 92.

Dost Muhammud Khan, Afghan, e. 59.

Dottor Imperbicado, 56.

Downes, Ensign, 191.

Dowson, Professor, 58.

Dpal-ldan dmag-zor-rgyal-mo-i-sgo-nas -

mom-thong -sgrub-chhul-de-i-agras-bshad

-dang bchos-pa bshugs-so , a Tibetan

work, 157.

Index .

j

• • •

Ylll

Dpal-rje-btsun-sgrol-ma-i-mtshan-brg y a -

rtsa-brgyad shes-pa-skadgnyis-gshan-sb -

yar bshugs-so, a Tibetan work, 155.

Dragchospa, family, 364.

Drang-ba-dang-nges-pa-i-don mam-par-

abyed-pa-i-bstan-bchos-bgs-bshad-sny-

ing-po bshugs-so , a Tibetan work, 177.

Dri-med-od-zer (Lama), the work and

teachings of, 158.

Dronin, Mr., 67.

Droz Simeon, 207.

Dsongkha Jong, district, e. 98.

Duffla, range of low hills, e. 16.

Du-gugang, district, e. 100.

Du-Jarric, 53, 55.

Dujjoo Singa, pr. n., 203 — 205.

Duka-pa, district, e. 98.

Dukpa, monastery, e. 100.

Durga, image of, 184.

Durgdbhakti Tarangim , e. 23, e. 27.

Dur-gchod-kyl ngag-adon agrigs-chhags-

su-bkod-pa-dur-sri-rgyan-gchod , a Tiqe-

tan work, 146.

Dnrjan Singh, son of Mansingh, 59.

Durkee, J. H., of New York, 229.

Dnrminyeg, district, e. 100.

Dus-gsum-sangs-rgyas thams-chad kyi-ngo

bor gyal ba blo-bzang grags-pa-la gsol-

adebs-pa i smon-tshig bsam-pa Ihun-gyi

-grub-pa she-bya-wa, a Tibetan work,

151.

Du-wensha, a compiler of official records

of Tibet, e. 101.

E

East India Company's coinage, E.

Thurston’s paper on, 300.

E-chan Gotan, e. 96.

Edward, Walter N., and Mann, Harold

H : — An ancient Assamese fortifica¬

tion and the legends relating thereto,

254.

Edward, W. N. — On some Archaeological

remains in Bishnath, e. 16—19.

Edwards, Mr. Thomas, 217. [54.

Egidio Anes Pereira, Yicar of Satgaon,

Ekai Kawa Gochi, Japanese monk, 118.

Ekdallah, place, 59.

Elliot, 53.

„ Sir, C. A., 250, 252.

„ Sir Charles, Lt.-Governor, 199.

Ellis, R. W., Mr., coins of, 374.

English Bazar, Thana, 233.

English in Bengal , 275.

Enriquez, pr. n., 51.

Ephthalites, a people of Tatar Origin,

368.

Erskine Jokh, his letter to Mr. Isaac

Sage, 208 — 9.

Erskine, Lt.,188, 206.

Evelyn, J., 216.

F

Faghfur, pr. n., e. 3.

Fa*Hien, Chinese traveller in India, 30.

Faizi, poet, 51.

Faiznllah, 81.

Faizul Islam, 112.

Fakhr-un-nissa, Begam, daughter of

Sadat Khan wife of Farrnkhsiyar,

359.

Farhang-i-Anjuman-Ara-i-Ndsiri , 21 .

Faridabad, place, 291, 292.

Farmaleun, Padre, 55.

Farbitun, 55.

Farm ilnn, 55.

Farrukh, pr. n., e. 3.

Farrnkhabad, mint town, 80.

Farrukhsiyar, pr. n., 290, 293, 294, 296,

299, 302, 304, 313, 314—319, 322,

324, 325, 327, 331—338, 340, 343,

346, 355, e. 109.

„ Character of, 353 — 355.

„ Children of, 360—361.

„ Coinage of, 357 — 359.

,, Death of, 348-352.

„ Length of the reign of, 356.

„ Made a prisoner and deposed,

344—348,

,, Reign of, 355.

,, Seals of, 358.

„ Style and title in life and after

death, 356.

„ Two rare coins of, 241—242.

,, Wives of, 359—360.

Farrukhsiyar, son of Aurangzeb, 240,

Farrukhsiyar’s widow made over to

Ajit Singh, e. 51.

Fasihul Islam, 112.

Fathabad, mint town, 80, 242.

Fathabad Dharur mint, coin of, 241.

Fathepur, pargana, 253.

Fateh Shahi, Raja, 181, 182, 191, 192,

205.

Father Goldie, 56,

Father Monserrat, 56.

Fath Khan, Fazil, e. 6, e. 41.

Fathpur, fort, 61, e. 51.

,, Sikri, city, 51, e. 50, e. 57, e. 58.

Fatty Shaw, Zemindar of Hosseypur,

206, 208.

Fanthome, J. F : — a forgotten city, 276.

Fatima, 58.

Fazl-i Rabbi, Khundkar, 113.

Fidse Khan, 304, 315.

Firdnsi, Persian Poet, 2.

Firishtd, e. 2 — 4.

Firoz Shah III., coin of, 373.

Index.

IX

Firuz, the elder son of Yezdegerd II,

368-369.

Firiiz ‘ All Khan, Barbah, 321.

„ „ „ Sayyad, e. 47.

„ Bakht, pr. n., e. 3.

„ Shah and Ahmad Shah, the parent¬

age of, e. 8.

„ Shah’s Lath — two pillars, 323.

Forbes, Mr., commissioner, 198.

Fortification on the Buroi, plan of the,

256.

Framji, Mr., e. 104.

Fran eke, A. H : — A language map of

West Tibet with notes, 362 — 367.

Fnlus, the (coin), e. 103 — 105.

„ types of, e. 106 — 107.

Futuhus — Saldtm, e. 6.

a

Gacha Rabkha, district, e. 98.

Gadhaiya coins, of Gujrat, 368.

,t Description of, 371 — 372.

„ ,, History of, 370 — 371.

,, ,, Periods of currency, 373,

Gadfindub, Lama, e. 88.

Gadun dftb, a later disciple of Tsong-

khapa, e. 81, 82.

„ ,, Line of hierarchs, e. 84.

Gadun Gya-tsho, Lama, e. 82, e. 83, e. 88.

Gahden, monastery of, e. 81, e. 86.

Gahdan Phodang chyogle Namgyal, e. 88.

Gahdan Thipa,the hierarch of the Yellow

Cap Church, e. 81.

Gaj Sing, first Raja of Bettiab, 225.

„ Raja, Marwars, 291.

,, of Narwar, e, 59.

Galiguda, village, 284.

Galugpa, the Yellow Cap Sect, 122.

Gandak, river, 187, 197, 260.

,, valley, 249.

Gandhara, kingdom of, 369.

Gandevi, port, 239.

Gangaitsa Lama Khar, district, e. 98.

Ganga Mohan Laskar : — the Khnrda cop¬

per plate of Madhava, king of Kalinga, i

282.

Ganga Pattal , e. 23.

Ganges, river, 245.

“ Gangrar, ” pice, e. 115.

Gangs Ijongs-kyi-yi-ge-i glogs-thabs~d a n g

bgs-shen-gyi-yi-ge , a Tibetan work,

170.

Gangu, a Brahman, e. 2.

Gangzang-tha, conntry, e. 95.

Ganjam, district, 282.

Ganjas, village, 35.

Gao-ghat, a town on the Jamnah, e. 35.

Gargaon (in the Sibsagar district), a

silver coin found in, e. 113-—114.

Garo language belongs to the Bodo

group, 37.

Gaur, ancient city, 61, 116, 233 =

Gauree Singh, pr. n., 204.

Gauri Nath Sinha, pr, n., e. 17.

Gaur Pasha, 61.

Gautamipntra, pr. n., 272.

Gaya Kasyapa, 31

Gchod-dbang mdon-bsdus-rin po-chhe-i-

phreng-ba-bshugs-so, a Tibetan work

143.

Gchod-Jcyi-bstab-pa-chha-drug , a Tibetan

work, 144.

Gchod-Jcyi-gshed adul g dug -pa-tshar- gchod,

dung-gchod-kun-gyi-don-bsdus-pa-adon-

ag rigs- shin- tu gsal-ba, a Tibetan work,

147.

Gchod-lcyi-sgo-nas ser-ba-bsrung ba-i-gdams

-pa-zab mo, a Tibetan work, 146.

Gchod lugs-chhar-abod-suyan-pa-rgyud-yi

-ger bJcod-pa-n-adon-bsgom phyag-len-

dang-bchus-pa, a Tibetan work, 145.

Gchod lugs-Tcyi-god-bchod-bshugs-so , a Ti¬

betan work, 146.

Gchod lugs-mhho-chhang-bu-brgyn-rtna-i -

pliyag-lon, a Tibetan work, 144.

Gchod-lugs phun-sum-tsliogs-pa-ime-

mchod , lhas-chhog-tu bicod pa, a Tibetan

work, 147.

Gchod-tshogs-hyi-suyen-thabs-tshog s-k y i-

bstab-pa drag-po, a Tibetan work, 144.

Gedunthnb, the first Dalai Lama, 172.

Genealogical table of Kada Rajahs of

Kotah and Bundi, e. 60-61.

Genealogy of the Hutwa Raj family, 226.

,, of the Bahmani kings, ac-

cordingljto, the Burhani-Mad -

sir, e. 14.

„ according to Firishta, e. 13.

„ compiled from various sour¬

ces, e. 15.

Geru, province, e. 100.

Ghairat Khan. Faujdar of Narnol, 297,

388, e 32, e. 35—37, e. 46, e. 48.

Ghalib Jang, 313, 325, 333.

G hazipur, district, 226

Ghazinddin Haidar, king of Awadh, 74.

,, Khan, 313, 325, 343, 344.

Ghazni, a coin of, 244.

Ghiladari, river, e. 19.

Ghivasuddin Abul Muzaffar Bahadur

Shah, Sultan, 117.

,, Balban, 66.

,, Mahmud, 381.

„ Tughlak, coin bearing the

name of, 230.

Ghrawali, town, 279 — 281.

Ghulam All Khan, e. 53, e. 55.

Gilgit, town, 364.

Girdhar Bahadur, the rebellions Gover¬

nor of Allahabad, e. 59.

X

Index.

Girindra Nath Dutt : — Further notes on

the Bhojpuri dialects

spoken in Saran, 245.

„ ,, History of the Hntwa

Raj, with some nu-

recorded events of

the administration

of Warren Hastings,

and of the Indian

Mutiny, 178.

Go = headman, e. 102.

Goa, Portuguese town, 51, 54.

Gobind Singh, Jat, e. 37.

Godadhara Siipha pr., n„, e. 17.

Gogra, river, 190, 197.

Gogra-Gangetic valley, 248.

Golapa Chandra Sarkar S'astri— trans¬

lator of Vivadratnakara, e. 25.

Golding Edward, 207, 210.

Gomiri, village, 254.

,, mouza, e. 16.

Gondhica, river, 260.

Gong, district, e. 98.

Gongmapa, family, 364.

Gongsa-nga-pachenpo, the fifth Supreme

Lama, e. 88.

Gonlung, a monastery in Amdo, e. 87.

Gonsar, district, e. 97.

Goonsar, taluk, 282.

Gopal Bari, servant of Fateh Shahi, 187

Gopalji, temple of, 199.

Gopeh jam, district, e. 102.

Goraboe, place, 59.

Gorakhpur, district, 180.

,, city, 204, 247.

Gossain Madhoram, pr. n., 201.

Govind Ram, the Government farmer of

Hnsainpur, 186, 204, 207.

Gnas-brtan-phyag-mchho d-b situ g s-s o, a

Tibetan work, 153.

Gnes-chhen-ti-se-dang mtsho m a-p ham

bchas-Jcyi-gues-yig-bskal-ldan thar-lam-

adren-pa-i-lugs-kyu-shes-byn-ba, a Tibe¬

tan work, 137.

Gnyan-chhen mtha-la-gtad-pa, a Tibetan

work, 145.

Graham, R., Mr., Collr. of Saran, his

letters dated 11-7-1805 to Thomas

(fraham, President, Board of Revenue,

204—205.

,, Thomas, Mr , 192, 203

Grambucanpa, family, 364.

Gibbs, J., Mr., 229.

Grierson, Dr., 245.

Grome, Mr., Collr. of Saran, 189, 191, 192,

204.

Grongdponpa, family, 364.

Gsang-ba blan-med-pa-i chhos-spyod lam-

khyer gyi rim-pa , a Tibetan work, 162.

Gudda, district, 263.

Guge, district, e. 99,

Gujarat Fabric, coins of 235.

Gulbarga, fort of, 2, e. 2.

Gunabhiram Barua’s Buranji, referred

to, e. 114.

Gunesvara, son of Devaditya, e. 26, 27.

Gung-khor-pa, district, e. 100.

Gnng-thang, river, e. 99.

Gurdon, P. R. T., Major, e. 114.

,, ,, The Moran language,

36—48.

Guroh-i-wahshi, tribe, 52.

Guru-padma-jung-ne, a full biography

of, 130.

Gushi Khan. e. 85 — 87.

Griiti, mint, 358.

Guzrat, province, 247.

„ mint, 357.

Gwalior, province, 247.

„ city, e. 37.

,, mint coins of, 233, 234, 242,

357.

Gya, district, e. 98.

Gya Chorten Karpo, the gate of the

great Chinese wall, e. 99,

Gya-kor = two Tagos, e. 101.

Gyalpo Mi-wang, e. 92.

Gyal-wa, Rinphche, title, e. 83.

Gyalwai Wangpo, title, e. 83.

Gvamapa, families, e. 102.

Gya-mapody, district, e. 100.

I Gyam-ring, a sub-district of Tibet, e.

102.

| Gya-ma-wa, monastery, e. 100.

rGyamthsopa, family, 364.

Gyantse, chief town, e. 86.

Gya-poi-kyi-yig-tshang = records of China

and Tibet, e. 100.

Gzuns-sa.ags-dang de-bshm-gshegs-pa-i

mtshen dJca-agyur-suying-po-sogs kha-

adon byed-rgyn zab-mo-i rigs-phyogs

gchig-tu-bkod-pa don jnyis Ihun-grub -

bshugs-so, a Tibetan work, 150.

H

Habungias, people, 37.

I Hada Rajahs of Kotah and Bondi, genea¬

logical table of, e. 60 — 61.

Hadi Sahib, 265.

Hafizabad, mint town, 79.

Hafizullah Khan, 347.

Haft Hazarl, a rank, 349.

Hague, The, city, 274.

Haidarabad, mint, 358.

Haidarabad, a Mahalla of Shahzadpnr,

‘ 266.

Haidar Quli Khan, e. 36 — 37, e. 46 e. 49.

Haig, Major W. : — Some notes on the

Bahmani dynasty, e. 1.

Haihar, Mahal, 252.

Index.

/

1

Haji Begam, step-mother of Akbar, 53.

„ Ibrahim, 54.

„ Saifullah Khan, 321.

Halliday, Fred. Jos., his letter to Maha¬

raja Chhatterdharee Sahee of Hatwa,

216—217.

Hamadan, town in Persia, 276.

Hamid Damishmand Manlana, 112.

Hamiduddin Khan ‘Alamgiri, 302.

Hamilton, Dr. Buchanan, 268.

Hamvira Deva, of Ranstambha, e. 26.

Hankesly Hall, Captain, 190.

Hannay, Captain, e. 18.

„ ' Col., 190, 254, 257.

Hanover, in Germany, 367.

Hansi (Sahibabad) mint town. 82.

Haradatta, son of Devaditya, e. 26.

Harari or Harsayar, tank of Simh’s

minister, e. 27.

Harasayar, river, 263, 268.

Hara Siiph or Hari Sinh, Raja of

Mithila, e. 25.

Hardinge, Dr., 188, 210. [211.

Harding, H., his letter to Simeon Droz,

Hardy, Major, 189.

Harington, J. H., 214

Harish Chandra, one of the Booniale

Rajas, 62.

Harjye, place, 118.

Hara Kumar Bans Tewari, pr. n., 201.

Harmati, Rani, 259

,, town on the Dikrang river, 259

Harnn-ur-Rashid of Baghdad. 11 3.

Hasan ‘ A li Khan, 289.

Hasan, the founder of the Bahmani

Dynasty, e. 1.

,, Kankn, e. 2.

,, Kankui-i-Bahmani, e. 2.

,, Khan, e. 10.

,, Yar J£han, 302.

Hasbnl hukm, 293.

‘Hashim ‘Ali Khan, Dakhini, 349.

Hasila-pir, 264.

Hasti Grama, city, 195.

Hastings, Mr., 190.

Hazrat Maulana Danishmand, 110.

,, Mu'azz-’ibn-dabal, king of Yaman

263.

Hendley, Col., 225.

Heron-Alien, Edward, Mr., English

translator of the Quatrains of Baba

Tahir, 1.

Hierarchy of the Dalai Lama (1406—

1745), e. 80-93.

,, of Sakya, e. 94 — 96.

Himmat Khan, a Burhah Sayyad, e. 30,

e. 34, e. 39, e. 42, e. 56.

Hinayana, doctrines of religion, 165. 172.

Hirabinda, king of Saurnara, 259.

Hiralal, the Diwan of Sher Afghan

Khan, Pauipati, e. 34.

xi

Ho, dialect, e. 62.

Hodal, place, 291, 292.

Hodkinson, G. I. S., Mr., manager of

Court of Wards, 201. [e. 94.

Hoichen, the god of thunder and light,

Holkha-pa, district, e. 102.

Holodhar Sarmah, e. 17.

Hordu = a nomad Tartar family, e. 101.

Hormisdas, the younger son of Yezdegerd

II, 368.

Hosha, a census commissioner of Tibet,

e. 101.

House of Worship, 51.

Hphags-pa-ajam-dpal-gyi-mtshan y ang-

dag-par-brjod-pa-skad-guyis sban sbyar

shes bya-ba bshugs-so , a Tibetan work,

173.

Hphags-pa-bzang-po-spyod-pa-i-smon-l a m

-gyi mam-par -b shad-pa kun-tu-bzang-

po-i dgongs-pa-gsal-bar-byed-pa-i-rgyan,

a Tibetan work, 167.

Hpag-shes-rab-kyi pha-r 0 t-t u-p h y i n-p a

bsdud-pa-tshigs-sv-bchad-pa bshugs-so,

a Tibetan work, 176.

Huart, Mr., 20.

Huliya, 270.

Hnmayun, Moghul Emperor, 181.

,, Shah Bahmani, e. 10.

Shah Zalim, e. 10.

., ,, ,, offspring of, e. 11.

; Huna coinage, 369 — 370.

Hunas, the, a people of Tatar origin, 368.

Husainabad, mint town, 79.

Husainpur, town, 182, 191.

,, village, 202.

Husain ‘Ali Khan, 294 — 296, 306, 316,

' 319—325, 328, 336—

339, 341, 344, 345, 349,

e. 29, e. 31, e. 38—39,

e. 43 — 45, e. 47 — 49, e.

51,54,57.

,, his arrival at Delhi, 328 — 333.

„ his campaign at Agrah, e. 44 — 45.

,, his first audience, 336 — 338.

,, his start from the Dakhin, 319 —

323.

,, marches to Wazlrabad, 333 —

336.

Husain Shah-al-Husaim, Sultan, 111.

Husenabad mint, coins of, 233.

Hushang, pr. n., e. 3

Hutwa Raj family, genealogical table

of the, 226.

,, ,, history of the, 178 — 226.

,, ,, in the Ain-i-Akbari, 225.

,, ,, table of landed property

of the, 203.

Huyupa, Lama, e. 96.

Hwan-gsze = yellow temple, e. 80.

Hwen Thsaug, Chinese traveller in

India, 30.

J

Indrx.

Xll

I

Ibadat Khana, or House of worship, 51,

54.

Ibn-i-‘Abbas, 270.

„ „ ‘Abi, 270.

,, ,, ‘Omar, 270.

Ibrahim, pr. n., e. 3.

‘Idgah, the, 298.

Ijilig, a Tartar noble, resident of Tibet,

e. 98.

Ijtihad, Akbar’s, 50.

Ilkhas Khan, 299, 322, 323, 329, 332,

333, 345.

Ikhtisas Khan, (grandson of Khan

Zaman), 321.

Ilahabad, origin of the name of the

mint town, 78.

Imad ud mulk, Nawab Bahadur, 1.

‘Inayut Bano, wife of Rafi-ud-darajat,

e. 39, e. 42.

‘Inayutullah Khan, Kashmiri, 298 — 303,

328.

India of Aurangzeb, by Babu Jadunath

Sarkar, 241.

Indraprastha, city, 180.

Irvine, Mr., 275.

,, William, Mr: — Later Mughals

(1707— 1803), 287— 361, e. 28—61.

Isa-Ishmael, 57.

Isabah, 270.

Isa Khan, account of, 57.

Isfandiyar, pr. n., e. 3.

Islamabad, mint, 77.

Islam Khan, Badakhslii, 302, 304, 331,

343, e. 36. e. 48.

Islam Shah, 42.

„ ,, Suri, coins of, 231.

„ „ „ silver coins of, 234.

Ismail ‘Adil Shah, e. 12.

Isma'il Qnli Khan, 69.

Itawa, change in the spelling of, 77.

Itawah, mint, 357.

Ftirnad Khan, 318.

„ „ Gujrati, 69.

‘Itiqad Khan, 302, 306, 308, 312—313,

315, 317—318, 322, 325, 333, 338—

340, 343, e. 30.

1‘tisam Khan, 299.

‘Iwaz Khan, deputy governor of Berar.

321, e. 36.

J

Jabalpur, city, 225.

Jabir-b-Anas, 270.

Jacob van Hoorn, pr. n., 275.

Jadopur, place, 187.

Jagat Sinha, Raja, 180.

Jahandar Shah, 290, 300.

,, ,, a rare coin of, 241.

Jahangir, the Moghul Emperor, 182, 360.

„ rare coin of, 239.

,, sword of, e 50.

,, Zodiacal coins of, 67.

j Jahangirnagar, Dhakah, mint, 357.

Jahan Murad Shah, 360.

I Jahanpanah, mint coins of, 233.

Jahan Shah, e. 57.

Jah-yul, district, e 98.

Jai Singh Sawae, Raja, 290, 292 — 294,

298, 309, e. 32, e. 34, e. 37, e.

45, e. 48, e. 58—59.

., ,, terms made with, e. 56 — 58.

Jajan, victory of, 305.

Jaiall Kabutar = Bokhara pigeons, 267.

Jalal Khan, 346, 347, e. 10.

Jalaluddin Firoz Shah, 229.

„ „ Muhammad title of Farrukh-

siyar, 356.

Jalesar, place, e. 58.

Jam = a district, e. 97.

Jamal Bakhtiyari, S. 52.

Jam-chen = district, e. 101.

Jam-chutig = a sub-district, e. 101.

James Morgan, Col., 190.

Jamnah, river, 288.

Jamshid, e. 11.

Jam-yang Choije, a disciple of Tsong-

khapa, e. 81.

Jangalbari, family, 58, 59.

Janghis Khan, his conquest of Tibet,

e. 96.

Jangyul, country, e. 98.

Jan Nisar Khan, governor of Khandesh,

320. ’

Jardine, W. E., Mr., Assistant to the

Hon’ble the Agent to the Governor-

General in Central India, e. 114.

Jarif Khan, Robber chief, 196.

Jasn Singh, a zemindar of Kalpi, e. 37.

,, „ revolt of, e. 45.

Jat. a race, 228.

,, campaign, the, 289— 294.

Jatesvara, son of Devaditya, e. 26.

Jaunpur, mint town, 79.

,, city, 226.

Jay Mall, Raja, 181.

Jazira, peninsula, 58

Jaziyah or Poll tax, 802—304.

Jetsoug khapa, reformer, 122, 142, 143

161.

Je-tsun-Dampa, hierarch, e. 85.

Je-tsun-mila-ras-pa, 132.

Je-tsun-mila-ras-pa, the life of, 129.

“ Jhang Chhub ” an appellation, 170.

Jharai, river, 182,

Jherai, river, 196.

Jhunsi, city, 74

Jilan = retinue, 335.

Jiwan Ram, father of Khushhal Cand.

355.

Index.

Xlll

Jizyah, poll-tax ou non-Mahomedans

reimposed, 299.

Jodhpnr, city, e. 58-

Jogeswar Biswas, Babu, 11.7.

Jogini, pargana, 186.

Johnston, J. M. C., Mr., e. 110.

Jomokhan, place, e. 85.

Jones, Captain, 207-

Jovo Dong-nag, e. 95.

Joypira, pr. n., 260 — 261.

Jubraj-Shahi, Maharaja Bahadur, 183,

201.

Jugginee Jangle, pargana, 208.

Julian Pereira, priest of Satgaon, 53, 54,

Junagarh, mint at, 238.

Juziya or poll tax, 302.

K

Kab-ibn-Malik, 2p7.

Kabul, province of, e. 29.

,, valley, 369.

Kabul Mahomed, Raja, 183.

Kuchwaha, caste, 292.

Kucmar, pergana, 247.

Kadcanpa, family, 365.

Kahanjara, village or mahal, 251,

Kahdag (Ka*thog) monastery, e. 92 — 93.

Kahlons = ministers, e. 92.

Kahror, Mihira Kula defeated at, 369.

Kaikaus, father of Hasan, e. 3.

Kailash, mount, 118.

Kaiqubad, pr. n., e 3.

Kaiyumars, pr. n., e. 3.

Kakrall, village, 280.

Kakuba, place, 280.

Kalacuri, or Cedi dynasty, 246.

Kalakrall, village, 277, 280—281.

Kali Das Gajdani, pr. n., 57.

Kaligaon, perganah, grant of, 115.

Kalimullab, Shah, e. 12.

Kalinjar, province of, e. 33.

Kalisaffa, place, 114.

Kalmuk Tartars of Khalkha, e. 85.

Kalpi, mint, coins of, 233, 234.

Kalsia, State, in the Panjab, 79.

Kalliena (or Kalyan), mart, 272.

Kallyaupore, pergana, 217.

,, city, 181, 226.

Kalyan Mall, Raja, 181, 182, 201, 226.

Kalyanpur Kuadi, pergana, 182, 192.

Kalyan Singh, Maharaja of Patna, 191.

Kalzang Gyatsho, e 91.

Kal-zang-Gyatsho, the seventh Dalai

Lama, the life of, 127.

Kama, place, 290.

Kambakhsh, a rare coin of, 240.

Kamrup, district, 260.

Kamwar Khan, 291, 292,294, 299, 302,

307, e. 52.

Kanagud, village, 284.

Kanauj, battle of, 181.

,, rulers of, 246.

rKanchagpa, family, 364.

Kanghi, Chinese Emperor, e. 91—92.

Kangri, mountain, e. 99.

Kangyur, 119.

Kanku (or Gangu) a Brahman astro¬

loger, e. 1.

Kans, Raja, 113.

Kapasia, thana, 59.

Katrabuh, city, 58.

Karahkah, place, e. 50.

Karamnasa, river, 190.

Kararabad, mint, coin of, 241.

Karatoya, river, 60.

Kar-gyud-pa, sect, 132.

Kariguda, village, 284.

Karma, sect, e. 83.

Karmapa, hierarchy, e. 85, e. 87.

j Karm Cand, 339.

j Karthowli, village, 202.

| Kashtwar, Rajah of, 360.

Kasi (Benares), 179.

Kasi Nath Tamuli Phukon’s Buranji,

referred to, e. 114.

I Katarbal, 59.

Katak, mint, 357

Katarmalbazu, 59.

Kataya, police outpost, 181.

Kathiawad, district, 238.

Kathmandu, 118.

Katrabuh, 58.

Kavi Kantbahar, a title of Yidyapati,

e. 22.

Kechogtai Pinchang, census commis¬

sioner of Tibet, e. 100.

Kedar Rai, of Bikrampur, 61.

Khafi Khan, 77, 289, 290, 292—294, 299,

316, 331, 343.

Kha-gangpa, district, e. 100.,

Khairabad Sarkar, 253.

Khaja Ni'matullah Tabrizi, the envoy

from the rebel Bahadur Gilani,

e. 12.

Khajooraha Tuppa Bagahi, village, 201.

Khalatse, a Dard village, 364.

Khallf (Oth.man. 268.

Khalisah, Diwan of, 299.

,, = exchequer, 328.

Khalka, hierarch, e. 85.

Kham, province, e. 85, e. 89, e. 92.

Khama Jat, e. 51.

Khambayat, city, 73.

Khamdo = female angels, e. 90.

Khams-gsum chhos-kyi-rgyal - po • tsong-

kha-pa-chlien-pos mzod-pa-i by-

ang-chhub lam-gyi rim-pci- chhen-

mo, a Tibetan work, 142.

Khanahzad Khan, Hafiz, 302, 349.

Khanbalik, the Tartar city, e. 96.

Index.

xiv

Khan Dauran, 292, 295*297, 306, 354.

Khan Danran (Khwajah A’sim), e. 43.

Khandesh, mint, 357.

Khandu Ra Dhabariyah, 321.

Khan Jahan, pr. n., 61, 289, 293, 294.

Khan Jahan, Sayyed, e. 50.

Khanjar or Kahenjar, village, 251, 252.

“ Khans,” Rajputs called, 196.

Khanwa, river, 187.

Khan Zaman Khan, 331.

Khaqan, of the Ephttalites, 368 — 369.

Kharackpnr, hills of, 191.

Kharag Dukpa, sub-district, e. 102.

Kharagpo, district, e. 100.

Khara Tata, town, e. 89.

Khari Baoli, a bitter well, 297.

Kharosthl inscription on the obverse of

a Nahapana coin, 228.

Kharwar, race, 246.

Kheali Ram, Raja, Naib of Kalyan

Singh, 191.

Khem Karan Singh, Shahi, Maharaja

Bahadur, 182, 217.

Khita Snltanpur, 66.

Khizrabad, town, 307, 314, e. 42, e. 50.

Khizr Khan, Panni (sister’s son of Daud

Khau, Pannij, 321, e. 47.

Khizrpur, town, 58.

Khon Barkyeh, e. 94.

Khondakors of Bagha, 109.

Khrolepa, family, 364.

Khrungtin, the last Taming emperor,

e. 87.

Khublai, emperor, e. 101.

Khublai Khan, the Tartar Emperor, e. 83,

e. 87, e. 96.

Khudi Munshi, 117.

Khujistah Akhtar Jahan Shah, the fourth

son of Bahadur Shah, e. 55.

Khukukhukto Lithang, place, e. 84.

Khundkar ‘Abdullah, 112.

Khurasan, the Hunas at, 368.

Khurda, in Orissa, 282, 284.

Khurhurwa, village, 201.

Khursid, pr. n., e. 3.

Khushhal Cand, e. 39.

Khusru Bagh, 78

Khwaja Anwar, 263.

Khwaja Fariduddin Ganj -i-Shakar, Prince '

of Kabul, 270—271.

Khwaja Kalan Danishmand, 263, 265, 266. !

Khwajah Muhammad Amin, Kashmiri, j

305.

Khwajah Nizamuddin Auliya, 271.

Khwaja Nur, 263, 266.

Khwaja Qutbuddin Bakhtyar Kaki, 270.

Khwaja Shah Nur, 264.

Khwajah ‘Asim, 354, e. 43.

Khwajah Qutbuddin, shrine of, e. 40.

Khwaza Shah Nur, 267.

Khwesbgi, pr. n., 297.

Khyob-bdag -akhor -lo-i-dbang -phyng dpal-

abyor-lhun-dub-Jcyi - rnam-thar, a

Tibetan work, 125.

Khyin Lotsava, pr. n., e. 95.

Khyung, district, e. 98.

Kidara Shah, 369 .

Kielhorn Dr., 282, 283.

Kiuara Sindur, 58, 59.

Kincaid, Col., 54.

Kitukahri, place, 307.

Kinderslay, Sir Richard T., 224.

King of Kashmir invaded Assam, 260.

Kirtilata, e. 23.

Klrti Pataka, e. 23.

Kittoe, Major, antiquarian, 30.

Knyvott, Mr., D. S. P., Sarau, 181.

Kobad, a son of Firuz, 369.

Koc kings of Kamrup, 60.

Kodeh, district, e 100.

Koedali, place, 299.

Kokala, a Jat freebooter, 289.

Kokaltash, pr. n., 289.

,, Khan, 306.

Kokonor, lake, e. 84. e. 86, e. 91.

Kolarian language, e. 62.

„ riddles, e. 62 — 79,

Komoleswar Dewal, temple, e. 17.

Konchog Gyalpo, Khon, e. 95.

Konchog Gyalpo, Lama, e. 96.

Kong, district, e. 97.

Kong-Jam, district, e. 102.

Kongpo, province, e 99.

Kongpo, place, e 92.

Kongoda (or Koingoda) place, 283.

Kon-jeh, son of Khon Barkey, e. 94

Kon, place, e. 50.

Kosala, (Uudh), 179.

Kosi, a halting stage, e. 50.

Kotah, city, 292.

“ Kotah ” pice, e. 115.

bKrashisbsamphelpa, 364.

Krishna Bhaban, palace of the Mahara¬

ja of Hutwa, 200.

Krishna Pratap Shahi, Sir, Maharaja

Bahadur of Alwar, 183, 193, 202.

Krtya Ghintdmani , e. 26, e. 27.

Ksaharata, dynasty, 227.

Ksatrapas, western, dynasty of, 227.

Kuadi, pergana, 249.

Kuar Singh, a hunting rebel, 197.

Kuo Bihar, Raja of, 61.

Kulmuk Mongols, e. 85, e. 86.

Kumaramatyas, title of Royal favour, 284.

Kumbharacche, part of a village, 284.

Kumbhi, malial, 252.

Kumbum, the birthplace of Tsong-

Khapa, e. 91.

,, monastery, e. 84.

Kumhrawan, pergana, 252.

Kungah Gyal-tshan, Pandit, hierarch of

S'akya, e. 96.

Index.

xv

Kun-mukhyen chhos-kyi-rgyal - po- dri-

med-od-zer-gyi-gsung-thor-bu-i-bshug

-byang-rin - po-chhe-i-suyem-shes-bya

- ba-bsliugs-so , a Tibetan work, 159.

Kun-zang-Lama, 141.

Kuraoli, place, e. 50, e. 52.

Kurtal Shahi, Maharaja Bahadur, 215.

Kurukshetra (Karnal), 179.

Knsamba, Jami Musjid at, 108, 113.

Kusambl, mauza, 116.

Kusiwara, mall as of, 181.

Knsuma Mosque, inscriptions in the, 117.

Kwan-yin, the Chinese saint, e. 89.

rKyallapa, family, 364.

Kya-nga ‘tsa (place), 129.

Kyang-thag (or Mnthag) a noose, e 94.

Kyang-thang-gang, place, e. 86.

Kya-ring Thagmeh, a demon, e, 94.

Kyisho, a district in Tibet, e. 83.

L

Lachin Beg, 298.

Lachmi Narain of Kuo’ Bihar, 61.

Ladak, place, e. 92.

Ladakhi kingdom, a language map of

the, 362—367.

Ladakhi music, scales of, 366.

Lae-lih, the leader of the Hunas, 369.

Lahore, city, 290, 315.

Lahor, mint, 357.

Lakhana Udayaditya, Raja, 369.

Lakhia, river, 58.

Lakhraj register of the Hutwa Raj, 201

Lakhnau, Sarcar, 250, 252.

Lakhnauti, conquest of, 271.

Lakshmidhar Sarmah, e. 17.

Lakshmisvara, son of Devaditya, e. 26.

Lala Shiu Das, Khatri, 305.

Lalganj, village, 252.

Lall Singh, pr. n., 204.

„ and two brothers, translation

of a petition from, 204.

Lalpur, or Bilenaria, 111.

Lai Shahbaz, 270 — 271.

Lama Shab Dung, 118.

Lament of Baba Tahir , 1.

Lam-rim- g sol- adebs lam-mchhog sgo-abyed

yon-tan-gshi-gyur-ma-ches bshugs-so, J

a Tibetan work, 175.

Lane Poole, Mr., 238.

Lan-tsha, characters, 120.

Lashkar, mahal or village, 251.

Lash Karpur, pergana, 111.

Later Mughajs (1707 — 1803), an article,

by Mr. William Irvine, e. 28 — 61.

Latoi-cha, province, e. 98.

Latoi-lho, district, e. 100.

Latoi-Lhopa, district, e. 99.

Law, Ewan, 207, 210.

Leggett, Mr., 75.

Leioton, 55.

Leon Grimon, 55.

(Le-u-bshi-pa) dkon-mchhog-gsum gyirten

-atshul, a Tibetan work, 134.

( Le-u-dang ) dam-pa chhos-kyi-byung-gnes

-gsal bar byed-pa , a Tibetan work,

134.

(Le-u-gnyis-pa) ston-pa-i-mdzed-pa-bshnd-

pa , a Tibetan work, 134.

( Le-u-gsum-pa ) bka-i-bsdu-ba-khyed-par -

du-bshad-pa, a Tibetan work, 134.

Levite, or priestly class, 37.

Lha-adre-bka-i-thang, a Tibetan work,

131.

j Lhabzang, a son of Ratnakhan, e. 91,

e. 92.

Lhag-ba-ma-padma-chhog, Lama, 135.

Lhagsam, Lama, his Tibetan Grammar,

139. [e. 102.

Lhasa, Capital city of Tibet, e. 80 — 81,

Likhanabali . e. 23.

Linguistic Survey of India, Report on,

Dr. Grierson, 245.

List of Ancient Monuments in the Patna

Division, extract from, 34.

Lithang, place, e. 85.

Little, Kusanas, the, 369.

Lob-pon-shan-ta de-wa, a Tibetan

author, 170. [149,

Lobpon-yug-pa-chen, a Tibetan poet,

Lohgarh, place, 290.

Lo Jong, district, e. 98.

Lo-pan-bka-i-thang , a Tibetan work, 132.

Lopsang Chhoe-ki Gyam-tsho, the first

Panchhen Lama, 171.

Lord Auckland,, 195.

Losal Kungah gyan Rin Theng = the volu¬

minous Census Report of Tibet, e. 101.

Lowe, Mr., 52, 280.

Lower Kham, province, e. 82.

Lozang gya-tsho, pr. n., e. 86 — 89.

Lozang Jinpa, Lama, e. 88.

Lozang Tagpa — the real name of Tsong

khapa, e. 81.

Lu = Ten Thikors, e. 101.

Lucas, Major, 192, 205.

Lucknow Museum, an abstract of the

rarer Mnghal coins in, 374 — 375.

Lung-ston-pa-am-brda-sprod-pa-i-rtsa-ba-

sum-chhu-pa-i-lhan-thabs, a Tibetan

work, 140.

Lutfabad, mint, 78.

Lutfullah Khan, 300.

,, ,, Sadiq, 321.

Lynch, Mr. 220.

M

Ma,asir-i-( Alamgiri, 289, 290, 302. [306,

Ma,dsir-ul-umarat 59, 289— 291, 299, 302,

XVI

Index.

Mac- Andrew, Major, 250.

Macdonald, Sir Anthony, Lt. Govr., 198.

Macdonell, Mr., 220.

Ma-chig-gi-chod-kyi-chha-lag , a Tibetan

work, 147.

Machlipatan Mint, coin of, 24 2.

Machn (Hoangho) river, e. 99,

Maclagan, General, 54.

,, ,, his paper on the Je¬

suit Missions to the

Emperor Akbar, 49.

Maconochie, Mr., 251.

Madain, city, 276.

Madan Singh, younger son of Sambhaji,

e. 30.

Madhal, pergana, 249.

Madhava, king of Kalinga, 282, 283

Madhavaraja, pr. n,, 283.

Madhavendra, pr. n., 283.

Madhavavarman, pr. n., 283.

Madhyamika, doctrines of religion, 164 —

165.

Magadh (South Behar), 179,

Mag-jam = districts for military purpose,

yielding revenue, e. 102.

Maha-Indrapur, town, e. 55.

Mahaldar Khan, 339.

Mahal Mandu, place, 280.

Mahamahataka Candesvara, Thakkura of

Mithila, a note on

e. 25—27.

Maharaja, Ajit Singh, 334.

,, Bahadur, a title, 182.

,, title of Royal favour, 284.

Maharani of Hutwa, charity and other

contributions of, 202.

Maharao Bhim Singh, 331, 334, 338.

Mahasamantas, title of Royal favour, 284.

Mahayana, doctrines of religion, 165,

172.

Mahdi Quli Khan, e. 53.

Mahesh Dutt Shahi, Babn, 193.

Mahesvara, god, 283.

Mahmud Khan, e. 10.

Mahmud Lodi, 181.

Mahmud, son of Hasan, e, 4.

Mahmud, Sultan of Gazni, 2.

Maisur, tributary state of, e. 31.

Maitreva, the coming Buddha, a hnge

image of, e. 80.

Majaguda, village, 284.

,, maharajas of, 179.

Majhowli, principality, 180, 184.

Majma-ul-Fusaha, 2, 17.

Majmun Shah, Takiyah of, 342.

Majulighar, bund, e. 16.

Makhduma-i-Jahan, title, e. 11.

Makhdum-i-Jahaniya, 270.

Makhdumpur, town, 111.

Makhdum Shah Daula “ Shahid ” (the

Mazars of, 263.

Makhdum Sahib “ Shahid ” (the Martyr),

263—267, 270, 271.

Makhsum Kabli, 226.

Malikah-uz-Zamani, “ Queen of the

age,” 360.

Malik Da’ud, pr. n., e. 3.

Malikpur, town, e. 57.

Mall, title of Rajas, 180.

Malwa, dynasty, 227.

„ province, 29, 279.

Malwah, province, e. 59.

„ (Ujjain) mint, 357.

Mamani, festival, 366.

Mambanos, pr. n., 272.

Mandurah or Manduriyyah, 280,

Manda Thannah, 113.

„ village, 115.

Mandavi-i-namak, the salt mai'ket, 297.

Mandeshwar, place, 319.

Mandu, a place in Siibah Malwah, 278,

322, 329, e. 29.

Mangkhar, district, e. 95, e. 99.

Mang-Yul, district, e. 99.

Ma-ni-bka-abum, 129.

Manikpur, Sarlcar, 252.

Manjhi, people of, 249.

Manjhowli, village, 35.

ManjusrI, god of wisdom, 175.

,, ,, praises to, 173.

j Manual of Musalman Numismatics , 376.

Manohar, captain of artillery, 343.

! Manohar Jat, e. 48. [e. 102.

Mansarawara, a sub-district of Tibet,

„ lake, 118, 137.

I Marahab, place, 191.

Marahmat Khan, son of Amir Khan, e. 29.

Ma Rinchen Chog, family, e. 83.

Marlathang, Sonth, a sub-district of

Tibet, e. 102.

Marlathangpa, district, e. 100.

Marpa Lotsawa, pr. n., 130.

,, ,, biography of, 132.

Marpoi-ri, hill, e. 88.

Ma,rries, Mr., his collection of coins, 76.

Masih-uz-Zaman, e. 53.

Masjid-i-Moth, 307, e. 50.

Masjid Mochiyah, place, 298.

MasTidi, pr. n., 269.

Ma'sum Kabuli, 58.

Ma'sum Khan, Safawi, 359.

Matak, place in Assam, 37.

Mathawa, story of, 248.

Mathura, town, 288.

Matrika or Mamo = nymphs, e. 95.

| Matsya (Jaipur), 179.

! Matsya Purdnam, 272. [274.

j Matthews van den Broucke of Chinsurah,

Maues, the line of, 227.

Maulavi Abdul Wali : — On the Antiquity

and Traditions of Shahzadpur,

262.

— —

Index.

XYll

Mauranwan, pargana, 252, 253.

Maurya kings of Magadh, 180.

Maxwell, Captain, 190.

Mayafee, Captain, 190.

Mayur Bhatt, ancestor of the Bagachin

Bhninhars and Bisen Rajpnts,

180.

Mazaudaran, a Persian province, 359.

M‘Crindle : — His Ancient India by

Ptolemy , 246.

Meander, the Bactrian king of Sakala,

180.

Mecca, pilgrimage to the city of, 58.

Mediaeval coins, 65.

Medina, city, 270.

Meer Gulam Mnstapha, 213.

Meer*Jammaul, 208.

Meer Mogul, pr. n., 208.

Memorabilia, at the end of the Ain-

i-Akbari, 50.

Meru, 120.

Mesopotamia, province, 270.

Middleton, Mr., 190, 212.

Midponpa, pha-spunship, 365.

Migmar Tendnp, 121.

Mihirakula, son of Toramana, 369.

Mi-la-ras-pq-i-mgur-ma , 130.

Millett, A. F., Mr., his Settlement Report

of Sultanpnr, 250 — 252.

Mindolling, monastery, e. 92.

Mingling, a Chinese commissioner, e.

99.

Mint Lists, two recent, 376 — 381.

Mint towns of the Moghul Emperors,

84—107.

Miniich Bihr., pr. n., 3.

Mir ‘Abbas, 361.

Mir ‘Abdus-Salam Islam, Khan, Wazir to

Shah Jahan, 304.

Mir Abal, enqa, 302.

Mirza ‘Abdul Qadir Bedil, 352.

Mir ‘Azmat-ullah, Belgrami, 352.

Mir Bakhshi, 302, 320.

Mirganj Bazar, mart, 249.

Mir ‘Isa Himmat Khan, 302.

Mir Jumlah, 186, 187, 296,297, 309, 318,

e. 29.

,, exiled, 315.

„ his return to Delhi, 295 —

298.

,, his second return to Delhi,

315—318.

„ pardoned, 318 — 319.

Mir Khan ‘Alamgiri, e. 30.

Mir Malik Husain Khan Jahan, Kokal-

tash, 305.

Mir Muhammad Taqqi, 359.

Mir Mushrif, 333, 343, e. 51.

Mir Sarwar, 361.

Mir TozaTc — Chamberlain, 304.

Mirza ‘Abdul Rahim Khan, 68, 69.

3

Mirza Asghari, brother’s son of Neku-

siyar, e. 48.

,, ‘Aziz Koka, 68, 69.

,, Bahmanyar, Subahdar of Delhi,

302.

,, Ja‘far, 360.

,, Khan, 297.

„ Man’s district, 208.

,, Muhammad, pr. n., 289, 291, 293,

294, 296, 301, 302, 355.

Mirzapore, city, 190.

Mirza Rustam, 305.

“ Missionaries to the Moghul Court,” an

article in the Calcutta Review

for January 1886, 49.

Missione al Gran Magor, 54.

Mitr Sen, a Nagar Brahman, e. 34—35,

e. 47-49.

Moamaria, people, 37.

Mohesh Dutt, petition of, 213.

,, Thakur, pr. n., 225.

Mon, a royal family, 365, e. 94.

Mongolia, country, e. 84.

Monlam Chenpo, the annual prayer¬

meeting of Lhasa, e. 81, e. 83,

e. 89.

Montgomerie, the Settlement Officer of

Saran, 193.

Monthly Synchronism, table of, 71.

Monzah, a princess, e. 94.

Mora Hill Cave, 34.

Mora, lake, 32.

Moran, language, 36.

Mora Tal ka Pahar, 32.

Moses Crawford, Major, 190.

Moti Masjid, damage to the, e. 46.

Mtha-gtad me-yi-gzer-bu-shes-bya-wa, a

Tibetan work, 145.

Mu, family, e. 94.

Mu’azz, 270.

Mu’azzan Khan, a jamadar, 320.

Mu’azz-ibn-Jabal, pr. n., 269 — 271.

Mubarak, 51, 56.

,, Khan, e. 10.

Mubariz-ul-mulk, title, 309, 325.

Mudkataya Bag, 187.

Mughal Emperors, coins of, 235, 374.

„ ,, some rare coins of,

239—244.

Mughalparah, public sarae in, 342.

Muhammad, eldest son of Hasan, e. 4.

Muhammad I, the offspring of, e. 6.

Muhammad II, the offspring of, e. 7.

Muhammad IV, bin Farid, 232.

Muhammadabad, city, 226.

Muhammad Adil, three silver coins of,

235.

Muhammad Akbar, prince, e. 33.

„ Amin Khan, 296, 298, 304,

322, 326, 334, 341, 345,

e. 28, e. 38, e. 44.

xviii

Index.

Muhammad, his return from Malwa,

326—328.

,, Asghar, e. 33.

„ ‘Aziz Mirza, Maulavi, first

Talukdar of Bid, e. 9.

,, Bakhtyar, 271.

,, bin Qasim, 268.

,, bin Tughlaq, e. 1 — 2.

„ ,, ,, coins of, 66, 373.

„ ,, „ a coin struck in

memory of his

father, 230.

Muhammadi gate of the Naruala fortress,

inscription on the, e. 7.

Muhammad IGian, e. 10.

,, ,, Bangash, e. 37, e. 45.

„ Mah, 302.

,, Mu'azzam, prince, 305.

Murad Kashmiri, sudden rise

of, 304—309.

„ „ Khan, 304 — 310.

Muhammadnagar, mint town, 80.

Muhammad Rafiq, 110.

„ Riza, e. 30.

,, Sanjar, son of Daud, e. 6.

„ Shah, 360, e. 55 — 56.

,, ,, rupee of, e. 113.

,, ,, Ghazi, 117.

„ Yar Khan, 302, 328, 354.

Muhkam Singh, Rajah, 291, e. 48.

Mu’imnddin Cishti, shrine of, e. 56.

„ Husain, a reputed son of

Prince Akbar, 319, 320.

Mu’innl Islam, 112.

Mu’izzuddin Jahandar Shah, prince, 306.

,, Kaikubad, 229.

Mujahid Shah, e. 5.

Mukden, capital city, e. 87.

Mukhlis Khan, 343.

Mukhtar-Khan, Subahdar of Agrah,

289.

Muktanath, temple of, 118.

Mulla, a title, 181.

Muller, C., 273..

Multan, mint, 357.

Multifat Khan, 302.

Mumbai, mint town, 81.

Muminabad, town, e. 57.

Mnndari dialect, e. 62.

Mun’im Khan, Diwanto Prince Mu’azzam,

305, 343.

Muntalcliab-ul-lubdh, 242, e. 1, e. 2, e. 4.

Muntahhabut Tawarilcli , 232, 278, e. 2.

Muradabad, chaklah, 294.

,, faujdar of, 314.

„ faujdarship of, e. 30.

Murad Bakhsh, copper coinage of, 73.

Murdhabhisikta, caste, 178.

Murid Khan, 347.

Murray’s Discoveries in Asia, 54.

Murshidabad, mint, 357.

Murshidabad, coins of, e. 109 — 111.

„ ,, town, 116.

Murshid Quli Khan, the faujdar of

Mathura, 289.

Murtaza Khan, 347.

Musa, 61.

Musa Dembu, wife of Namlha Yu-ring,

e 94.

Musafirul Islam, 112.

Mustafa-abad, mint town, 80.

Muta‘mad Khan, 305, e. 48.

Muthug (or Kyang-thug), a noose, e. 94.

Muth Madho Chowcbukka, village, 201.

Muzaffar, 226.

Muzaffar II, the last Sultan of Gujarat,

238

Muzaffargarh, district, 79.

Muzaffarul Islam, 112.

Myur-byon-smon-tshigs-thugs-rje - indren-

byed-gyo-ba-i-utpala-i phreng-ba shes-

bya-ba-bshugs-so, a Tibetan work, 158.

N

Nagarcain, town, 276 — 280.

Nagarchin, city, 279.

Nagendra Nath Gupta: — his article on

Yidyapati Thakur, e. 20.

Nagpur, mint town, 81.

Nagrlmchchenpo , 141.

Nagsonkor, capital of, e. 19.

Nag-ivang-chhos-Jci-Gya-Tsho-ya'ng-c h en-

Nyem-pa-i-de, a Tibetan work,

141.

Nag-wang-Lob-Zang-Gya-tsho, the fifth

Dalai Lama, the life of, 122.

Nag-wang Lozang Gyatsho, e. 88.

Nahan (Sirmur state), 230.

Nahapana, copper coinage of, 227.

Nahapana, the great Ksaharata Satrap,

272.

Nahar Khan, 311, 312.

„ ,, Hansawl, e. 43.

Najan-uddln ‘Ali Khan, 338, 347.

Nanfakin, an epithet of Qasim Khan,

302.

Nambanos, pr. n., 272.

Namdar, pr. n., e. 3.

Namgyaling, monastery, e. 92.

Namgyal Ta-tshang, monastery, e. 84.

„ monks of, e. 90.

Namkha Zangpo, a ruler of Tibet, e. 81.

Nam lha = heavenly gods, e. 94.

Namlha Chyiring, e. 94.

„ Waseh, e. 94.

„ Yuring, e. 94.

Nam-tsho (lake Ten grin or), e. 99.

Nanda, Jat, sons of, e. 37.

Nangso Latog-pa, district, e. 98.

Nan-tsho, province, e. 84.

Narain Singh, Raja, 191,

Index.

xix

Narasimha Gupta Baladitya, of Magadha,

369.

Narbada, river, 329.

Narelah, place, 297, 299.

Narhan, place, 226.

,, people of, 249.

Narnala, fortress in Berar, e. 7.

Nar-Narayan, 61

Nar-nol, place, 297.

Narsingpur, town, 284.

Naruguda, village, 284.

Narwar, town, 52, 292.

Nasrullanagar, mint town, 81.

Nashurna, 53.

Nasir, pr. n., e. 3.

Nasir Khan, Governor of Kabul, 326.

Nasiruddln, title of Rosban Akhtar, e. 56.

„ Khan, Irani, 322,

,, Mahmud I, coin of, 381.

„ Muhammad Shah II, e. 6.

Nasirud Dunya Wad Din, 111.

Naslr-ullah Khan, 304.

Nasrat Shah, two coins of, 233.

Nasunta, 53.

Natb Mall, son of Bbukan Mall, e. 47.

Nator, Rajas of, 110.

Navanagar state, 238.

Nawab Aullya, 345.

Nawabganj, pergana, 253.

Nawab Ghaziuddln Kban, 334.

Nawab Qudsiyab begum, e. 57.

Nawarah, a kind of boat, 316.

Naya Killab, Fort of the Hutwa Raj,

183.

Nekuslyar, pr. n., e. 32 — 35, e. 38, e. 48.

,, escape of, e. 45.

„ makes overtures, e. 38.

,, proclaimed at Agra, e. 32 — 36.

„ surrender of, e. 48 — 50.

Ne-hln, tbe abbot of, e. 82.

Nevill, H. R : — Mabals in Sarkar

Lakhnau, 250.

Ngagwang Lozang Gya-tsho, tbe Dalai

Lama, e. 86 — 87.

Ngah-Dag, territory, e. 99.

Ngab-ri, tableland, e. 92, e. 94, e. 102.

Ngab-ri-kar-sum, territory, e. 99.

Ngan-tig, place, e. 85.

Ngan-tse-thang, mountain, e. 95.

Nicbolson, R., Mr., 65.

Nijabat ‘Ali Khan, 335.

Nik Kardar, pr. n., e. 3.

Nikll Tkana, 59.

Nlh-ma, sect, e. 82.

NIsgarb, village, 251 — 252.

Nizam Shab, e. 11.

NIzamuddin, 54.

NIzamuddin Abmad, e. 2, e. 12.

NIzam-ul-mulk, 294, 314, 315, 318, e. 28,

e. 29, e. 32, e. 34, e. 45,

e. 56.

Nokes, Captain, 190.

Nolakba, mother of Daud Shah, 61.

Nool— choo, Pandit, a Tibetan grammar¬

ian, 138.

North Lakhimpur, 259.

Nowgong, town, 259.

Nah, pr. n., e. 3.

Nuralhag, bis Zabdatut Taivdrikh, 56.

Nurgal (Nurkal) mint, in Bijapur pro¬

vince, 240 — 241.

Nurhat, village, 191.

Nur Jahan, a shawl of, e. 50.

Nur Qutb-i-‘Alam, saint, 113.

Nurul ‘Arifin, 112.

Nusherwan, pr. n., 276.

Nusin, pr. n., e. 3.

Nusrat Shah, king, 113.

Nusrat Yar Khan, 292.

Nya-lam, boundary between Nepal and

Tibet, 129.

Nyang-ston-khra-tshang-p a-blo-gros-

mchhog-gi-rdo-rje-i-rnam-thar , a

Tibetan work, 126.

O

Od-gsal-rdzogs-pa-chhen-po-i-khrigs-chhod

•ta-bu-i-glu-dbyans-sa-la-ma - ma -

lus-rnyur-du-bgrod-pa-i-tsal-ldan -

mleha-lding-gshog-rlabsy a Tibe¬

tan work, 136.

GEleuth Mongols, e. 85 86.

01, a place, e. 52.

“ Old Dutch hatchments in Chinsurah

Church ,” a short note on tbe, 274.

‘Omar, Khalifa, 237.

Onkurlal Supkaran Das, banker, e. 116.

Oomatoomoni, island, e. 16.

Oonukban, a census commissioner of

Tibet, e. 101.

O-rgyen-pad-ma-jhung ne, pr. n., 151.

O-rgyen padmas mzad-pa-i bka-thang

bsdud-pa bshugs so, a Tibetan

work, 152.

Origin of the Musalmans of Bengal, 113.

P

Pabna, district, 262.

Pachlak, pergana, 217, 249.

Padma, river, 268.

Padma-Sambhava, pr. n., 130.

Padshdndmdh , 289.

Pagsam-jouzang, Tibetan history, e. 93.

Pahar Kban, 226.

Pakar dsin-pa Ye-(jes Gyatsbo, e. 91.

Pakor = meadow, 365.

Pakorapa, pha-spunship, 364.

•Palam, place, 307.

Palas, dynasty, 246.

Palden Magzor, Tibetan goddess, 157.

XX

Index ,

Pafjor Rabdan, 120.

,, Rabtan, 141.

Palwal, place, 291 — 292.

Panar, river, 60.

Panchal (Rohilkhand), 179.

Pancben Lungrig Gya-tsho of Tashil-

hunpo, e. 82.

Pancbhen Lama, of Tashi Lbnnpo

monastery, 123.

Panchen Yeges-tse, hierarch of Tashil-

hunpo, e. 82.

Pandoal factory, e. 26.

Panduah, town, 117.

Paniput, Battle of, 181.

Pankhapali, village, 202.

Paramesvara Jha, a learned Pandit of

Mithila, e. 26.

Parashara, Grhya Sutra , 199.

Pargiter, F. E., 248.

Pariar, pergana, 253.

Parmeshwar Doyal -his article on an

ancient cave and some

ancient stupas in the

district of Gaya, 30.

Par-pon, 141.

Parsram Sukul, pr. n., 201.

Partab Bar, a Bengali Portuguese, 53.

Partabgunj, pergana, 253.

Pasenadi, a contemporary of Buddha, 180.

Patkai, place, 37.

Patkuar, 62.

Patna, city, 275, 296.

„ Mint at, 79, e. 109.

Patnah ‘Azimabad mint, 295, 357.

Pa-u-tan-hu, a general, e. 97.

Pava, Mallas of, 181.

Peking, Tsongkhapa visits, e. 80.

Perdowna, Rai Sahebs of, 185.

Periplus, the name of an Andhra king in

the, 272.

Pertabgarh, place 258, 259.

Pertabghur, site of the ancient city

Pretappur, e. 18.

Peruschi, pr. n., 53.

Peshawar, city, 326.

,, mint town, 79.

Peshkhanah, Fort, 335.

Phagmoda, district, e. 98, e. 102.

Phagpa, Lama, e. 83, e. 98.

Phagpa Zangpo, a Tibetan author, 177.

„ ,, prayer of, 176.

Phalgu cave, 35.

,, river, 34.

Phanba, family, 365.

Pha*spun = father-brothers, 364.

Philips, Mr., 56.

Phobrang Marpo, the red palace, e. 89.

Phodang Marpo, palace, e. 88.

Phog-modu, monastery, e. 100.

Phola Thiji, General, e. 92.

Phuleshwari, Queen, e. 114.

Phun*tshog Namgyal, pr. n., e. 85,

Pimenta, 60.

Pingwan, mahal, 252.

Pippala tree, the, in Buddha Gya, 31 — 32.

Plots, continuation of, 298 — 302.

Po-lo-ki-pot, or Pragbodhi mountain,

31.

Ponglen, a Mug-jam, e. 102.

,, a sub-district of Tibet, *e. 102.

Ponpoiri, hill, e. 95.

Popham, 190.

Population of Tibet, e. 101.

Popular outcry against Ajit Singh,

e. 31—32.

Porbandar, State, 238.

Potajia, place, 263.

Potala, the Dalai Lama’s residence at,

120.

,, hill, 122, e. 84, e. 87.

Potala Giri, hill, e. 89.

Potala, Sho, place, 144.

Powell, Captain, 191.

Praghbodhi cave, Fa Hien’s description

of, 30, 31.

„ mountain, 31.

Prajapatisvamin, pr n., 282, 284.

Prajnapdramitd, 173.

„ commentary on, 164.

„ eight thousand stanzas

of, 169.

5, poetical rendering of,

3, 176.

j, resume of, 156.

Pramatheswari Shah, Begum, e. 114.

Prasanna Kumar Tagore, e. 27.

Pratabpur, town, 259.

,, city, the Capital of Arimutta

Raja, e. 16.

,, Raja of, 258.

Pratapa Raja, 259.

Pretapuri, monastery of, 118.

Prince Akbar, rebel son of ‘Alamgir,

320.

Prince Farochsier, 275.

Prinsep, James, 370.

Privy council judgment on the appeal

of Babu Birpratap Shahu, 223 —

225.

Progress of Events at Delhi, 323—326.

Puar, dynasty of Rajas, e. 116.

Pulindasena, pr. n., 283.

Pulunka monastery, 120.

Purang, district, e. 99.

,, monastery, e. 102.

Purbandar (Aurangzeb’s mint), e. 108—

109.

Purusa Parilcsa, e. 23, e. 27.

Purwa tashil, 252.

Pusyamitra, the general of the last

Maurya King, 180.

Putiya, Thakurs of, 110.

Index.

xxi

Pyodu*= a Tibetan Agriculturist family,

e. 101.

Pyopa = Agricultural people, e. 100.

Q

Qabulpur, 280.

Qadir Dad Khan, 346.

Qamr-ud-din Khan, 328.

Qandahar, in Afghanistan, 276.

Qasba-i-Bagha, 111.

Qasim Khan, Namakin, 302.

Qutbuddin Khan, 57.

Qutbulmulk, 294 — 302, 307 — 319, 322 —

328, 335— 346, e. 29, e. 38—

40, e. 44, e. 48, e. 54.

„ attempt to seize, 311.

„ starts with the Emperor,

from Delhi to Agra, e.'50.

R

Rab blonpa, pha-spunship, 365.

Rab-tsun-pa, monastery, e. 100.

Radeng, place, e. 84.

Radif, pr. n., 51.

RafTud-darajat, 346.

,, „ mintof, 80.

,, ,, coin of, e. 41.

„ ,, deposition and death of,

e. 40.

„ ,, (1719), events connected

with his accession,

e. 28—31.

,, „ family of, e. 42.

„ ,, reign of, e. 41.

,, „ Sayyad’s conduct to¬

wards, e. 38—40.

Rafi‘ud-daulah, e. 40.

,, „ his accession, e. 42.

,, „ illness and death of,

e. 52-54.

,, ,, length of the reign of,

e. 41.

,, ,, coins of, e. 54 — 55.

,, „ family of, e. 55.

„ ,, accession of, e 42.

Rafl'ush-shan, prince, 346, e. 42, e.52.

Raghuji Bhonsli, 185.

Raghunath Soohool, pr. n., 202.

Raghunandan Thakur, pr. n., 225.

Rai Bareli, district, 21, 251, 252.

,, silver coins of, 376.

,, settlement report of, 250 —

251.

Raja Ajit Singh, 324, 325.

„ Baidyanath of Dinajpur, 115.

„ Bakht Mall, 328, e. 30.

,, Bhim Singh, 336.

,, Bhismaka’s temple, 257.

„ Birbal, title of Mitr Sen, e. 35.

Raja Gaj Singh, Narwari, 338.

„ Jai Singh, 321, 326, 335, 341,

349.

Rajah Jai Singh Sawae, Governor of

Malwa, 304.

,, Muhkam Singh 321, 338.

,, Ratn dand, 328.

„ Sahu, Mahratta, 319, 320, 340.

„ Kans, 113,

Rajaputra, title of royal favour, 284.

Raja Ram, chief, 289.

Raj atarang ini, 246, e. 22.

Raj Bhats, hereditary bards, 181.

Rajendra Pratap Shahu Kumar, 219, 220.

,, ,, of Hutwa, 192,

202.

Rajshahi, on some Archaeological remains

in the district of, 108.

Ralph Fitch, 60.

Ralung, place, e. 100.

Ralupa, family, 364.

Ramdatta, son of Ganesvara, e. 27.

Ramba, town, 119.

Ram Bakhsh Singh,' 250.

Ramchandrapore, battle of, 184.

Ramnarayan Svami, 197.

Rampur, city, 81.

,, Boalia, city, 115.

Ranabhlta, pr. n., 283.

Rana Pratap of Udaipur, 61.

Rander, port, 239,

Rang-jung-Dorje, Lama, the life of, 135,

Rangpur district, statistical account of,

268.

Ranjit Singh, the Lion of the Panjab,

199.

Rannaq, pr. n., 51.

Ranstambha, town, e. 26.

Rao Budh Singh, 335, 336.

Rao Mardan Singh, 250.

Rapson, E. J., 229.

Rasa, district, e. 100.

Rasa-na-kor, district, e. 100.

Ratan Chand, Raja, e. 28, e. 31.

Ratan Narain, Pandit of Delhi, 229.

Rathor, Raja Bahadur, 290.

Ratnapura, capital, 259.

Ratna,Talai Khan, e. 88. > \

Ratn Cand, Raja, 299 — 301, 324, 347.

Ratul king, 178.

Ravenscroft, Mr., 205.

Rdo-rje sems-pa-i-so-so-i-mgon bsod-nams-

mchhog-ldan-bstan-pa°i - r g y a l -

mtshen-spal-bzang-po- i - r n a m -

thar , a Tibetan work, 124.

Rds-rje-i-glu-i-dlcar-chhag-legspar-bkod-pa

gsung-mgur , a Tibetan work, 162.

Rdzogs-chhen gsol-adebs-rtsa-gsum- g s ol -

adebs-bar-do-i-gdams-pa-bsugs-ba •

bchas bshugs-so , a Tibetan work,

163.

XXII

Index .

Rdzogs-chhen-pa-rang-abyung rdo-rje-i-

rnam-thar, a Tibetan work, 135.

Rdzogs-pa-chhen-po klong-chhen-suying -

thig-gisngon-agro-i khrid-yig dkun-

bzang-blama-i- shah-lung, a Tibe¬

tan work, 142.

Rdzogs-pa-chhen-po-sems-uyid - rang-grol -

skor-g sum- dang dkun byed-don-

khrid-bchas-bshugs so, a Tibetan

work, 161.

Rehatsek, Mr. 49.

Renewal of intrigues against the Say-

yads, 294 — 295.

Rennel, Major, 268.

Rennell, his map of Hindustan, 81.

Renoudat, Mr. 269.

Return of Mir Jumla to Delhi, 295 —

298.

Rgya-gar-yul-gyi-ruga-sgra i-rgyal-po de-

la sres-ajig-rten-dbang-phyug bya-

ba des shin-rje-chhos-kyi rgyal-po-la-

shu-lans las-jo-bo-thugs-rje-chhen-

po-i-dar-lchog-gi-phan-yon-shus-don-

mdor-bsdus-bshugs-so, a Tibetan

work, 153.

Rgyal-ba-guyis-pa-rje-btsun-pa-tsong-kha -

pa-chhen-po-la-thugs-rje-bskal-ba- i-

gsol-adebs-byin- rlabs - myur - ajud-

ches-bya-ba-bshugs so, a Tibetan

work, 169.

Rgyal-ba khyab-bdag-rdo , rje-a chh an g-

chhen-po-i-lam-gyi-rim-pa-gsang- ba

kun-gyi gnad-rnam-par-phye-ba , a

Tibetan work, 141.

Rgyal-brugan lag-len gnang-gi lde-u-mig,

a Tibetan work, 161.

Rgyal-gshi-khro-i-sgrab dJcyil-rin-po-chhe-

i-gter-mzod, a Tibetan work, 160.

Rgyal-po-bka-i-thang, a Tibetan work,

131.

Rgyal-po-srong-btsen sgam-po-i-bka-abum,

a Tibetan work, 129.

Rgya-nag-skag-zlog-ches-bya- ba- i - gzuns

bshugs-so , a Tibetan work, 168.

Richardson, Mr., Collr., Saran, 195.

„ R. J., his letter to E. A.

Samuells, 219.

Rigs- dang -dkyil - akhor - kun-gyi - khyab-

bdag - rdo-rje - achhung-blo-gsal-rgya-

mthsho-\grags-pa- rgyal-mtshen-dpal -

bzang-po-i-rnan-thar, a Tibetan

work, 127.

Rig Veda Samhitd, 246.

Rinchen Pung-pa, ruler of Tsang, e. 83 —

84.

Ringnode, place, e. 115.

Riydzus-Salatin , 62, 113.

RIza Bahadur, 289, 290.

Riza Kuli Khan, the Amil of Sasseram,

189.

Riza Quli Khan, 2.

Rnam-dag-bde-chhen-shing-g i - smon-lam -

rlag-a-syas-mdzad-pa-bshugs, a Ti¬

betan work, 157.

Rje-bstun-mi’la-ras-pa-i-rnam-thar, a Ti¬

betan work, 130.

Rje-bstun-sgrol-ma-i-gdung abod-bshugs-so,

a Tibetan work, 174.

Rje-rang-byung-rdo-rjes-mdzad-pa-i-gdon-

tshogs-dgn-ma-dangs-bdag-drug-sbyor-

mi-bskyod-rdo-rjes-mdzad-pa-i - gdan-

thag-gchig-ma-gchad-tshigs-bchad-ma -

dang-gnyis-gab- sprad-nas - lus - sbyin

dang-bstab-pa-bya-tshul-bltas - chhog -

udon-bsrigs-sa-bkod, a Tibetan work,

149.

Rje-tsong-kha-pa-i-rnam-thar, a Tibetan

work, 122.

Robertson, Dr. William,. 269.

Rodgers, Mr., 239.

,, C. J., 64.

,, his “ Catalogue of Lahore Mu¬

seum,” 303.

Rodolfo Acquaviva, Father, 51.

Rogier Berenaart, pr. n., 274.

Rohilkhand, province, 247-

Roshan Akhtar, prince, e. 55.

Roshan-ud-daulah Zafar Khan, e. 28.

Ross, Mr., 191. [189.

,, the Revenue Chief of Patna,

Rubshu, dialect of, 364.

Ruhullah Khan, 349, e. 58.

„ Khan III, e. 44.

Ruknabad, subah, 326.

Rupa, pr. n., 291, 294.

Rup Lai, e. 47.

„ Kayath, brother of Hiralal, e. 34.

Rustam, pr. n., e. 3.

„ Jang, title, 325.

S

Sa‘adat All Khan, Nawab of Awadh, 74.

Sabipa sNumpa, family, 364.

Sad, pr. n., e. 3.

Sa‘dabad, town, 289, e. 45, e. 58.

Sadarpur, pergana, 253.

Sadat Khan, 314, 321, 343, 344.

,, father-in-law of Shaistah

Khan, e. 30.

„ table of descent from, 359.

Sadharu, river, e. 19.

Sadhaurah, place, 81, 290.

Sadiya, a place in Assam, 254, 257.

Sadr-un-nissa, head of the harem of

Rafl-ud-dara.jat, e. 39.

Sadullah Khan. 299, 343.

„ „ Cliauk of, 344.

Safdar, pr. n., 361.

Safi Khan, e. 33, e. 36—37, e. 48.

Sage, Isaac, 207.

Sahaipur, village, 35,

Index.

xxiii

Saham, pr, n., e. 3.

Sahibah, Niswan, 306.

Sa‘id Quli Khan, Qul, 325.

Saifuddin ‘Ali Khan, 320, 339, e. 30,

Saifullah Khan, e. 28.

,, ,, Bakhshi. 343.

“Sailana” pice, e. 115.

Sailodbhava, dynasty, 282.

„ the revised genealogy of

the, 283.

Saint Milarpa, religions hymns of, 130.

Sainyabhita, pr. n., 282, 283.

„ II, 283.

Saivasarvasva-sara, e. 23.

Saiya Devi, goddess, stone image of, 183.

Saiyid Ibrahim, 58.

,, Jalaluddin Husain Bokhari, 270.

,, Tafazznl Husain Saheb, 108.

Sakala, an ancient province in Pan jab,

180.

S'aka, princes of Northern India, 227.

S'akra Sinha, father of Raja Hara Sinha,

e. 26.

S'akya, district, e. 97, e. 100.

S'akya-muni, Lord, image of, e. 100.

S'akya Ye^es, pr. n., e. 80.

S'akya Zangpo, Ponchen or Chief Gover¬

nor of Tibet proper, e. 96, e. 99,

e. 100.

Salabat Khan, 304, e. 58.

„ Sayyad, e. 44.

Salam, pr. n., e. 3.

Sa-lam-gyi-rnam-bshag theg-gsum-mdzes -

rgyen shes-bya-ba bshugs so, a Ti¬

betan work, 165,

Sale, Mr., the translator of the Quran,

276.

Salemgarh, town, 202.

Salem pore, pergana, 180,

Saliml coins, on the dates of the, 68.

Samandar Khan, e. 32, e 35, e. 48.

Samantas, title of royal favour, 284.

Sarabhall, wife of Amin-ud-Din, 289.

Samding, monastery, e. 92.

Samhowti Tewary, pr. n., 202.

Samuells, Edward Alexander, Mr., his

order on the petition of Ma¬

haraja Chattardhari Singh,

217-218.

Samoy, village, 191.

Samsamuddaulah, 298, 301, 314, 317, 318,

333, 343, e. 29.

>> Khan Dauran, 290,

e. 44.

Samudra Gupta, coins of, 65.

Sam-ye, district, e. 100.

Samye, monastery at, 130.

Sandanes pr. n., 272.

Sandares, title, 272.

Sangphu, sect, e. 83.

Sangram Shahi, Maharaja Bahadur, 201.

Sang-rgyes-shdkya'thdb-pa- i - skyes - rdbs •

sum-chu-so-bshi, a Tibetan work,

128.

Sangs-rgyes-shakya-thub-pa-i-skyes - rabs -

brgya-dang-brgyed, a Tibetan work,

129.

Sangye-Gyatsho, e. 88, e. 90 — 91.

Sani, pr. n., e. 3.

Sanjar Khan, 291, 292, e. 36.

S'ankaravarman, of Kasmir, 246.

Sauki, pr. n., folower of Kokala, 289.

Sansanl, village, 289.

Santali, dialect, e. 62.

Saptd Ratnakara, e. 25.

Sarada Charan Mitra : — His note on the

Mahamahataka Candesvara Thak-

ura of Mithila, e. 25 — 27.

Sarae Allahwirdi Khan, place, 298, 332.

336.

Sarae Badli, place, 308.

Sarae Mihr Parwar, 331, 341.

Sarae Moth, place, 332.

Sarae Satul, place, 341.

Saraganes, the elder, 272.

Saraju, river, 245.

Sarajupari Brahmins, 247.

Saran, district, 245.

Saraswati, river, 179.

Sarat Chandra Das, Rai Bahadur, 118.

,, „ his article on Tibet

under the Tartar

Emperor of China in

the 13th Century

A.D., e. 94—102.

,, ,, his article on the

hierarchy of the

Dalai Lama (1406—

1745), e. 80—93.

Sarbuland Khan, 297, 309—311, 314, 325,

326, 331, 341, e. 29.

,, ,, recalled to Court, 309—

311.

Sarein, pergana, 251 — 253.

Sarkar, Jadunath, reference to his book

“ India of Auranzeb, ” 241 — 242.

Sarkar Katrabuh, 59.

Sarma Choi, the new tenets of Dogmi,

e. 95.

Saron or Sarwan, village, 253.

Sarosi, place, 253.

Sa‘sa, pr. n., e. 3.

Saspola, in the Indus valley, 364.

Sassanian kingdom, 368.

Satag, district, e. 102.

Satanpur, village, 251.

Satarah, town, 320.

Satgaon, mint, coins of, 233 — 234.

Sati bibir Khal, 265.

Saurat ( Saurastra) country, e. 26.

Sayyad ‘Ali Khan, 351.

,, Amir IHian, 302.

f

xxiv Index.

Sayyad Amir Khan ‘Ulwi, 301.

„ Asadullah (Nawab Auliya), 321.

„ Dilawar ‘All Khan, 344.

„ Fathullah Khan, 297.

,, Ghairat Khan, 331, 335.

,, Hasan Khan, e. 37.

,, Hussain ‘All Khan, 312, 345.

„ Khan Jahan, 302, 311, 335, 345.

,, Muzaffar Khan, Khan Jahan, 292.

„ Najmuddin ‘Ali Khan, 316, 325,

335.

Sayyads, take possession of the palace,

338—341.

„ their conduct considered, 352 —

353.

Sayyad Salabat Khan, 313, 343, e. 30.

,, Shajaat Khan, 335.

,, Shaja'at-ullah Khan, 332.

Sde»bdun-gyi-dbang-clihog-lag- len - dang -

bchas-pa-chhos-srung-gi-sltor , a Tibe¬

tan work, 161.

Sde-brgyed g ser - sJcy ems-b shugs- so, a Tibe¬

tan work, 157.

Sebastian Manrique, 54, 59.

Seebdown Shaw, pr. n., 215.

Seepah, pergana, 183.

Selari, village, 183.

Seljuks, the, 2.

Sen, title of Rajahs, 180.

Sera, monastery, 118, e. 86.

Sera Theg Cheling, monastery, e. 80.

Serhnpur, a village, 251.

Sewan, station, 195.

Sgra-bsgyur-mar-'pa-lo-tsha-i-rnam - thar ,

a Tibetan work, 132.

Sgrol-ma-dkar-sugon-gyi-bstad - pa - dang-

gzungs-bchas-bshugs-so, a Tibetan

work, 156.

SgrOl-ma-mandal-gshi-chhog dpag - bsam -

suye-ma-shes-bya-ba-bsliugs-so , a Ti-

betau work, 175.

Sgrol-ma-nyer-gchig-gis-bstod - pa - gsung -

guyi-mtshen-sbyang - shes - bya-ba-

bshugs-so , a Tibetan work, 155.

Shab chn, valley, e. 95.

Shab-khar, Ngah-ri, a sub-district, of

Tibet, e. 102.

Shag, district, e. 97.

Shahabad, district, 245 — 246.

Shah ‘Abdul Wahhab, 112.

Shahabuddin Mahmud, title assumed by

Ahmad, e. 11.

„ Shah, e. 7.

„ „ offspring of, e. 11.

Shah ‘Alam (prince), 289.

,, Bahadur, 241.

„ II, the last of the Moghul

Emperors, 185.

„ Ahmad, 264.

Shahan Khan Jalair, 226.

Shah A‘zmat, 264.

Shahbaz Khan, 58, 226, 315.

Shah Bodla, 264.

„ Daula, 113.

„ Hablbnllah, 264, e. 10.

,, j> Danish, 265.

Shahi, title of Rajas, 180.

Shah-i-Zaman, title of honour, 74.

Shah Jahan, Emperor, 112, 289.

„ a sheet sprinkled with pearls

of, e. 50.

„ I, coins of, 237.

Shahjahanabad, mint, 357.

Shahjahan Sam, title of Rafinddaulah,

e. 42.

Shah Jalaluddin Bokhari, saint, 263,

,, Khengsawar, 264 — 265.

„ Madar, 265.

,, Mahmud, 264.

,, Mastan, 264.

,, Muazzam Danislimand, Maulana,

111.

„ Muhabbu‘llah, e. 10.

„ Muhammad Daula, fakeer, 110.

„ Muhammad Rafiq, 112.

„ Nawaz Khan, 353.

Shahrin pr. n., e. 3.

Shahrvar. pr. n., e. 3.

Shah Salim Cishti, tomb of, e. 58.

Shah Singh, pr. n., 204.

„ Yusuf, 264.

,, „ Darvish, 265.

Shahzadpur town, 262, 264—267, 269.

,, fourteen mahallas of, 266.

,, the mosque of, 266.

„ the Waqf estate, 266.

,, the fair of, 266.

Shahzada of Yaman, 265,

Shaikh ‘Abdul-Haq Dihlavi, 270.

„ BadYul Islam ‘Abbasi, 113.

„ Bahauddin Zakariya of Multan,

270.

,, Kamaluddin Muhammad of

Yaman, 270.

„ Muhammad Siraj-i-Junaidi, e. 2.

„ Nizamuddin Auliya of Delhi, e. 2.

„ Qutbuddin of Jaleswar, 52.

„ Salim Chishti, 77.

,, tomb of, e. 56.

Shaistah Khan, 339, e. 43.

,, his rising at Delhi, e. 43.

Saiyid Jalaluddin Bokhari, 270.

Shakkarpur, place, e. 39.

Shalihmar, garden at Agharabad, 298,

308.

Shahi, monastery, e. 102.

,, province, e. 99.

Shamsher Khan, 291, e. 36, e. 46.

Shamsuddin Kayumurs, an extremely

rare coin of, 229.

Shamsuddin Muhammad, e. 11.

„ Lashkari, offspring of, e. 11.

Index ,

XXV

Shamsuddin Tabrizi, 264 — 265.

Shamsul Islam, 112.

Shang, district, e. 102.

Shang Khang, Chenpo, governor, e. 92.

Shankara Mulhar a trusted agent of

Rajah Sahu, 321.

Sha-pho, district, e. 97.

,, jam , district, e. 102.

Sharifabad, mint coins of, 233.

Shariful Islam, 112.

Sharpa Ye<je chung, e. 96.

Shayog, valley in Tibet, 364.

Shenzi, country, e. 97.

Sherabpa, family, 364.

Shergarh mint, coins of, 233, 234.

Sherpur Mnrca, 60.

Sher-Shah, 57, 63, 181.

,, coin of, 374.

„ silver coins of, 233 — 234.

Shes-rab-kyi-pha-rol-du-phyinpa - m a n -

ngag-gibstan-bchos-mugon-par-rto g s -

pa-i-rgyen-ches-bya-ba-i - a g r e l-b u -

shugs-soy a Tibetan work, 165.

Shes-rab-kyi-pha-rol-turphyin-pa- m a n -

ngag-gi-bstan-bchos-mugon-par-rtog s -

pa-i-rgyan-ches-bya-ba-bshuqs-so, a

Tibetan work, 173.

Shes-rab-kyi-suying-po-bshugs-so, a Tibe¬

tan work, 156.

Shiahi, river, 182.

Shihab-aldin Ahmad Khan, 68.

Shihab-nddin Umar Shah, coins of, 229 —

230.

Shing = lo las, e. 101.

Shiu Das, 291, 293.

Shona dighee, 1 15.

Shon-nu-gon, a compiler of the official

records of Tibet, e. 101.

Shore, J., 216.

Shunchi, a mountain chief, e. 87.

Shung, government of De-ba, e. 89.

Shun-ti, a Mantchu chief, e. 87.

Shwa-Khog, monastery, e. 92.

Shwa-mar = red-cap, e. 81, e. 85.

Shwa-ser, the reformed Buddhist church,

e. 80.

,, Ge-lugs-pa, e. 81.

Shyakya-thub-pa, the 34 different birth

stories of, 128.

Siam, gulf of, 269.

Sibasing, pr. n., e. 17.

Sibnath Dewal, temple, e. 17.

Sidhupur, village, 250—251.

Sidi Qasim, Fulad Khan. 350.

Sidi Yasin, Khan. 350.

Sihrind, mint, 297, 357.

Sijili brothers, four, e. 94.

Sikandar KMn. e. 10.

Sikandar Lodi, Emperer of Delhi, 111.

Sikandarpur, 253.

Sikandrah, place, e. 45.

4

Sltnha, title lof Rajahs, 180. •

Simun, pr. n., e. 3. ' • • < <'•

Singli Path, 255. * J

Singli Tea estate, 255. '

Sipah, pergana, 249.

Sirajganj, sub-division, 262, 265.

Sarcar Saran, district, 190.

Sirdar Shahi, Maharaja, 184, 202.

Sirhind, town, 315.

Siris, village, 191. >

Sital Lakhia, 60.

“ Sitaman ” pice, e. 115.

Sitapur, district, 253.

Situ’ Akyi-get, a governor, e. 99.

Situs’ Grammar, 138.

Siuli, place, 308.

Siva Simh, Raja, e. 21.

Siva Singha, Shah, an Assamese Raja,

e. 114.

Sivasvati, pr. n., 272.

Siyar-ul-muta AJchMimn, 295, 350.

Skamburpa, family, 365.

Skanda Gupta, reign of, 368.

Skyes-bu-gsum-gyi-nyams-su-blang-ba - i -

byang^chhub-lam-gyi runpa, a Tibet¬

an work, 143.

8Jcyabs-gsum-gyi-phyi-sgrigsthar-adod-lcyi-

sTcye-bo-srid-shi-i-sdng-bsugal-rgya -

mtslio-i-pha-rol-du-sgrong - p a - i -

lung-rigs-rin-chhen adren-pa-i-

shing -rta-bshugs- so, a Tibetan

work, 166. * . *

Skyabs-mgon-bdun-pa-bsTcal bzang-rgya-

mtsho-i-rnam-thar, a Tibetan

work, 128.

Skyabs-mgon-bshi-pa-yon-ten-rgya - mtsho -

i-rnam-thar, a Tibetan work, 123.

Skyabs-mgon-gsum-pa-bsod-nams- r g y a -

mtsho-i-rnams-thar, a Tibetan

work, 123.

Skyabs-mgon-lna. - pa - ngag - dbang - bio -

bzang-rgya-mtsho-i-rnam-thar, a

Tibetan work, 122.

3nyan-nag-gi-bstan-bchos-me-long-s h e s -

bya-ba-bshugs-so, a Tibetan work.

149.

Snyan-ngag-me-long-ki-dka-agrel - dbyans-

chan dgyes-pa-iglu-dbyans-bshugs -

so, a Tibetan work, 149.

3nyan-ngag-me-long-ki-dka-agrel - dbyans-

chan-dgyes-pa-iglu-dbyans - bshugs -

so, a Tibetan work, 149.

Sod-nam-Gya-t8ho, the 3rd Dalai Lama,

life of, 123.

bSodrnams phelpa, family, 365.

Sog, district, e. 97.

Sog-jam district, e. 102.

Sogla-kyavo, river, e. 99. • [199.

Soka-Mudgara, a book of mournful songs,

Sdmnath of the North, epithet of (5an-

desvara, e. 25.

XXVI

Index.

Sona Bibee, 115, 1 16.

Sonam Clioiphel, Governor, e. 87.

„ Gya-tsho, title, e. 83 — 85, e. 88.

Sonargaon, town, 58, 266.

Son-ching Wen, the Grand Yamen of,

e. 98.

Soorrna. river, 63.

Sora. village, 289.

South Tanda, 62.

Spalirises, copper coins of, 228.

S region Darma, family, e. 82.

Sri Dhairyyai aja, 65.

Srid-shi-i-adren-mchhog-dur-smrig - achh-

ang-be-luga-pa-ngag-dbang-blo-bzang-

rgya mtsho-ajigs-med-go-chha -thub

bsten-larig-tsho-i-sde-i-gsung - abum -

dkar-chhag-dpyod-lden - yid - dwang-

aph> og-byed‘lha-i-rnga-gsang-s h e s -

bya-ba-b&huqs-so, a Tibetan work,

137.

S'rimadbhdgavad Gita , palm leaf MS. in

Vidyapati’s own hand¬

writing, e. 23.

Srin-mo = demon, e. 94.

Sri S&takarai, title, 272.

Sri Vi grab a, 65.

Srong-tshan-gampo, a Tibetan king, 129,

e. 88, e, 99.

Sroutsan-Gampo, castle, e. 88.

Stagabaea, of Ptolemy, 246.

Starapa, family, 365.

Steer, C,, Hon’ble Mr., and Levinge, E. P.,

Hon Mr., Judges High Court

— their judgment on the Ap¬

peal of Tilukdharee, Shashu

and others, 221 — 223.

Stubbs, F. W , Major, 230, 232.

Styria, a German district, 367.

Suba-i-Bihar, the Hindu Raja of, 263.

Subansiri, river, 259.

Sub-deacon Leo, 55.

S'ubhadatta, son of Devaditya, e. 26.

Subhanpur, place, 196.

Subonsiri, river, e. 16.

Subaid, pi*, n., e. 3.

Sujata, 31.

Suketa, a city in Kosala, 180.

Sukul, Parsram, pr. n., 201.

Sulaiman, pr. n , 117.

Sulalman Beg, e. 47.

„ Karariina, 57.

, , Khan, 57.

Sultan Firaz. Shah, e. 10.

„ Ghiyiisuddin Muhammad, e. 7.

,, Humayun, e 7.

„ Husain-ul-Husaini, 109.

,, Ibrahim Sharqi of Jaunpur, 113.

,, Muhammad Ghazi. 114.

Sultan Mnrad Bakhsh. 69.

Sultanpur, 66.

Sultans of Delhi, coins of, 66, 229, 373.

Sultan Shamsuddin Daud, e. 7.

Sumatra, island, 269.

Sum-chhu-pa-i~snyivg-‘po~bshugs-80t

Tibetan work, 140.

Sumi Thaiji, pr., e. 85.

Sundara Satakarna, title, 272 — 273.

Sunga king, 180.

Sfurasena ( Mathnra), 179.

Surastra, dynasty, 227.

Surat, city, 51, 239.

„ mint, 357.

Suri dynasty of Delhi Sultans, 233.

Sutias, copper temple of the, e. 18.

Svalikarna, title, 272.

Svayambhu character of Magadha, 120.

Syed Ali Bilgrami, editor and translator

of the Quatrains of Baba Tahir, 1.

Syed Golam Mustofa Khann, translation

of the petition of, 209.

,, Jammul Mahomed of Bokhara, 209.

„ Mahomed, the faujdar of Gorakh¬

pur, 188.

„ Mohammad Khail, 211.

Syria (Sham), 270.

T

Talaqat-i-Akbari, e. 2, e. 4, e. 5.

„ of Nizam-ud'dln, 51.

Tab Barsa, 53.

Tago = 50 Hordus (families), e. 101.

Tahavar Khan, e. 58.

„ Tnrani, e. 44.

„ WalA Shahi. 349.

Taitu ( Peking) Chinese capital, e. 98,

e. 101.

Taj Khan, 57.

Ta-Kan-Sri, title, e. 85, e. 87.

Talab Keta Nath, e. 58.

Talai Khan e. 88.

Tale Lama, title, e. 83.

,, Vajradhara, e. 84.

Tama, a princess - f the Naga, e. 94.

Tama Thang-pa, sub-district, e, 102.

Tamen, a general, e. 96, 97.

Ta Ming, dynasty, e. 80, e. 87.

Tanag, place, e. 82.

Tanak Khan, 302.

Tancohi, town, 183.

Tanda, 58.

Tang, dynasty, e. 97.

“ Taugkas ” = The Tibetan standard

silver coin, 120.

Tanka, the (coin), e. 5 05

„ types of, e. 107.

Tank!, the (coin) e. 105 — 106.

„ types of, e. 107.

Tanjor, tributary state of, e. 31.

Tanslqul Islam, 112.

Tantipara Masjid, 113.

Tanzing Choi-Gyal, e. 86.

Index.

xxvii

Taolung, place, e. 95.

Tara, goddess, 108 names of, 154.

Taraoni or Taruban village, e. 23.

Tara Singhaur, village, 250, 251, 252.

Targaon, village, 251.

Tarikk-t-Mhdi, 302.

Tdrilch-t-Muhaminadi , 302, e. 40.

Tarkhan, title, 318.

Tarsan Khan, 58.

Tartar Chinghis, e. 96.

Tasdiqu-n-Nthdd , 113.

Tashi-Lunpo, city, 119.

„ foundation of the grand

monastery of, e. 81.

Tashi Rabdan, e. 84.

Tathagata, 31.

„ (Baddha), 155.

Tathagatas, various names of, 150.

Tattah, mint, 357.

Tavares, Pietro, Portuguese Captain, 53,

54.

Ta-Yen, dynasty, e. 87.

Taylor, Dr., 60.

„ Geo. P.. 239, 373, 381, e. 109.

Tazltiratul-Muluk, e. 2, e. 4, e. 8,

Te-lo-na-ro-gnyis-dang-mar-pa-lo - t s ha -

dang-rje-btsun-mi-la ras-pa-dang-dvags •

po-lha-rje-rnams-sdus-pa-i-rnam - thar,

a Tibetan work, 133.

Temple, Sir Richard, Lt. Governor, 198.

Tengeling, monastery, 120.

Tengrinor, lake, e. 99.

Tezpur, city, e. 18.

Tha-gu-Anugan, Census Commissioner of

Tibet, e. 100.

Thaijung (Tai-tsung) Emperor, e. 97.

Thakurs of Putiya, 110.

Thakwan Themur, the last Emperor of

the Yen or Tartar dynasty,

e 100.

Thams-chad-mkhyen-pa-chhos - ab y in s -

rang-grol-gyi-rnctm-thar, a Tibe¬

tan work, 126.

Thana, city on the Bombay Coast, 268.

Thanawala, Framjee Jamasjee, of Bom¬

bay, 239.

Thangpa, district, e. 100.

Thangpochi, monastery, e 100.

Thang-tsha, district, e. 100.

Thaway, an old fortress, 184.

Thikor = a province, e. 97.

„ *= ten tong-kor, e. 101.

I hipon =■ a provincial governor, e. 97.

Thi-srong-den-tsan, king of Tibet, e. 95.

Thog-cham Oorma, the daughter of Hoi-

chen, e. 94.

Thog-tsha Paotag, e. 94.

Thom Darang, district, e. 97.

Thompson, R., Mr., 221.

Thong-ji, a Tartar title of distinction,

e. 98.

Thorana, district, 282, 284.

Tbumed Mongolia, province, e. 83.

Thumi Sambhota, Tibetan Minister, 129.

„ „ Tibetan Grammar, 138.

Thun, place, 291, 292, 294

Thurston, E : — His paper on the East

India Company’s Coinage,.

300.

Tibetan Books brought from Lhasha,

list of, 118.

Tickell, Mr., e. 62.

Tiefen thaler, 59.

Tilakdhari Rajas, title, 184.

,, Shahi, Babu, 197.

Tilchen, district, e. 99.

Tilghman, R. W., 213, 214, 216.

Tingdzinpa, family, 365.

Tlnleh Gya-tsho, Lama, e. ,87.

Tirol, a German district, 367.

Tirpoliy a = triple gate, e. 46.

Titles of Roshan Akhtar. e. 56.

Todah Tank, pergana, e. 37, e. 57.

Today mall, Raja, the great financier of

Akbar, 182.

Tog, district, e. 97.

Toilftng, place, e. 83.

Toke, city, 58.

Tornolung, district, e. 100.

Tong-Kor = ten Gya-Kor , e. 101.

Toragal, 241.

Toramana, son of Lae-lih, 369.

Transcript of the copper-plate charters

of Khurda, 284 — 286.

Transoxiana, province, 270.

Trichinopoly, tributary state of, e. 31.

Tsa-du = a revenue-paying settled family

of Tibet, e, 101. [e. 94..

Tsan-cham Mon, a Himalayan princess,

Tsang, province of Tibet, e. 81, e. 82,

'i e. 92, e 95, e. 102.

r, ,,v divided into districts, e. 97.

Tsangpa, district, e. 99.

T^angpo, valley, e. 92.

Tsan-pu, river (Brahmaputra), 268.

Tshab-eha, place, e. 84.

Tshad-ma-i-gshung-don-abyed-pa-i-bsdus -

grva-i-rnam-bshag-rigs-lam-aphu l -

gyi-lde-mig, a Tibetan work, 167.

Tshalpa, district, e. 98.

,, Lamas, e. 100.

Tshal-pai Retsa, district, e. 102.

Tshalpa Zung Khur, district, e. 102.

Tshang-Yung-Gya-tsho, the Sixth Dalai

Lama, 154, e. 89, e. 91.

Tshans-dbyangs-rgya-mtsho-i-rnam-t h a r-

suynn-agrugs-Jcyis-bJcod-pa-c he s -

bya-ba-bshugs-so, a Tibetan work,

154.

Tsha rong, town, 118.

Tshe-Wang Rabdan, leader of the Chuu-

gar, e. 90 — 92.

Index.

xxviii

Tshog-choi, the congregational service,

e. 89.

Tsho-ma-pham, lake, 137.

Tshong-din, monastery, e. 102.

„ district, e. 97, e. 100.

Tshorpu, town, e. 85.

Tshul-thim-Gyatsho (Lama) a Tibetan

author, 170.

Tshurphu, monastery, e. 92.

Tsi-mar, district, e. 97, e. 102.

Tsong-kha-pa, king, 168, e. 89.

,, founder of the Yellow school,

e. 80, e. 81.

Tsongkha, the birth place of Lozang

Tagpa, e. 81.

Tuguganj, sub-district, e. 102.

Tulpai De, palace of, e. 96.

Turkaha, village, 183.

Tuzak-i-Jdhangirl , extract from the, 68.

u

U, a province of Tibet, e. 82, e. 84, e. 92,

e. 100.

,, province divided into district, e. 97.

Uchh, place, 270.

Udyana, place north of Peshawar, 130.

Ugra Pratap Shahi, Maharaj Kumar, 197.

Ujjain, town, 319, 322, 329, e. 56.

‘Ulwi Khan, physician, e. 53.

Uma Dewal temple, e. 17.

Uma mai, temple of, e. 17.

Unao, district, 250, 252, 253.

Unchganw, village, 250 — 252.

Uparika, title of royal favour, 284.

Upper Tsang annexed, e. 86.

Urdu-i-Zafarqarin , 67.

Urga, city, e. 85.

Urgyan, the land of, 130.

TJrgyan-gu-ru-'pad-ma^abyung-gnes - Jt y i -

rnam-thar-rgyas-pa-bshugs-so, a

Tibetan work, 130.

U-rgyan-gu-ru-padma-abyung-gnes - Jc y i -

skyes-rabs-pad-ma-bJca-i-thang, a

Tibetan work, 131.

Utai-Shan, place, e. 97.

V

Vagheta, dynasty of Gujarat, 372.

Vaidurya Karpo, a valuable work on as¬

tronomy, etc., e. 89.

Vai Ser-choijung, the history of the rise

of the Yellow Church, e. 89.

Yajradhara, Tale Lama, e. 84.

Vajrasana, the supposed centre of the

Earth, 31.

Vajrasan Vihara of Ylradeva, the ruins

of, 370.

Yalentyn, pr. n., 274.

Valiullah, son of Shahabuddin Mahmud

Shah, e. 11.

Valsad, port, 239.

Van Lome, Mr., 275.

Vans Kennedy, 49.

Vasco-de Gama, 269.

Vasisthiputra Vilivayakura, 273.

Vdyu Purana, 372.

Vazir Khan, 226.

Yideha (north Behar), 179.

,, Kingdom, identification of, 248.

VIdudabha, the Kosala king, 179.

Vidyapati Thakkura, the great bard of

Mithila, e. 27. [24.

Yidyapati Thakur, an article on, e. 20 —

Vijaynagar, Kaja of, an expedition

against, e. 5.

Vincent Smith, 273.

Vires vara, eldest son of Devaditya, e. 26.

Viresvara, Thakkura, father of dandes-

vara Thakkur, e. 25.

Virsarwara, tank of Viresvara, e. 26.

Yisai, village, e. 26.

Visaibar Brahmans, e. 26.

V fnu Purana, 272.

Visnuvafdhana of Malwa, 369.

Visvanath place, 259.

„ temple, e. 17.

„ or Bishnath, a town in Assam

valley, e. 16.

VIsvapati, title of royal favour, 284.

Viswagiri Porbot, hill, e. 16.

Vivada Ghintamdni , e. 25.

Vivada Batnakar, e. 25, e. 27.

Vost, Major, 79,

„ W., Mr., 232, 244.

w

Wagner, Paul Kev. : — Some Kolarian

riddles current among the

Mundaries in Chota-Nagpur,

e. 62—79.

Wakalat Khan, title, 305.

Wala Shahis, 291.

Walsh, E. H. C. : — A list of the Tibetan

books brought from Lhasa by the

Japanese monk, Mr. Ekai Kawa

Gochi, 118.

Wang-Chug-ma = the 28 goddesses, e. 95.

Waqiat-i-Jahangiri, 70.

Warangal, 66.

Washi-lago, district, e. 100.

Wass, season of Varsa, 31.

Wazlrabad, Husain ‘All Khan marches

to, 333—336.

Westmacott, Captain, e. 18.

Whiteway, Mr., 53.

Williams, Captain, 190.

Willem Andries a Dutch Assistant of

Chinsura, 274.

Index .

XXIX

Williams, Sir Edward Vaughan, 224.

Wilson, C. R. : — On the names hitherto

unidentified in four Dutch Monu¬

mental inscriptions, 274.

,, : — Proposed identification of the

name of an Andhra king in the

Periplus, 272.

Wilson, H. H., 49.

Wise, Dr., 57.

Wolff, Dr., Bishop of Agra, 54.

Woodburn, Sir John, Lieut. -Govr., 202.

Wright, H. N., Mr., 232, 243, e. 109,

e. 113—114.

Y

Yabnm Silema, wife of Kya-ring, Thag-

meh, e. 94.

Yah, district, e. 98.

Yahlung, place, e. 95.

Yahrn, district, e. 100.

Yrahya Khan, 301, 324, e. 10.

Yah-Zung, district, e. 102.

Yaman, province in Arabia, 263, 270.

Yamdok, district, e. 98.

,, monastery, e. 102.

,, (Lake Pnlti district), e. 99.

Yamen of Perking, e. 101.

Yaminuddaulah, 302.

Ya-pang-kye, pr. n., e. 94.

Yarkand, 55.

Yar Muhammad, pr. n., 288.

Yarsreb, a sub-district of Tibet, e. 102.

Yasobhita, pr. n., 283.

Yasobhita, II, 283.

Yasodharma, a feudatory of Kara Sinha

Gupta, Baladitya of Magadha, 369.

Yazang-pa, monastery, e. 100.

Ye<jes Gya-tsho, an incarnate Lama, e. 90.

Ye-<jes Zang, hierarch of Gahdan, e. 82. •

Yen, dynasty, e. 100.

Yezdegerd II, 368.

Young, Wm,, 207, 210.

Yontan Gya-tsho, hierarch of Tsang,

e. 82.

„ „ Lama, e. 85, e. 88.

„ „ fourth Dalai Lama.

Life of, 123.

Yudhisthira, the hero of Mahabharata,

180.

Tul-gangs-chan-gyi-sJcad-kyis-brda-sprod -

pa-i-bsten-bchos-sum-chu - p a - d a n g

rtags-kyi ajug-pa-i-rnam-shad-mkhas-

mchhog-situ-i-shal’lung , a Tibetan

work, 139.

Yung-ho-kung, the monastery of, e. 80.

Yunglo, the third Emperor of the Ta¬

ming dynasty, e. 80.

Ynng-ting, Emperor, e. 92.

Yusuf Shah, 265.

Yusufshahi, pargana, 265, 271.

z

Zab-mo-stong-pa-nyid-kyi-de kho-ma-nyid-

rab-tu-gsal-bar-byed-pa-i-bsten-bchos-

skal-bzang-mig-abyed-ches-by a - b a -

bshugs-so, a Tibetan work, 164.

Zag-med-gsur-bsugo-i-akhrid-yig-su g o n -

med-bgs-bshad-mthong-ba-don-l d ■ a n-

shes-bya-ba-bshugs-so, a Tibetan

work, 171.

Zain-ul-bilad, mint town, 80.

Zakarlya Khan, 341.

Zam-du-gun Wen-hu, a title of distinc¬

tion, e. 99.

Zangskhar, dialect of, 364.

Zar-i-Ja'fari, ydni siwanih-i-'n&mri-i-Mir

Ja‘far, 361.

Zatali, poetical title, 360.

Ziauddin Khan, Diwan of the Dakhin,

321.

Zibun Nisa, 111.

Zodiacal coins of Jahangir, 67.

Zubdatut Taivdrikh, of Nuralhuq, 56.

JOURNAL.

OP THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL

Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

NO. 1.— 1904.

The Quatrains of Baba Tahir % edited and translated by

Syed Ali Bilgrami.

Mr. Edward Heron-Alien lias published an English translation of

the Quatrains of Baba Tahir, under the title of “ The Lament of Baba

Tahir.” The translation is a very creditable performance, without

doubt. But, I am afraid, his version of the text is not always correct,

nor are all the sixty-two Quatrains he has put together Baba Tahir’s.

Those numbering 15, 34, and 56 in Mr. Allen’s book tear unmistakable

evidence of having been written by someone else. The style, metre, and

language employed in no way resemble Baba Tahir’s. As for the

inaccuracies of the text, I have thought it fit to correct them aud

give a prose translation, adhering as far as possible to Mr. Allen’s

words. Indeed at one time I had an idea of issuing a new edition of

the Quatrains myself. But the advice of my learned friend, the

Hon’ble Nawab Imad-ud-Mulk, Bahadur, whom I consulted on the

matter, has prevailed with me so far, that I have decided to restrict

myself to the less pretentious task of revising Mr. Allen’s translation

in the way I have indicated. And I trust that my work will be found

useful by the students of Persian Literature.

Before proceeding, however, to point out, and correct the inaccur¬

acies in the text of the Quatrains, as given by Mr. Allen, I should like

to say a few words about the date of Baba Tahir’s birth.

J. I. I

%

2 Bil grand — Quatrains of Taba Tahir . [No. 1.

T71 his introduction to “ The Lament of Baba Tahir,” Mr. Allen

gives 410 A.H. as the date of the Baba’s death. Riza Quli Khan in

his volume of “The Majma-ul-Fusaha ” gives the same date, and consi¬

ders the Baba to be a contemporary of the Dailamite Dynasty. I quite

agree with Riza Quli Khan in that opinion, as the Dailamites reigned

between 3*21 and 487 A.H. corresponding to 933 and 1094 of the Chris¬

tian era. The Seljuks began their reign from the time of Mas‘ud (1031

Christian era), the grandson of Mahmud of Ghazni. That Baba Tahir

lived before Firdusi, Ansuri, and others, there exists no manner

doubt, as these were the poets of the court of Mahmud, and Mahmud

was before the Seljuks came into power. The Baba must therefore

have died about 410 A.H. because, in the first place, his Quatrain

No. 29 he tells us that he was born in 326 A.H., and, next, he died, from

all accounts, a very old man. According to the Abjad system of chrono-

graphy, letters have numerical values ; and it is well known that this

fact is taken advantage of by oriental writers to denote events. And

this is exactly what Baba Tahir has done in the quatrain above referred

to which runs as folows : —

Ljjiojb &S y*>

(♦L* oil j* ait • jjf ji aij ^

Letters have two kinds of values, the Zabar “ written,” i.e ., the

value of the letter itself, and the oluj Baiyyinat, i.e., the value of the

other letters, besides the Zabar which give the spelling of the name of

the letter, and both put together are called Zabar and Baiyyinat . For

instance l(OI|) Alif has its own value as one , and this is called the Zabar

of alif ; but the name of the letter is pronounced OJ| alif , therefore the

letters <J Zam and sA fa are the Baiyyinats of | that is I (oil) has two

values, the Zabar of OI| alif is f = 1 ; and the Baiyyinat of cA)f are J lam

and o fa = 30 + 80 = 110 ; and the Zabar and Baiyyinat together will give

the value of OI| as 111. So the letter I while generally standing for one,

may sometimes stand for 1 + J + o = 1 1 30 4 80= 111. Now let us apply

both these methods of valuation, so to say, to the fourth line of the

quatrain quoted above. The poet says “ I am the Alif Icadd who has

come in Alf.” According to the Zubur method, adding the values of

the letters composing OI| alif Icadd and OI| alif together we get the

following result : —

1 = 1; J=30; 0 = 80; <3 = 100; * = 4;

» = 1; J = 30; 0 = 80

Summing them up we have 1+30 + 80 1100 + 4+1430 + 80 = 32 and

this 26 is the year of the poet’s birth. Sometimes an Arabic word

3

1904.] Bilgrami — Quatrains of Baba Tahir.

is used but the value of its Persian equivalent is taken. As for in¬

stance, in the very first line of this quatrain where the Poet says

fox! c/fj* J am that bahr (the sea), meaning darya ; now the

wrord darya is Persian for jsd and the numerical values of tbe letters

of darya add up to 215, i.e., i = 4 ; j = 200 ; <^ = JO and 1 = 1, bp = 215.

The numerical values of the letters of his own name jMk Tahir also

number up to 215, so that when he says he is the sea, bp darya he means

Tahir. Similarly, the word Alf, a thousand, is Arabic for the

Persian j])& hazar. If we take the values of the letters of according

to the second system, that is the Zahar and the Baiyyinat together, the

result is as follows : —

u> = 6; f) = S; uJ| = lll; |j = 201, total 326, the same

figure. He says he is the js^- or bp = (215 ) Tahir numerically;

so again the words ^ oJ| give the same number according to

Zahar ; —

1 = 1; J = 30; o = 80; <3 = 100; «> = 4;

total 215. Here lie says he is the f.e., Tahir. Prom the

preceding statement it will be seen that his date of birth, as given by

himself, is 326 A,H. and the fourth line of Quatrain No. 29 is the

chronogram of his birth. ’ \

1.

1. Happy are they who always see thy face.

2. Who talk with thee, and sit with thee.

3. If I have no leg to come to see thee.

4. I will go and see those who see thee.

There is no such word as for ejbo). We have the word

the contraction of and the line has been correctly given now as

<^ yf.j &JJ &£ <jlif

2.

1. Without thee, I pray to God, may rose never grow in the

garden.

2. If it do grow, may none ever smell it.

3. Without thee, should the heart ever open its lips to laugh.

4. May its cheeks never be cleansed of its heart’s blood.

The expression c-^b literally means u 0 Lord,” but is sometimes used

as a prayer and is not directly addressed to God; sometimes it ex¬

presses wonder and astonishment. The Quatrain is addressed to the

Poet’s beloved, and not to God, as it is obvious that nothing will grow

without God. The second line supports this, as here the poet says, “ if

it do grow.” Cf, the word wjb in Quatrain No. 57, line 4th,: where it is

similarly used. Prom the note on page 67, it appears that the transla*

4

Bilgrami — Quatrains of Baba Tahir. [No. 1.

tor lias taken the word as the dialectal form of btesei and has

translated it as such. But it is not so, the idiom «-aJ means

to open the lips to smile or laugh.

3.

The translation of this Quatrain read with the footnotes is quite

correct, and requires no comment.

4.

1. I am troubled by (the phrase) “ They said yes.”

2. I have more sins than the leaves of trees.

3. When to-morrow the readers of the book (of deeds) read their

books.

4. I, book in hand, shall hang my head.

In the 2nd line, the word mjj Id darun , is the plural of jfa a tree. It

has no connection whatsoever withjt<i dar, the gallows, nor with

darvan , an elm. The word barg should be read barg-i , i.e.y

“ leaves of.” • v

In the 3rd line fccji “ the readers of the book ” does not

mean the Recording Angels. According to the Mussulmans every

person’s deeds are recorded by the Recording Angels in a book, called

JU*f “ the book of deeds.” On the day of judgment everyone is

given his book to read his own deeds out of, in the presence of God.

Here the poet says that “ when those with clean sheets read their books,

I, being a sinful person, with my book in hand, shall hold my head

down.”

5.

1. Lord ! who am I, and with whom should I associate ?

2. How long should I be with lashes full of bloody tears ?

3. When all turn me awav from their doors, I come to thee.

4. And if Thou turnest me away from Thy door, to whom shall

I go ?

The word is synonymous with both j*Ab and In the

1st and 2nd lines means j*Ab; but in the 4th line it means

The word b is synonymous with su,ji bari, and jb baz , and means

“ to, ” “ return to, ” or “ turn to. ” The expression &hkjb baz hhanah sliud

means, “he returned home.” means y “towards thee,” and

u

it is not correct to take it as the dialectal form of

6.

1. In this homeless state to whom shall I go ?

2. With this houselessness to whom shall I turn ?

1904.] Bilgrami — Quatrains of Bala Tahir. 5

3. (When) all drive me away from their door, I come to Thee.

4. If Thon turn me away from Thy door to whom shall I go ?

In the text, the 3rd line begins with ham, but it should be

hamam, otherwise the metre will be injured. It will be observed ~ here

that the word jJ and in respectively mean “to,” “toward,”

and fyi* “to go,” which has been alluded to in the note on Quatrain

No. 5.

7.

1. If Thou killest us miserably, whom fearest Thou ?

2. And if Thou drivest (us) with despair whom fearest Thou ?

3. I, with this half a heart fear none.

4. Thou (who) possessest a heart as large as the two worlds whom

fearest Thou ?

In the 4th line j£> or even Ji> translated into English

would mean “ a world of hearts ” or “ a world full of hearts.” In the

2nd line gar is better than jt ar , since there is no necessity for

using this form.

8.

1. If we are the drunkard of drunkards, we are Thine.

2. And if we are helpless, we are Thine (we belong to Thee).

3. Whether we be Guebres, Christians or Muslims,

4. In whatsoever religion we be, we belong to Thee.

The words mastan-i-masb is similar to the form -

i.e., drunkard of drunkards, or arch-drunkard or arch-tippler.

The word Jf is another plural form of and is not

the dialectal form of cjUj| faith, which is an Arabic word. The poet

means that whatever we are, drunkards or indigent and helpless, we

belong to Thee. This word has been misunderstood, hence the

error. Observe that the grammatical construction also becomes faulty,

by adopting the translator’s reading.

9.

1. He who has suffered grief knows the tune of lamentation,

2. (Just as) the crucible knows (detects) the value of pure gold.

3. Come ye heart-burnt that we may lament together,

4. For the heart-burnt knows the worth of the heart-burnt.

The word biita means a crucible, as has rightly been translated ;

but in the translator’s remark regarding the elimination of the £ in

a'i^t AJjj fy** it should be observed that in no £ has been eliminat¬

ed ; in and it has. The word puta, means a bag of

6 Bilgrami — Quatrains of Baba Tahir. [No. 1.

money, but it is not applicable here. It also means a place where money

is kept, a treasury.

10.

1. A garden the branches of whose trees hang out,

2. Its gardener is ever in bitter grief (always lias a bleeding heart).

3. It (the tree) should be plucked out root and all,

4. Even though its fruit be rubies and pearls.

I cannot understand why “ the intention of this quatrain com¬

pletely baffles Mr. Heron- Allen.” The meaning is very clear. The

author means that when a garden contains a tree whose branches reach

out of the garden, f.e., are beyond the vigilance of the gardener, the

gardener hns always a bleeding heart for this very reason. This alludes

to the beloved one who constantly goes out; the lover wants her all

to himself, and cannot bear to see her lavishing her charms upon others*

Hence the jealousy, and the suggestion to pluck her out (by the root)

entirely from his heart, though she be the loveliest. Instances of such

expressions of jealousy are constantly found in oriental poetry.

11.

1. 0 heart, thy path is clear of brambles and thorns,

2. Thy passage (journey) is on the heights of heaven.

3. And if thou canst, thy skin from thy body

4. Cast off, so that thy load may become light.

The word ^ in the 1st and 2nd lines but in the 4th

N

line it is equal to dyfy “ may become.”

In the 1st line read “ without, ” “clear of,” instead of “full

••

of.” I do not find any obscurity in the meaning of this Quatrain; the

translator’s remark is incomprehensible, where he says “ the meaning is

exceedingly obscure.” The poet addressiug his heart says, “ thy path is

clear of thorns and brambles, and thy road leads to the heavens ; in

attempting that flight if thou art able to cast off* thy skin do so, so that

thy burden become lightened and thy progress be still further acce¬

lerated.”

12.

1. Come, let us, the burnt in heart, gather round,

2. Converse together and exhibit our griefs

3. Let us bring scales and weigh our woes,

4. Whichsoever of us is more burnt, will weigh the heavier.

I have read the 2nd line in the way it is given in my corrected

text, as instead of The poet calls the woe-stricken

together to converse and exhibit their woes, and to weigh their griefs,

7

1904.] Bilgrami — Quatrains of Baba Tahir.

so that whoever has suffered more grief will certainly weigh heavier

than the rest.

13.

* ' -

1 . Come, 0 Ye burnt-in-heart, that we may lament,

2. Let us groan (or lament) over the absence of that lovely rose ;

3. Let us go to the rose-garden with the ecstatic nightingale,

4. And if she lament not, let us lament.

14. ' *

1. I was (like) a falcon and T went to chase (my prey),

2. When a black-eyed one struck an arrow on my wing (pierced

my wing).

3. Go, but graze not heedlessly on the mountains ;

4. He who grazes heedlessly, gets struck with an arrow unawares,

means “ black-eyed,” but never “ evil-eyed,” which is

shur cashm.

In the 4th line, the word Jilp is used in two different senses, the

first lLIp means “ careless, ” “ heedless,” the second “ unawares,” synony.

mous with Black-eyes are admired by the Orientals, hence the

application of or kuhl- Sulphide of antimony — to make them look

black. means one with a black-eye, i,e.t a beauty.

to be struck with an arrow.

16.

1. ’Tis through the mischief working of the heaven’s revolution,

2. That the eye of my wound is always full of brine (salt).

3. If the smoke of my sighs soars to heaven,

4. The flood of my tears runs down to Samak.

the eye of the wound, means the opening. When salt is

sprinkled on a wound it causes smarting and irritation. Observe the

play upon the words and ; jj£ means saltish, as well as mutiny,

rebellion', 1 a brawl from to rebel, to mutiny. The translator has

taken to mean “wounded eye” where the word is used

adjectively, but that is not correct. f A) means the eye or the open¬

ing: of the wound, the Kasra being for izafat or the possessive, and

not for Sifat, adjective. The similarity between the shape of a wound

or incision and the eye, will not escape the student’s detecting eye.

17.

1. O Lord! so afflicted am I by this heart,

2. Night and day I am in torment through this heart.

8 Bilgrami — Quatrains of Baba Tahir . [No. 1.

3. I have groaned so much that it (the heart) has killed me of

groaning.

4. Take it from me as I am weary of this heart.

In the 3rd line the word is neither Kas , nor Kushi, but

••

o-lT Kusht , the past tense of to kill. Kushi cripples the metre too.

18.

1. I, who wander in the desert night and day

2. And shed tears from my eyes night and day,

3. No fever have I, nor does any part of me acbe,

4. This only do I know that I am groaning night and day.

In line 2 of Mr. Allen’s text the word should be There

seems to be no necessity for adding the pleonastic j\j in the words

fbjk- f*A and riA because in the Raji dialect the letter preceding the

final f of the first person has always the vowel point zamma, and the

words are pronounced cA biyabimum pjk* jayiim, etc. In the note on

line 3, page 32, the word must be a misprint, aud should be,

as jj&s* corresponds to the Persian and to

19.

1. The heart is a pest, a plague, a plague ;

2. The eyes sin, but the heart is afflicted ;

3. If the eyes see not a lovely face,

4. What does the heart know, where the beauties are ?

Instead of the final & it is far better to use ^=^0 or in all the

«•

lines. is correct, and there is no need of using the word as

the singular is generally used. The translator in the note on line 4,

page 33, translates the line j<i> if as “ How wouldst

*♦ M

thou know my heart, etc.,” taking the word,L5wii to mean “ wouldst thou

know, ” but here means “ it would know ” ; i.e.,

means “ How or what would my heart know. ”

20.

1. From the tyranny of both eyes and heart I cry,

2. For, whatever the eyes see, the heart remembers.

3. I will make a dagger whose point will be of steel,

4. And shall strike it on my eyes, so that the heart may become

free.

It is not necessary to use the letter d always instead of a. I have

never heard or seen iljf or ihji spelt withi instead of with i. The case is

9

1904.] Bilgrami — Quatrains of Baba Tahir.

different with which has been spelt invariably with both a

and d. In the 3rd line either or f-ad-o may be used, but not

which is derived from an entirely different verb to

burn.

21.

1. I have a heart that has no good in it,

*

2. However I counsel it, it profits not ;

3. I cast it to the winds, but the wind does not carry it.

4. I put it on the fire, it does not smoke (or burn).

The word should be with j which is the dialectal form and not

with & which is Persian.

Here, too, as in the preceding Quatrain need not necessarily

be used for a in the words or in ah. It appears like a

forced expression and not natural, and savours of affectation. The word

22.

1. I am that wastrel whose name is Kalandar,

2. I have no home, no abode, and no vessel;

3. When the day comes, I wander round the earth (world).

4. When night falls, I lay my head on a brick.

The word and j&J both mean a large vessel here and not an

anchor, is an unburnt brick.

23.

- , « C • 9 — “ >

1. In the whole world there is no moth like me.

2. In the Universe there is not a mad man like me.

. 3. All the serpents and the ants have nests,

4. But for poor me, there is not even a ruin.

I have read it somewhere as “ in the Universe,” instead of

in the 2nd line, and this I have substituted.

24.

1. In the field of my thought naught grows save grief,

2. In my garden nothing grows but the flower of mourning.

3. In the desert of my unproductive heart,

4. Not even the herbage of despair grows.

In the text in the 2nd line, the word^srJ injures the metre, and Mr.

Allen has rightly noticed it. It should be y=? to give the “ correct

scansion.”

In the 3rd line means “ giving or yielding no produce,” the

word lUIa in Agriculture means “ the produce. ”

The dot of h had better be omitted in the word

J. i. 2

10

[No. 1.

Bilgrami — Quatrains of Baba Tahir.

25.

1. I have a delicate heart like glass.

2. I fear for it whenever I heave a sigh ;

3. It is no wonder if my tears are like blood,

4. I am that tree whose roots are set in blood.

The poet likens his heart to the glass; it is so fragile that it may

break even by a sigh.

In the 3rd line ^ should be substituted for and in the 4th line

«•

Id a tree for

26.

%

1. Had I only one pain (anguish), what should I care ?

2. And if my sorrows were trifling, what should I care ?

3. Near my bed, my beloved or my physician,

4. If either one were present, what should I care P

Mr. Allen has evidently read the lines in the Persian way and there¬

fore remarks that they are “ pure Persian. ” But in Baji the letter pre-

ceding the f of the 1st person has always a gamma and so the words

would be pronounced dardum balinum habibum , etc., and

not (*d)d dardam balinam . It must be observed that the gamma

represents the pleonastic j\j in such cases.

. . »

' ■ ■ v *

* •- ' C 1

27.

1. In wailing, my heart is like a flute,

2. The anguish of thy separation is ever at my heels

3. I have to burn and be consumed till the day of resurrection.

4. God only knows when that day shall be.

The 4th line is sometimes written as ^ o-Aji which

has been wrongly written as 1*=*., i.e., the scribe has changed the 5 into

) and b in bji zuna to b ta. The form is the equivalent of the

Persian which is used in case of doubt.

28.

1. When spring comes in every garden there are roses,

2. On every bough a thousand nightingales ;

3. I cannot set my foot on every meadow,

4. Lest there be one more burnt (in heart) than I.

Note the play upon the words and cbL ; a nightingale is called

a or Hafiz says: —

1904.]

Bilgrami — Quatrains of Baba Tahir.

29.

11

1. I am that sea which has come in a vessel,

2. I am that point which has come to be pronounced;

3. In every thousand (years) an upright statured person appears.

4. I am the Alif Kad (upright one) that has come in (this) thou¬

sand.

I have discussed this Quatrain at full length on page 2 and

shown that it gives the poet’s year of birth. Alif Kad is numeri¬

cally equal to ^>U5 = 215; Alf is a thousand in Arabic, its Persian

equivalent being jt/A hazar which according to zabar and baiyyinat is

l

equal to 326. The 4th line would thus mean that Tahir has come in

326. Or taking the numerical values of the letters composing Alf , ac¬

cording to Zabar alone, they represent 111, i.e ., I = J; <J = 30; and o, = 80,

adding to this number the value of 215, i.e., 1 = 1; J = 30 ; o 80 ;

O = 100, and a = 4, we get 111 +215 = 326, the same number which I take

to be his year of birth. There was no necessity for making use of such

words, if the poet really did not mean to convey this idea.

30.

1. I am that fire-like bird, that, in an instant,

2. Will burn the world if I clap my wings together ;

3. And should a painter draw my figure on the wall,

4. I would burn the house from the effects of my image.

Mirza Habib’s emendation is very proper, as the context clearly

proves. Note the word which is the equivalent in Baji of fyi*.

31.

1. If my heart is my sweetheart, what is my sweetheart’s name ?

2. And if my sweetheart is my heart, from what region is my

heart ?

3. I have my heart and my sweetheart so intimately interwoven,

4. That I do not know which is my heart and which my sweet¬

heart.

In the 2nd line I have substituted “ from what country,’

as it is not idiomatic to say and I think the scribes are

responsible for this error. It is not elegant either to use the same

rhyme twice in one and the same couplet. I think in the 4th line

j K should be adopted instead of as the j expresses the meaning

more forcibly.

12 Bilgrami — Quatrains of Baba Tahir. [No. 1.

32.

1. If I am in love with the face of a beloved one,

2. Restrain me not, as I am the thrall of my heart.

3. O, Camel-driver ! for God’s sake drive slowly,

4. For I am a laggard behind this caravan.

The poet means that he is in love and tells his counsellor not to

restrain him, as he is in the power of his heart, which carries him

wheresoever his beloved goes. He begs or beseeches the Camel-driver to

drive on slowly, so that he may be enabled to catch the caravan by which

his beloved is travelling, as through weakness he has lagged behind.

33.

1. That the picture of thy beauty, Love, may not quit my heart.

2. That the thought (or image) of thy down and thy mole, Love,

may not escape

3. I have made a hedge from my eyelashes round the eyes,

4. That blood may come and thy image, Love, may not escape.

The translator has evidently taken the word parchin, a

hedge, to be purchin , wrinkled, hence the translation “ wrinkled

eyes. ” The poet says that he has made a hedge out of his eyelashes, in

order to prevent the thought or image of his beloved from getting out

as the thorns (the eyelashes) will draw blood, and prevent the escape of

the thought or image.

34.

This is not by Baba Tahir, nor is it of the same metre.

35.

1. Of plundered hearts he has more than a thousand,

2. Of bleeding livers (hearts) he has more than thousands ;

3. He counted thousands of scars from my wounds,

4. Yet the uncounted are more than the counted ones.

Both the forms as well as \ are invari¬

ably used, as a and ci» are interchangeable letters. Riza Quli Khan,

in the Majma-ul-Fosaha, makes it etc., but the hamza is

not required at all, as it becomes nonsense. The word vish should be

read vishan “ are more in Persian caligi aphy and are

written alike, the difference being in placing the dot of the eJ. The

paraphrase of the line in modern Persian will be \j tty J<*

«>it i.e ., “ plundered hearts with him or in his possession are more

than a thousand.” All the copies have erred in some way or other,

and in order to preserve the right scansion, they have altered the lines

18

1904.] Bilgrami— Quatrains of Baba Tahir.

to suit their own sweet will. In the 1st line should be substi¬

tuted for similarly for ojjjjyA in the 2nd line. In the

3rd line, the first is and the second word is a wound. Since

or «>;4*wf = “he counted ” is the third person singular, the in

the words {J»)\ y*> and alludes to the same person. The poet

says that though he (his beloved) counted more than thousands of

scars, from his wounds, oH) j still the uncounted exceed those that

have been counted. The last word in the 1st, 2nd, and the 4th lines

should be (jAy vishan , and not or vishan is the plural of

If will be observed that the metre has in no way been affected.

36.

1. Do not twist thy dishevelled hyacinths ( i.e ., hair),

2. Do not fill thy drunken narcissi (i.e., the eyes) with tears ;

3. If thou art bent on cutting off thy love from me,

4. Time will cut it off, do not hasten on.

Instead of in the 2nd line jfy would be better, and this reading

I have adopted, because it is not necessary to make the beloved shed tears

of blood, the mere filling up of the eyes with tears being sufficient. The

first is to be pronounced varini, and the second vorini, and similar-

ly vorina in the 4th line. The first is the Raji form of and

the second is derived from v&ijj voridan, to cut, sever = Persian

«

37.

1. 0, strong-hearted one ! thy heart does not burn for me ;

2. It would not be strange if stone does not burn ;

3. But I will burn till I burn thy heart,

4. For green wood does not burn alone in the fire.

In the 1st line means “ to take pity, ” but in the 3rd line

I \) means that “ I will make your heart burn, ” i.e., “make you

feel.” There is a proverb jy “ green and dry wood

burn together.” This is made use of to express that in a general con¬

flagration everything is consumed. The poet here alludes to this and

says that he will burn 'himself and so inflame or consume the heart of

the beloved also. The 2nd line may also be translated as: “What won¬

der if stone (i.e., thy heart) does not burn.”

38.

1. My heart is distraught through thy love,

2. And when I strike my eyelashes together, a torrent arises ;

14

Bilgrami — Quatrains of Baba Tahir.

[No 1.

3. The lover’s heart is like green wood,

4. Burning at one end, and pouring blood at the other.

The words are also written ^4 jO, the letters J, J ,

and £, being all interchangeable. I have also seen the 1st line writ¬

ten as follows : j ^4 (3-&*

the love of the fair ones.”

39.

1. Without thee my heart is not happy for a single moment,

2. And if 1 see thy face grief disappears ;

3. If they distribute the grief of my heart,

4. No heart in all the world would remain without grief.

40.

1. Thou hast chaiu-like (curly) locks falling upon thy face,

2. (As if) thou hast Rose and Hyacinth mingled together ;

3. But when thou scatterest the strands of thy locks,

4. Thou wilt have a heart suspended from every strand of hair.

41.

1. 0 may thy sun-like face grow brighter;

2. May my heart be pierced still more by the arrow of thy love ;

3. Host thou know why thy cheek’s mole is black ?

4. Because, whatever is near the sun is more burnt.

The word though the plural form of is often used for

the singular also.

42.

1. The breeze that comes from the roots of those locks,

2. Is more welcome to me than the perfume of hyacinths ;

3. When at night I take thy thought in my arms,

4. At dawn the scent of roses arises from my bed.

In the 3rd line y&y^ should be used, as it shows the cause of the

scent of roses arising from his bed.

43.

1. 0 thou, from whose two locks I string my rabab ,

2. What seekest thou from this my wretched state ?. '

3. When thou hast no wish to be my friend,

4. Why comest thou every midnight in my dream ?

In the 3rd line I have used y> which is the only correct form,

and Mr. Browne’s suggestion is very proper. j «• means “to

wish to befriend one.”

“ My heart is distracted from

1904]

Bilgrami — Quatrains of Baba Tahir.

44.

9

15

1. Thou whose soft eyes are surma dyed,

2. Thou whose flourishing stature (figure) is heart attracting,

3. Thou whose musky hair (plaid) are on thy back,

4. Why askest thou me “ Wherefore art thou confounded ?”

In Raji toj~» and to = Persian toy* are used alike ;

but it is better to use the form toj^» here, to rhyme with the

interrogative in the 4th line. The other words ^0^ and are the

same as aud a**.** is not the 2nd person singular, as the

M

translator remarks on page 50, but the 3rd person singular alluding to

the eyes ; h* toj»» means surma rubbing or surma dyed, and not

“shadowed.” The word &L» is derived from to grind, to rub,

and does not mean “ shadow.” Mr. Browne’s rendering is perfectly

correct ; the poet in another Quatrain of which I remember only two

lines, says : ^ ^ ^ <^1? tjfl

‘ Why askest thou me, “ Wherefore art thou without name or shame.”

Whosoever is a lover, what is name and shame to him.’ The poet means

that when you have such ravishing eyes, such a lovely figure, and such

musk-scented (or may be musk-coloured) hair, it is strange to ask me

why I am confounded ; that is, with all these forces arrayed against me

it is difficult for me to keep myself safe.

45.

1. How pleasant it is when love is reciprocal,

2. Because one-sided friendship is a trouble ;

3. If Majnun had a distracted heart,

4. Leila’s heart was still more distracted.

In the 1st line is the correct word, as it means “how,” whiles

means “whereas” or “because.” Mr. Browne is right regarding the

use of the word j] fovj& in the same line.

*

46. * > - »

1. Come one evening and illumine my chamber ;

2. Do not leave me in the affliction of the day of separation.

3. By the pair of thy eyebrow’s arches I swear,

4. That I am yoked to grief since I am separated from thee.

The 4th line of Mr. Allen’s edition will not scan properly, and should

be instead of

It is strange that in the note on this line, page 52, Mr. Allen gives

• Jr* does not mean “ fever ” here but “ thou ” or rather “ thee ”

after y.

16

Bilgrami — Quatrains of Baba Taliir.

47.

[No. 1.

1. Art thou a lion or a leopard, 0 Heart, 0 Heart ?

2. That thou warrest ever with me, 0 Heart, 0 Heart ?

3. Shouldst thou fall into my hands, I’ll spill thy blood,

4. To see of what colour thou art, 0 Heart, 0 Heart.

In the 3rd line ^ feti is the contraction as well as the dialectal

form of ufti and not of ; it is the subjunctive of

The 4th line is not correctly rendered, means “ of what

colour thou art, ” and alludes to the heart and not to the blood ; the ex¬

pression means “ of what material thou art made.”

In the 3rd line and are both correct ; but in the 4th line,

I would use y as it is not elegant to bring two jlj vans together, as in

} • L S^J =

48.

1. 0, my Beauty ! thou hast my heart and soul,

2. Thou hast all my apparent and hidden effects ;

3. I know not from whom I have this grief (pain) ;

4. I only know that thou boldest the remedy.

The 2nd line will not scan correctly with and is right,

and so I have substituted the correct word .

49.

1. Shouldst thou come, I will welcome thee with my soul,

2. Shouldst thou not come, I will burn from thy separation.

3. Whatever sorrows thou hast, lay them on my heart,

4. Whether I die of them, or be consumed by them, or bear them.

From the note on page 82, on line 1, it appears that the translator has

taken the word oolsr? to mean £ and translates it “ by thy life,”

whereas oilaH means \y “ with my soul (welcome) thee,” the ci»

being in the accusative. Then again in the note on the 3rd line he

says, “ i.e., the pains thou canst inflict ; ” but this is not what the poet

means. The poet says, if you have any grief or sorrow, lay it on my heart,

and care not whether I die of it, or be consumed by it, or bear up with

it, i.e., I will gladly bear all thy grief and sorrow and leave thee happy

and free from every care.

50.

1. The tulips of the hill-side last only a week,

2. The violets on the river brink last only a week ;

3. I will proclaim from town to town,

4. That the fidelity of the rosy-cheeked lasts only a week.

1904.]

Bilgrami — Quatrains of Baba Tahir .

17

From the translator’s note on line 1, page 54, it appears that he has

read the word “ of a week’s duration,” with the accent on the third

syllable, like lSj and But the accent is on the second

syllable, and means “only a week.” Sheikh Baha-ud-Dinrin his Nan-o-

Halwa says j c***f aciU jZ .

Here too means “ a week,” and not “ of a week’s duration.” “ If

one were to tell you that of your life, Only a week remains, and this

becomes certain.”

His other remark regarding the hamza in shows that he has not

read examples where poets use their license. He has evidently read it

as if it consisted of four syllables, whereas in the present case, it should

be read like a word of three syllables, i.e., it should be pronounced

a-la-lai, and not a-la-la-ye , and thus it will not injure the metre. Innu¬

merable examples of this may be cited from the older authors. Khakani

says :

1 j ijibj j <S/o Here is pronounced bilai as a word

of two syllables and not bila-ye. It is not so in the case of where

th eizafat is not required at all, and so the comparison does not hold good.

In the 3rd line, the word is the correct word, being the plu¬

ral of and there appears no reason to change it into an Arabic

word, and then to corrupt it ; such an emendation will spoil the sense of

the last couplet. For the last two lines I remember having read some¬

where the following two lines : — ty * +&S ei

<X±Sl& ,

3. “ Why should I bear thy tyranny for years and months,

4. Thy friendship to friends is for a week only.” Probably these

two lines may be the two last lines of another Quatrain, the first two

lines of which are wanting.

51.

1. My heart is grieved (sorrowful) in thine absence,

2. My pillow is a brick and bed the earth ;

3. My sin is that I love thee,

4. Yea, whosoever loves thee, this is his condition.

From every point of view the Quatrain as given by the author of

the Majma-ul-Fusaha, is preferable to every other version of the same ;

hence my adopting it.

52.

1. I am that taper whose tears are of fire ;

2. He who is burnt in heart, can his tears be other than this P

3. All night I burn and all day I weep,

4. Like those are my nights and such my days from thee (thy ty¬

ranny) .

J. i. 3

18

Bilgrami — Quatrains of Baba Tahir .

53.

[No. 1,

1. Without thee tears come from my wet eyelashes,

2. Without thee the tree of my hope becomes barren,

3. Without thee night and day in a solitary corner,

4. I sit till my life comes to an end.

I have made this emendation in the 4th line, i.e., substituted

o* as it is not idiomatic to say^jf but

jj'f j*t or y f j*** .

54.

1. 0 heart, I wear blue clothes in thy absence,

2. I bear the burden of thy grief like the tent- carrying elephant ;

3. I boast of thy love like the dawn,

4. From this moment till the time of Israfil’s trumpet.

In Persia indigo-blue, black or antimony (surma) coloured clothes

are worn in mourning ; nil is indigo, and not purple.

In the 2nd line the last word is an elephant, and not <Jj<S zil ;

hence cbi zail cannot rhyme with nil and sarafil. A/cta. jama means

clothes, as well as carpets and other articles used for spreading, which

I have translated as “ tent ” here. Note the colour of the elephant

which has a dark bluish tint. Other poets have used the words

and Jaj together, keeping the colour of the latter in view. Cf.

Firdausi :

tj * <-kr! LS'^ ft"* \j*

“ You threatened me that under the feet of elephants

“ You will make my body like the river Nile. ”

The colour of the Nile, from the meaning of the word, is supposed

to be blue.

The translator considers this Quatrain to be free from dialectical

forms. This is true in one sense, that is, as far as writing is concerned.

But in pronunciation it differs in so far, that the words

are pronounced in Raji as pushum , kashum , zanum , and not as in

modern Persian, pusham , kasham , and zanam.

In the 4th line, note the play upon the second word fi dam; dam

means the “moment ” also “blowing,” where it stands for the verb

so that the line means “ from this moment till the moment or time of

Israfil’s trumpet ” or “ from this moment till the blowing of Israfil’s

trumpet.”

55.

1. The vessel of my happiness is full of grief (liver's or heart’s

blood),

2. My heart is ever full of fire and my eyes ever wet j.

1904.] Bilgrami — Quatrains of Baba Tahir. 19

3. With thy perfume I should gain life after death,

4. If haply thou should pass over my grave (earth).

Saadi has expressed the same idea in his Taiyibat , where

he says : —

pxvj p&e ^ iSXi-

“ Should the perfume of the beloved pass over the earth of the

lovers,

“ What wonder that from its effects the rotten bones may come to

life.”

Or, compare the couplet of Hafiz : —

“ Should thy perfume blow over the earth even after a hundred

years,

“ The rotten bones will come out of the winding sheet dancing.”

Note the word play on in connection with as the word j*|A/o

means “ ever,” “ always,” as well as “ wine.”

56.

This Quatrain is not Baba Tahir’s, nor is its metre the same as

that used by the Baba. The word Kirman has another meaning, besides

the two quoted by Mr. Allen. It means “ grapes ; ” hence the origin

of the name of Kirmanshahan where a thousand grape-vines were

planted, and several kings had assembled round the throne of Khusrau

Farviz who exclaimed the words Kirman (grapes) and Shahan (kings),

which became the name of the place where this grand assembly had

been held (vide Farhang-i-Anjuman-Ara-i-Nasiri, under the word Kir¬

manshahan.') The allusion to eating in the two expressions cibojS' is

more appropriate in regard to grapes than conquering Kirman , though

the word a play ” has been very cleverly introduced here. The meaning

is, that “ the king who in the fulness of his power was eating grapes,

to-day the worms are devouring him,” or in Saadi’s lines, “ I had set

my heart to eat grapes, when suddenly the worms devoured me.”

57.

1. Dark is my lot, Oh that my lot may be topsy-turvy ;

2. Ruined is my fortune, Oh that my fortune may be overturned ;

3. I have become a thorn and a thistle of the lane of Love

4. By the doings of my heart ; O Lord ! that it may be drowned

in blood.

In these lines it will be observed that the poet-curses his lot, his

fortune and his own heart.

20

Bilgrami — Quatrains of Baba Tahir. [No. 1.

The word should be substituted for ^ being more appro¬

priate.

The terminal word ^ here is equivalent to |*L may it be and is used

in the form of a prayer or curse. ^ ^ but the latter, when used as

a form of prayer or curse becomes and here the word ^

stands for or f^J

58.

1. Since the day Thou created st us,

2. What hast Thou seen in us save sin ?

3. 0, Lord ! for the sake of Thy Twelve Imams,

4. Forgive me, as if Thou hadst not seen my sins.

The proverb & “ Didst thou seethe camel F ” the reply is

‘ No.” The poet has made it for the sake of metre,

which when translated would be, “ Didst thou see the camel ? Thou

didst not see it.” The poet prays God to forgive him the sins He has

seen him committing, and asks Him that his sins may be condoned.

M. Huart’s note is correct as regards the proverbial expression ;

but the translator gives a Turkish proverb, which is wide of the

mark ; the Turkish proverb means that “ there is no escape from death,”

that is, that death is a certainty, and the Turkish proverb has no con¬

nection with the proverb & which means that if asked

whether you have seen the camel, say no, that is “ pass over my sins

as if you had not seen any sin in me.” It is, therefore, a pleading for

forgiveness of sins and not for long life.

The Quatrain is genuine and not spurious.

59.

1. The grief of the whole world is my soul’s portion,

2. Freedom from my pains is alchemy ;

3. Every one’s pain at last is cured,

4. It is my heart alone whose remedy is annihilation.

In the 2nd line the word is used to show that it exists only

in name, and similarly my freedom from pain is an impossibility.

L+aS’ and t Elixir, are also used to denote rare things ; for instance

we say in Persian, , i.e., it is very rare or it exists not.

The word “ a fabulous bird ” is used in a similar sense.

60.

1. Let me go and return, and get out of this world,

2. Let me depart and go further than China and Machin ;

1904]

Bilgrnmi — Quatrains of Baba Tahir.

21

3. Let me go and ask the Hajis of Haj,

4. If this distance is enough or may I journey further on.

The word here is in the imperative mood and corresponds to

the English poetic form “ go we.”

61.

1. My tender beloved, where art thou ?

2. Where art thou, my beloved with Surma-dyed eyes ?

3. The breath has reached Tahir’s bosom (throat) ;

4. At this moment of departure, 0 my beloved ! where art thou ?

62.

1. Thou who hast not learnt heavenly lore,

2. Tbou who hast not tracked the way to the Tavern,

3. Thou who knowest not thy own gain or loss,

4. Alas, alas ! how canst thou overtake the men of decided

character ?

63.

1. I saw a little husbandman in this field,

2. Who was sowing tulips with the blood of his eyes ;

3. He was ever sowing and saying, Alas !

4. That one has to sow and leave it behind in this field.

Mr. Allen’s edition of the text does not contain this Quatrain which

I have added with its translation. It is given in the Farhang-i-Anju-

man-Ara-i-Nasiri under the word Alala.

Finis.

Bilgrami — Quatrains of Bala Tahir .

[No. 1.

l js+b

<S.S».S^2-'0

iSi^yc Jy

/C

1904.]

Bilgrami — Quatrains of Baba Tahir.

23

<dJ|

( ! )

iyHy &* ^ a>bf pHy ** ^ ** csJ^

( r )

y*K ^b Jj*6 ^Uo«o AJ ^J-i

^tj jZ>.K yi jit ^ ^ v-J Ji j$ &v£j

( r )

ls? cJJAMj ^ y ^♦^.j tsy^f* ^bf ^

( ^ i£)y—*** Jjb i*)tt5j^ <X^aw^.j - ♦-* ^ ^)bT bw^^.

( P )

fj - ^ Oyf* fj - «<> U*ij*** J$b IjJlj jljyc

[*;?,£ (j^AJ jdj^ A'Oji '-Z-'jd yQ i-sof* u>y*y^ &Kf t &J* y^

( * )

b c-C^t jJ &j-° (*"^2* ^ b i*-^y-> f^jjftiA.

f+ — ^yi A^ [5 C5^ )& f (*$ y* p — $ &y*» c^l 1j! y

( 1 )

f j? ^.jl^J Irk. i+ — Ixf jj ^-^b*«»T f^J ty'-b

(* - b^ j* )’ jfi ^ {* f i*+&>

24

Bilgrami — Quatrains of Baba Tahir.

[No. 1

( 1 )

( I A )

*>y pa y &*

})) J if

JV )>* psy u*A

*

1904.]

Bilgrami — Quatrains of Baba Tahir.

('ll )

M •* M »•

^ A a- L5J)

H «»

(r-)

^ Air J.3 aajj J5^J^ A^-yk Ar j>ljy ^ C~*j>3

»iljT ISiijr - ^ (J>i ^ 8^1 y |4^ j L£j^*'y^‘ f*)(~-»

( n )

Ca/o o*u..aS y**3 A* fji* J>

w^U>

^ — ^i*-5 OA>‘S?'V*

yi-*3 |*^ cs*3 u^f y jjW0 U**

( rr )

j£xi d J m ^ ^ y yJ j* •*- * -’ A? j<

J - ** Ajf j£ja. AjT jj)

( rr )

A— > «X — A — 3 ^..<0 ^ A ^*JUj

A — i A — Jj f^ j;^lacu;j (y° (*y«i A>il cJJJ^/0

( rr )

j. — j j^i j*3U iJS jj.ju j y (V^3^ j

2 — i Jj> r* Ci*^1 ^ ^ y° ^la*irf J * (sb^ j

9 %9 <t

( rd )

( t; - J J*| AmaJ^JI ^1 |*f AamJj/W

<y j*| a^jj ^ y* <y ocus ^ £ pZ&j**

( M )

iS^jt isty. C5^ r-^ LSty {£*£*■ C5^h f ^

<1 t» - ' ^ ♦* II H P y

k1^ aa. ^ yjt /♦■j; — *4> ^ r —

( rv ) ,

^ } 4_5j>3 ^,3 |4>«|A/C ^5 — J tX—

^5 — j ^r a*K Os/oUi y Ida. ox US 13 bjfdi y y« l^x

N M

J. T. 4

25

Bilgrami — Quatrains of Baba Taliir.

[N

( rA )

(_s - \ l£ - 3 C5£^ jic3 )\*

is — -3 y> 3. y° 'f ^ Ij

( M )

p - iwstVof <JJ| ^ (^ftj| p - jf^J iS** *-^l C5^t ytf

( r* )

J ■ (*b (* — y ufj'° <^T

jl - X*J X)G ^ ^y^*3

( r 1 )

A — <*5jJ jt lJ (i A— -

^ — /0 Jj — ^ ^ ^ ^«T f+1(* j3^ «3 (J»^

( rr )

y> LJ (3 j l y$f^ aA\/0 a— X««Jj ^ L C?^ ^ L £*i73

I*— i<v*»i^lj |^J ^/0 1^*^^

( rr )

(_5^ ^ lai- Jiij

i^s***3 ajf (^> ^t? is^>j ii ^ if^'®

( ra )

(^r^J <£j/JJ'3l) ^^J3 (_) ^ i^fy^

A>-/0 jt j-$ ^yJ

L>ty

( ri )

-4.«k a^/o ^ALLw ^jl — ^*^jj

<^/0 tf - i^t Jfjy & - H)J Lstyj ^ f j\K ^ ^ LS^JJ

( rv )

••

^ ]j <w>J^ ^ 'jf~^~ }i**3, ^3 (*'**“?' y**3.

3904.]

Bilgrami — Quatrains of Baba Tahir.

27

(r a )

^ ^ pity *y> tyj \\ ^

LCJ^ C^y'*5 LS^T

( ri )

ai>*’ (*c j*Hj y <j?y ,/i *i»** (*/“ (* — f*^ AJ-’

( lC‘ )

28

Bilgrami — Quatrains of Baba Tahir.

[No. 1

( w )

lif

aij I ^ Xjb 0*0^ a’yo a£b| ^

( *r )

c** ls* yiyS f ft** <£>fy°

cr* <y (*;j) cjj** *33 3j;**a *♦*

( «r )

jlf ^ yt I J»3 jif y idty0)

jit ^ ^ ^ ^ j” L5^t^ ^

( «l® )

(*)j ^ *£++& f* ci^ ^

(J — <vy» jyc ^ G j**b| y ^ ^ fO

( *d )

c$iV 3^t?v J^ f*!*'0 lJj ^ 3>

^ ^ ]y vJf^l o**v cj^JJ

1904]

Bilgrami — Quatrains of Baba Tahir .

29

( «v )

is! \i)$ jfy j ^ fiJJJ is!^)y^j*** ^

is! (Jj* WjO CaAS^/O fJT^) f***

( ** )

^ i d **> l* jt CAJj*ax/ojt <S*if T ;^° * isb) i!>f 3*

•• •• ^

( M )

C5jl— ^ y l— « * <v 3

*$ isf'O

• ' M

( 1

ti>-^ y {*‘m!

p*>y* ji& (r! *~*!

( 1

^jj a/O^MS

y° yiy* e^; (*a

f )

C*'1 - Sts’ Jj.a> JJjU

8* - >A«ij yljj &x«o jjJtS

( V )

e»,jt^ ^ *■* ** ^ — 1* fjjy» 0 a£ a3

is*3) is3 <s3y^ ^ a^ij y &y** a/ a3

( ir )

v»a m&yio a^^ll ^y^-y y3 c?^-

cu>w^i;jj) ^i. JS*{t> j i>jIj a^ (ajji^jI o»&-£i+& ^

oj

30

P. Doyal — An ancient Cave.

[No. 1,

An ancient Cave and some ancient Stupas in the District of Gaya. —

By Parmeshwar Dotal.

The District of Gaya is very rich in archaeological remains of great

interest, and most of them are connected with the rise and spread of

Buddhism. Some of these were visited by the Chinese pilgrims in the

5th and 7th centuries of the Christian era, and the identification of the

places mentioned in their itineraries with the existing ruins has been

one of the chief aims of the researches made by the archaeologists of

the past century. Almost all the places mentioned by Fa-Hien and

Hwen Thsang have been since visited and explored by Major Kittoe,

General Cunningham, Dr. Stein and other antiquarians ; but one of the

most important of them, the Pragbodhi cave, does not appear to have

been visited by any of them, as will appear from the following para¬

graphs.

In order to make the subject of the present note more clear, extracts

from Hwen Thsang’s and Fa-Hien’s discrip tions are given below : —

Fa Hien writes : —

“ Thence ( i.e . fromBakraur) going to the north-east half a yojan,

you come to a stone grotto ; Phou sa entering it and facing the west, sat

with his legs crossed and thought within himself ‘ in order that I should

accomplish the law, I must have a divine testimonial. ’ Immediately his

shadow depicted itself on the wall ; it was three feet high.1 The weather

was clear and brilliant, heaven and earth were both moved, and all the

gods in that space explained, it is not in this place that all the Foes

past and to come should accomplish the law. To the south-west, a little

more than half a yojan is the pei-to tree, where all the Foes, past and to

come, should accomplish the law. Having said this, they sang to him

and showed him the way retiring.”2

1 James Legge has translated this sentence thns : —

“ On the wall of the rock there appeared immediately the shadow of a

Buddha, rather more than 3 feet in length, which is still bright at the present

day.”

2 Fa-Hien’s description, abstracted from Major Kittoe’s note published on

pages 953 to 970 of the Journal of the Asiatic Society for September 1847.

1904.]

P. Doyal — An ancient Cave.

31

Hwen Thsang says : —

“ To the east of the place where Gaya Kasyapa sacrificed to fire

(Gaya), crossing a river, we come to a mountain called Pragbodhi (Po-

lo-ki-pot) i.e.f “ the mountain leading to (before) perfect intelligence,” as

Buddha, when about to attain enlightenment, first ascended this moun¬

tain. Tathagata, after diligently seeking for six years and not yet ob¬

taining supreme wisdom, after this gave up his penance and accepted

the rice milk (of Sujata). As he went to the north-east, he saw this

mountain that it was secluded and dark, whereupon he desired to seek

enlightenment thereon. Ascending the north-east slope and coming to

the top, the earth shook and the mountain quaked, whilst the mountain

Deva in terror thus spoke to Bodhisattva : ‘ This mountain is not the

fortunate spot for attaining supreme wisdom. If here you stop and

engage in the Samadhi of diamond ( i.e ., Vajra-samadhi) the earth

will quake and gape, and the mountain be overthrown upon you.’ Then

Bodhisattva descended, and half-way down the south-west slope he

halted. There backed by the crag and facing a torrent, is a great stone

chamber. Here he sat down cross-legged. Again the earth quaked and

the mountain shook, and a Deva cried out in space: ‘This is not the

place for a Tathagata to perfect supreme wisdom. From this south¬

west 14 or 15 li, not far from the place of penance, there is the Pippala

(Pi -po-lo) tree, under which is a diamond throne (Vajrasana, an im¬

perishable throne, supposed to be the centre of the earth, and the spot

where all Buddhas arrived at complete wisdom). All the past Buddha®

seated on this throne have obtained true enlightenment, and so will those

yet to come. Pray then proceed to that spot (Buddha-Gaya).’ Then

Buddha departed, the Devas leading the way, and accompanying him

to the Bodhi tree. When Asoka Baja came into power, he signalised

each spot up and down this mountain, which Bodhisattva had passed,

by erecting distinguishing posts and stupas. These, though of differ¬

ent sizes, yet are alike in spiritual manifestations. Sometimes flowers

fall on them from heaven, sometimes a bright light illumines the dark

valleys. Every year on the day of breaking up the season of Wass

(Varsa), religious laymen from different countries ascend this moun¬

tain for the purpose of making religous offerings to the faithful. They

stop one night and return. Going south-west about 14 or 15 li one

comes to the Bodhi tree.”

General Cunningham in his map of Gaya and Bihar, given in plate

III, page 3 of Yol. I of his report on the archaeological survey of India7

has marked the range of hills about 6 miles south-east of the town of

Gaya as “ Pragbodhi mountain ” (Po-lo-ki-pot). The statement of

Hwen Thsang, that the distance between the stone chamber, situated

32

P. Doyal — An ancient Gave.

[No. 1,

in this mountain, and the diamond throne under the Pippala tree (in

Buddha Gaya), is 14 or 15 li ( i.e ., about 3 miles), leaves not the slightest

doubt as to the correctness of General Cunningham’s identifications.

This range of hills which is washed at its south-western base by

the Mora Lake, is called “ Mora Tal Ka Pahar,” i.e , the hill of the

Mora Lake. The middle part of this range is called Dhongra Hill, and

contains the stone chamber which was probably visited by Hwen Thsang.

The chamber is situated about half-way up the north-western slope

of the hill. The cave is excavated at the base of a precipice of

rock that rises high above it towards the top of the hill. In front of

the cave is a more or less level space about 60 feet long, and 12 or 13

feet wide, which is open on the north-east side where it falls away in

the general slope of the hill side. Immediately in front of the cave,

however, is a barrier of rock, which completely shuts out the cave from

view from below ; advantage appears to have been specially taken of

the recess thus formed to make the cave where it is. The face of the

precipice seems to have been roughly hewn, so as to give it a more

regular and vertical appearance ; and perhaps the native rock had been

further cut to form a level space in front of the cave ; but this cannot

be stated for certain.

In the entrance to the cave is fitted a chaukat (wooden frame),

2 feet 1 inch broad, and 2 feet 4 inches wide.1 The chamber within

is of an irregular oval shape, 16 feet 5 inches from north-east to south¬

west and 10 feet 9 inches from north-west to south-east. The roof

of the cave is vaulted or concave, and is 9 feet 7 inches high at the

highest point. The cutting is very rude and uneven, as if the cave had

been left unfinished. In the south-western corner of this cave, on a

sandstone pedestal, is placed an image of an eight-armed goddess,

sitting on a lotus wrought in blue stone. The height of this image

including the lotus seat, but excluding the sandstone pedestal (which is

only 7 inches high) is 2 feet 2 inches. The face of the image, the top

of the halo behind the image, and two out of its eight hands are

broken. A few letters of the first and last parts of the Buddhist

formula (the rest having disappeared with the broken part of the

relievo) inscribed over the shoulders, are in Kutila character, belonging

to the 9th or 10th century, a.d., which shows that the image belongs

1 [The entrance to the cave, which has the shape of a crescent, was at the time

of my visit, December, 1901, closed by a masonry wall, erected some 7 years before

by the Sadhu, who now lives there. It admitted access to the interior through a

small door, formed by a wooden frame, about 4 ft. high and 2 ft. wide. I could not

observe any marks of chiselling inside the cave, and I think the cave is a natural

one, and not an artificial. T. Bloch.]

33

1904.] P. Doyal — An ancient Gave.

to the later Buddhistic faith, though it is now an object of worship for

the Hindus of the neighbourhood, passing under the name of Dhon-

gresvari or Dhongra Devi.

Below this cave, on the same side of the hill, is a large level terrace

about 225 feet square, which contains marks of foundations of buildings.

On the same side of the hill, to the north and south of the terrace,

are traces of some other ruins.

Ascending the hill from the cave for some distance, in a north-easter¬

ly direction, along a passage difficult of ascent, and then turning south¬

wards, the top of the range is reached, on which are situated seven

stupas. No. 1 is situated on the top of the precipice exactly above the

cave or stone chamber. It is an octagonal mound about 26 feet in diamet¬

er, built of brick. Further south, 135 feet from this stupa is stupa No. 2.

It is also built of brick, about 26 feet square, but is much mutilated.

No. 3 is about 250 feet north-east of No. 1. It is octagonal, about 29

feet in diameter, built of brick with stones in the base. No. 4 is about

610 feet north of No. 3. It is round, 40 feet in diameter and in good

preservation. No. 5 is of the same size, situated at about 505 feet north

of No. 4. No. 6 is about 110 feet north of No. 5 and is 20 feet in

diameter. It is made of brick, and is also in a state of good preserva¬

tion. No. 7 is about 50 feet north of No. 6. It is a small mound about

18 feet in diameter, built of rough pieces of stone.

These mounds are now called by the villagers of the neighbourhood

Dhuni, a word which means the place where the sacred fire of some

Rishis or saints was burnt. This idea has probably preserved the

mounds from destruction by the villagers ; but as the present generation,

partly from the growth of materialistic ideas, and partly from the force

of necessity, is losing the reverence previously felt towards what tradi¬

tion held sacred, there is much danger of the the mounds being opened

by some inquisitive villager in the hope of finding treasure.

I am inclined to think that these mounds are the stupas erected by

Asoka as related by Hwen Thsang, to signalise the spots up and

down the hill, sacred to Buddha. As to the position of the stone

chamber, Hwen Thsang says, “then Bodhisattva descended,” (from some

place on the summit of this range signalised by any one of the mounds

mentioned above) “ and half-way down the south-west slope he halted.

There backed by the crag, and facing a torrent is a great stone chamber.

Here he sat down cross-legged.” Now, as the range lies extended from

south-west to north-east, strictly speaking the range has no south¬

western slope. The stone chamber, however, lies in a south-westerly

direction, from many of the stupas now extant, and when Hwen Thsang

visited the place, probably some path from stupas Nos. 3, 4, 5, 6, or 7

J. i. 5

34

P. Doyal— An ancient Cave.

[No. 1

to the cave was pointed out to him as the way Buddha descended, and

so he noted the positi on of the cave as being half-way down the south -

ivestern slope. The facts (1) that this stone chamber is in a south¬

westerly direction from the stupas, (2) that it is situated half-way down

the slope of the range , (3 ) that it is backed by a crag, a high precipice

of rock on which stands stupa No. J, (4) that the cave faces the valley

between the main range on which the stupas stand and the projecting

spur of hill, down which a stream would pour during the rains, (it is

probable that Hwen Thsang visited the spot in the rainy season), and

(5) that the cave is at a distance of about 14 or 15 li from the Bodhi

tree, I think, prove conclusively that the stone chamber mentioned by

the pilgrim is no other than the cave.

As to the question of these remains not having been visited by any

antiquarian, I would quote below the description given on page 66 of

the “List of Ancient Monuments in the Patna Division” revised and

corrected up to 31st August 1895 : —

“ 67. — Gfaya — Mora Hill Cave.

“ This cave is a natural fissure about half-way up the western slope

“ and facing the Phalgu River. It is shaped like a crescent, 37 feet in

“ length and five aud a half feet in width, with an entrance in the

“ middle of the convex face 3 feet 2 inches in width, and 4 feet 10

“ inches in height. At the upper or north end there is another opening

“ 4 feet broad, and 4 feet high, which gives light to the cave. At the

“ south end the fissure continues for a further distance of 24 feet, but

“ of such small dimensions that a man can only just crawl along it.

“ Its height is 2 feet 7 inches, but its width is only 1 foot 7 inches.

“ At the back or east side of the cavern, there is a ledge of rock

“ 8 inches high, which probably served as a pedestal for the shadow of

“ Buddha which was figured in the rock. Every year, at the close of the

“ rainy season, the monks used to climb this hill to make their offerings

“ and to spend a night or two in the cavern.”1

The above quotation shows that the cave now described by me

was not intended, but some natural fissure in some other part of the hill.

As the range extends for several miles and contains many natural

fissures along its slopes, different guides may take travellers in

l [This description is a literal quotation from Yol. iii, p. 106 of Cunningham’s

Reports. I have no doubt that Cunningham referred to the very cave described

by the Babu in this paper, as the position of his cave agrees with the site of the

Babu’s cave, but the account given by the late General is very inaocurate. There

is, e. g., no ‘ opening 4 feet broad and 4 feet high* at the npper or north end of the

cave, and it is very unlikely that such an entrance existed 30 years ago, when

Cunningham visited the place. T. Bloch,]

1904.]

P. Doyal— An ancient Gave.

35

search of Buddha’s cave to different natural fissures. The correct

bearing, however, from the town of Gaya, and from Bodh-Gaya, is as

follows. On crossing the river the cave Phalgu (which is on the east of

the town of Gaya) by the wooden bridge, the road passes due south for

about a mile to a bridge near village Bhusanda. Up to this place the

road is metalled. After this, it is unmetalled and takes a south-easterly

direction. Proceeding along the road, further for about 4 miles, the

village Ganjas is reached on the north side of the road. Passing beyond

this village a short way off, the road has to be left, and the foot of

the hills skirted in a south-westerly direction. Travellers on horse¬

back or palki may leave the road near the village Manjhowli and

reach the cave through village Sahaipur. The above description will

be a sufficient guide to any one wishing to visit the cavern. The cave

is, however, not visible from the foot of the hill even immediately

beneath it, as already explained, but a tamarind tree — the only one

there-— marks the site.

r \ / \ r Vy- > /-v X'X /> /A. /"\ /> / \ / \ / ' '

36

P. R. T. Gurdon — The Morans.

[No. 1,

The Mortons, — By Major P. R. T. Gurdon, Superintendent of Ethno¬

graphy in Assam .

[Read June, 1903.]

Mr. Gait in the Census Report of 1891 stated that it is evident that

the Morans belong to the great Bodo group ; at the time of that Census

I made a collection of a few Moran words which I forwarded to the

Census Superintendent, who was of opinion that Moran is only a variety

of Bodo or Kachari. That this diagnosis was right there will be little

doubt if the vocabulary attached to this note is examined. It will be

seen that I have given the English with its Moran, Kachari (modern),

Dimasa or Hills Kachari, and Hodgson’s Bodo, (which is probably Mech),

equivalents. At once the very strong affinity between the four languages

will be evident. Take the numerals. “One” is the same in all four

languages, e. g S3, Se or Stoi , Si and Ghe. The word ne ( two) , in Moran and

Kachari becomes gini in Dimasa and gni in Mech. Sam (three) in Moran

becomes Tham in Kachari, gatham in Dimasa, and tham in Mech. The

word for six is the same in all four languages. The word for fish, nto ,

which is identical in the first three languages becomes gnto in Hodgson’s

Bodo, and compare the Burmese gntopi and the Garo nathu. The word

for “Egg” in all four languages is Daodi, and what is still more remark¬

able, each of the four languages expresses the word for egg in exactly

the same manner, dao meaning fowl and di water, daomdi therefore

signifies fowl’s water. With reference to dao, it may be noted that it is

a generic word, daokhto meaning a crow, being evidently an onomatopoeic

sound, daokha signifying the “caw-caw” bird.

There seems to have been a considerable amount of confusion regard¬

ing the Morans. In the Census Report of 1881 it was stated that the

meaning of the word Moran is not very clear, but that the name Moran

was applied to the upper portion of the Matak country and is now used to

designate the extensive tract of waste land to the East and North-East of

1904.]

P. R. T. Gurdon — The Morans.

37

Dibrugarh. The Morans are mentioned in an Assamese Buranji as

haying been subdued by the Ahom invader in 1251 A. D. Robinson says

^hat the word Moran signifies “inhabitant of the jungle”. In the 1891

Census Report Mr. Gait wrote as follows : “There has been a good deal

of confusion between the terms ‘Moran, Matak, and Moamaria.’ ” The

Morans have already been referred to as having been the first tribe to

be conquered by the Ahoms when they entered Assam from over the

Patkai. They were employed by the Ahom Kings as carriers of fire¬

wood and were known as Habungias, an Ahom or rather an Assamese

Corruption, of the Moran word habong (man). A writer in the Jonaki

Magazine of April 1891 is of opinion that the “ Morans are the autoch.

4 v -•

thons of the Assam Valley,” a conclusion which I think is not unlikely

to prove correct. The strong similarities of the different languages of

the Bodo group I have detailed below, need no further demonstration

than the lists will show ; and it appears that the Moran language

certainly belongs to the Bodo or Kachari group. Before concluding

I may mention that there seems to be also some connection between

the languages of the Bodo group and Deori-Chutiya, which is now like

Moran practically a dead language, originally spoken by the priestly

or Levite class among the Chutiyas (Introduction to Brown’s Deori-

Chutiya Grammar). Take the following words which I have picked

out from Brown’s Vocabulary : —

If the equivalents in Hodgson’s Bodo or Mech, and Dimasa are

studied, great similarity will be found. Ho doubt it would be possible to

trace similarities between words in Garo, for the Garo language belongs

to the Bodo group also.

I think, in conclusion, that strong linguistic affinity has been proved

between the Moran, Kachari, Dimasa (Hills Kachari), and Hodgson’s

Bodo or Mech ; it now remains to discuss whether or not there are

similarities between these tribes from an Ethnographical point of view,

but this must form the subject of another paper.

38 P. R. T. Gurdon— The Mor&ns. [No. 1,

1904.] P. R. T. Gurdon— The Mor&ns. 39

C.

40

P. R. T, Gurdon — The Morans,

[No. 1

English. Moran. Kachari. Hodgson’s Dimasa.

Bodo.

P. R. T. Gurdon — The Morans.

41

1904.]

plain)

Kliim (in this

subdivision)

42

P. R. T. Gurdon — The Morans. [So. I?

1904.] P. R. T. Gurdon — The Morans . 43

44

P. R. T. Gurdon — The Morans. [No. I?

well

1904.]

P. E. T. Gurdon — The Morans.

45

S.

T.

gran

* Sh is an aspirated sibilant letter.

1904.]

P. R. T. Gurdon — The Morans.

47

48

P. R. T. Grurdon — The Morans.

English.

Seven

Eight

Nine

Ten

Eleven

Twelve

Moran. Kachari.

Sini Sni (sini)

Sak Zat

Sakn (zi-kho) Yau (za)

Ti Tit

Tisi .

Ti Ne .

[No. 1, 1904.]

Hodgson’s Dimasa.

Sini Sini

. Chai

. Snku

o

Ji

o

. Jise

. Ji gini

1904]

H. Beveridge — Observations on General Maclagan1 s paper. 49

Observations on General Maclag an’ s paper on the Jesuit Missions to the

Emperor Akbar , J.A.S.B. for 1896, £>. 38. — By H. Beveridge.

[Read November, 1903.]

General Maclagan’s paper is a very valuable and interesting one,

but he has fallen into some mistakes from relying upon Mr. Rehatsek,

etc. I beg to offer the following remarks as supplementary to it :

It is somewhat singular that the writers who have discussed the

religious opinions of the Emperor Akbar have said so comparatively

little about the account of them given by Abul-Fazl in the historical

portion of the Akbarnama.

Mr. Blochmann has noticed the references in the Ain-i-Akbari, and

he, as well as Yans Kennedy, H. H. Wilson, Rehatsek and General

Maclagan, have given full abstracts of Badayuni’s account of the

matter. But they have said little about the references in the historical

parts of the Akbarnama, and with the exception of Rehatsek, none of

them has noticed the chapter in the Akbarnama which deals expressly

with Akbar’s position as the founder of a religion. This chapter occurs

in the annals of the 24th year of the reign and is headed “ The accept¬

ance by the wise men of the age of the spiritual authority (Ijtihad) of

the world’s lord.”

This chapter is to be found in Yol. Ill, p. 268 of the Bib. Ind. ed.,

which corresponds to Yol. Ill, p. 140 of the Cawnpore ed. Rehatsek

has indeed referred, though without citing the page, to two passages

in this chapter, but he has not done so correctly, and so he has misled

General Maclagan.

Mr. Rehatsek, who was a man of varied accomplishments, but the

conditions of whose life were not favourable to accuracy, published in

the Calcutta Review for January 1886 an article called “ Missionaries

to the Mogul Court,” and at page 3 he makes two erroneous statements.

The first is that Abul Fazl states that the malevolent rumour of Akbar’s

hatred to Muhammadanism and of his having become a Brahman, was

refuted by the Christian philosophers. Evidently this refers to two

J. i. 7

50 H. Beveridge — Observations on General Maclagaris paper. [No. 1,

passages in tlie Akbarnama, Bib. Ind. ed., Vol. Ill, pp. 272, 73, cor¬

responding to III. 142 of the Cawnpore edition. But though Akbar’s

alleged dislike to the Muhammadan religion and partiality for Hinduism

are there mentioned, nothing is said about the assertions being refuted

by the Christians. The second misstatement is more serious. Mr.

"Etehatsek says: “ The only passage in the whole Akbarnama in which a

temporary inclination of Akbar towards Christianity has been alluded

to is as follows

“ He conversed for some time on the religions information he had obtained

from Christian priests, but it appeared after a short while, that their arguments

had made no great impression upon his mind, so that he troubled himself no more

with contemplations about asceticism, the allurements of poverty, and the despic¬

ableness of a worldly life.”

Now, it would indeed be extraordinary if Abul Fazl had represented

his master as ceasing to be interested in contemplations about asceticism,

etc., for he is continually saying the reverse. He is never weary of

referring to Akbar’s love for a detached and solitary life, and of de¬

scribing him as keeping the lamp of privacy burning, though apparently

engrossed in worldly business or pleasure. In the Memorabilia collected

at the end of the Ain we find Akbar saying: “Discourses on philosophy

have such a charm for me that they distract me from all else, and I

forcibly restrain myself from listening to them, lest the necessary

duties of the hour should be neglected ” (Jarrett’s translation). It is

incredible, too, that any one who aspired to found a new religion would

think, or speak, lightly of asceticism. But in fact Abul Fazl has no

such passage as Mr. Rehatsek has ascribed to him. The reference he

gives is to the Lucknow ed. III. 208. This corresponds to III. 128 of

the Cawnpore ed. and to III, 243, 44 of the Bib. Ind. ed. But the

passage does not refer to Akbar at all ! It is a description of one

‘Abdul Baqi Turkestan! who had been to Mecca and had picked up

some religious notions from Christian philosophers (Ahbar-i-Nasara).

“ For a time,” says Abul Fazl, “ his fluency gained him credit, but it soon

appeared that he had not exercised a seeing eye, and had not penetrated

to the holy temple of religious observances (or asceticism, riyazat). He

became convinced of his incapacity and of the waste that he had made

of his life, and started his studies anew.” Probably this means that

‘Abdul Baqi, who is described as being a man of good disposition and

as acquainted with philosophy, became one of Akbar’s disciples, for we

learn from the AiD that he became a Sadr or chief minister of religion.

The chapter on Akbar’s “ Ijtihad ” describes the declaration of

faith made by the Ulama, but does not give a copy of it. This, however,

may be seen in Badayuni, Lowe’s translation, p. 279, and also in the

1904. ] H. Beveridge — Observations on General Maclag an' s paper. 51

Tabaqat-i-Akbari of Nizam-u-d-din, though unfortunately the passage

has not been translated in Elliot’s History. Curiously enough, Abul

Fazl does not mention his father Mubarak as one of the authors of the

declaration. According to Badayuni, it was Mubarak who drafted the

document and who was the chief instigator of it, and the only one who

voluntarily signed it. The chapter also tells of Akbar’s mounting the

pulpit, and gives the verse composed for him by Eaizl, though of course

it makes no allusion to the break-down described by Badayuni. Ap¬

parently this incident took place in the last week of June 1579, and so

about two months before the signing of the declaration which seems to have

occurred in the beginning of September of that year. Abul Fazl however

mentions the latter event first, which shows, if proof were needed, that

he is not an accurate chronologist. The chapter goes on to notice the

opposition excited by Akbar’s procedure, and how some accused him of

claiming to be God, others of bis claiming to be a prophet, while a third set

maintained that he was a Shia, and a fourth that he had turned a Hindu !

There is another chapter in which Abul Fazl describes the discus¬

sions in tlie ‘Ibadatkhana or “ House of worship.” This is an earlier

chapter and belongs to the 23rd year. (Bib. Ind. ed., III. 252.) This

chapter has been partially translated in Elliot, YI. 59, and is famous

on account of its mention of Father Rodolfo Acquaviva.1 Presumably

the reference to Acquaviva was inserted in a subsequent recension by

the author, for it is wanting in the Lucknow and Cawnpore editions.

There can be no doubt that Rodolfo Acquaviva is the person meaut,

though some MSS. call him Radif and some Raunaq. In an excel¬

lent MS. belonging to the India Office, formerly numbered 564, and

now 236, the name is spelt very carefully Rudulfu, all the points being

given. It is singular, however, that Abul Fazl should have put his

mention of Acquaviva into the 23rd year, i.e., between 10th March 1578

andMarch 1579, for it is certain that Acquaviva did not reach Fathpur SikrI

till 18th February 15892 and presumably he could not have taken part in

the discussions in the Ibadatkhana till some months later, when he

might have acquired sufficient fluency in Persian.3 * * * * 8

1 This is the spelling of the Father himself at the end of his letter of 27tv

September 1582 in the Marsden MS. 9854.

2 Bartoli says, 27th February, and probably 18 is a clerical error for 28. We

are told by Bartoli that the land journey from Surat to Fathpur took 43 days, and

aa they left that place on 15th January, this would make the day of their arrival

27th February. They left Goa on the 17th November 1579 and arrived at Surat

after twenty days. Apparently they stayed there for some time. Monserrat fell

Ml on the way and was left at Narwar, so that only Acquaviva and Enriquez arrived

at Fathpur in February.

8 Rodolfo was a year in Goa before he started for Fathpur, for he landed in

52 H. Beveridge — Observations on General Maclagan’s paper. [No. 1,

The chronology is important, for it seems to show that the mission

of Acqnaviva and his companions was doomed to failure from the first,

as it is evident that they arrived too late.

Akbar had already made himself Pope, so to speak, and it was not

likely that he would abandon his position as Mujtahid and sit at the

feet of a young Feringhi Padre. The anachronism is not the only error

in Abul Fazl’s account. He misrepresents the story of the proposed

ordeal by fire, and represents Acquaviva as doing the very foolish thing

of challenging the Muhammadan doctors to enter a fire. We know

both from Badayuni, and from the Jesuits that the proposal came from

a Muhammadan. In all probability it was, as the Jesuits stated, not

a bond fide proposal. Badayuni tells us that it came from Shaikh Qutbu-

d-dln of Jaleswar in the district of Agra. Evidently this is the Shaikh

Qutbu of Jaleswar mentioned in the Akbarnama III. 309 Bib. Ind. ed.

There we are told that he was found out to be a cheat, and worthless

outwardly and inwardly. This leads us to suppose that Blochmann is

right in translating Badayunl’s word kharabi as meaning that he was

a wicked man, and that Mr. Lowe is wrong in taking it to mean that

he was only intoxicated with Divine love. Badayuni, I think, meant

to say that he was a drunken fanatic, and just such a person as a friend

of S. Jamal Bakhtiyarl was likely to be, for Jamal was notorious for

his drunken habits, and was only tolerated by Akbar because his sister

was one of the favourites of the harem.

Akbar’s first introduction to the Portuguese was in the 17th year

of his reign when he was engaged in besieging the fort of Surat. Abul

Fazl’s account of the matter III. 27, is that the Portuguese had been

invited by the besieged to take over the fortress, but that when they

found Akbar was too strong, they pretended that they had come on an

embassy to him (See Elliot, YI. 42). It is likely enough that the

Portuguese came with two objects in view. They had been invited by

the besieged, just as they had been invited by Bahadur Shah forty

years before, and they probably thought that they would be able to

repeat their success and to acquire Surat as they had acquired Diu.

But they were also prepared to act as ambassadors to Akbar and took a

quantity of presents with them. Akbar, according to Abul Fazl, received

them graciously and asked them many questions about the productions

of Portugal, and the customs of the Europeans. It seemed as if he did

this from a desire for knowledge, but he had another motive, namely,

a wish to tame and civilise this savage race (guroh-i-wahshi) !

India on 13th September 1578, but probably there were no facilities at Goa for

learning Persian. As we have seen he left Goa for Fathpur via Surat on 17th

November 1579. Acquaviva was canonised by the late Pope in 1893.

53

1904.] H. Beveridge — Observations on General Maclagan’s paper.

My friend Mr. Whiteway has kindly referred me to Diego-da-Couto’s

account in his 9th Decade, Chap. XIII, p. 63, ed. seq. of the edition of

Lisbon, 1786. It appears from it that the embassy referred to by Abul

Fazl was that which is known as Antonio Cabral’s,1 and which is referred

to by General Maclagan in a note at p. 48.

Couto does not say distinctly where the embassy was received by

Akbar. Probably this took place at Surat, though there may also have

been negociations at Daman. The fact is that Akbar was as anxious to

conciliate the Portuguese as the Portuguese were to please him. For

his stepmother Haji Begam and also other ladies wished to visit Mecca,

and could not do so without the favour of the Portuguese. It is there¬

fore quite possible that, as Couto states, Akbar had previously sent an

embassy to the Viceroy. Couto gives a translation of a firman granted

by Akbar on 18th March 1573, that is ten days after Akbar had left

Surat. Possibly this was granted at Broach, where Akbar halted on

his way from Surat to Ahmadabad. Couto also tells us that Akbar was

waited upon by the Portuguese merchants at Cambay and that he

assumed the Portuguese dress there.

In the annals of the 23rd year Abul Fazl records III. 243, the

arrival from Bengal of a Portuguese named Partab Bar and his wife

Nashurna2 or Nasunta. He describes Partab Bar as an officer of the

merchants of the ports of Bengal. Afterwards, p. 320, he refers to him

as giving protection to one of the Bengal rebels, and Blochmanu, Ain

translation 440, calls him the Portuguese governor of Hooghly. If this

is so, the Portuguese records should give his name, for presumably they

contain a list of the governors. As remarked in Elliot, VI. 59, where

the passage from the Akbarnama is translated, the names of Partab and

his wife are very doubtful.

There are several variations in the MSS., and among them is the

reading Tab Barsu, which the author of the Darbar-i-Akbaii seems to

have found in his MS. (see his work, p. 67.) He also does not appear

to have found any mention of Partab’s wife, and indeed the fact that

tbe lady did come is not free from doubt, for there are, I believe, other

MSS. which omit her name. However, I think that there can be no

reasonable doubt that Partab Bar or Tar is either a corruption or the

1 Du Jarric also speaks of an embassy of Cabral’s in March 1578, and in this

he is supported by the authorities, e.g., Peruschi, who ascribes Akbar’s original liking

for the Christians to Antonio Cabral’s communications. He, however, also makes

mention of Tavares. He gives the name of the priests of Satgaon as Julian

Pereira.

2 Variously called Nashurna, Nasunta, and Basurba. Possibly, as a lady has sug¬

gested to me, the name is Assunta, and the N belongs to the title Donna. Or it may

be that the alif of ba, “with” is the first letter of her name.

54 H. Beveridge — Observations on General Maclagart s paper. [No. 1,

Indian title of Pietro Tavares, a Portuguese captain who was at Akbar’s

Court in 1578. His mission to Akbar is mentioned by Sebastian Man"

rique — Murray’s Discoveries in Asia, p. 11, 99 — who says he went up from

Hooghly. Bartoli, on the other hand (Missione al Gran Mogor, Piacenza,

1819, p. 5) describes him as a military servant of Akbar. Tavares, ap¬

parently, deserves the credit of having been the first to introduce

Portuguese priests to Akbar. He induced him to send for Egidio Anes

Pereira, or Julian Pereira, the vicar of Satgaon, and then the latter

suggested to Akbar that he should send for priests from Goa. It was

this which led to Akbar’s sending an ambassador to Goa, and to the

mission of Rodolfo Acquayiva and his companions. According to Bar¬

toli, Akbar had already been favourably impressed by the honesty of

two priests who had come to Bengal some three years previously, and

had rebuked their countrymen for -cheating the imperial government in

the matter of the customs.

The exact date of the arrival of Tavares and Pereira is not known,

but presumably it was in 1578. Tavares is represented by Bartoli as

remarking to Akbar that the priests would be better able to instruct

him in religion than the Brahmans and Mullas by whom he was sur¬

rounded. This is an allusion to the discussions in the ‘Ibadatkhana which,

as we learn from the Akbarnama III. 252, were re-inaugurated about

the beginning of October 3578. The building, however, had been con¬

structed some three years before this — Akbarnama III, I12.1

General Maclagan has touched, p. 53, upon the interesting question

of Akbar’s Christian wife. It is not certain if there was such a ladyr

but possibly she was some relation of Tavares.

Colonel Kincaid in an article in the Asiatic Quarterly Review, Yol.

Ill, p. 164, speaks of a Juliana who married John Philip Bourbon, and

who was Akbar’s sister-in-law, and the Catholic Bishop of Agra told

Dr. Wolff that there was a Juliana who acted as a Doctor in Akbar’s

harem. Possibly, however, there has been a mistake of dates, and the

lady Juliana meant is the lady who flourished in the time of Aurangzeb

and Bahadur Shah2.

General Maclagan has quoted a passage from Badayuni about a ques¬

tion put by HajI Ibrahim regarding the derivation of the word Musa.

A Qazi’s son afterwards made a remark about this which was much

1 Abul Fazl puts the construction of the building into the 19th year of the reign,

and Nizamu-d-din puts it into the 20th year. It was begun in the month Zu-l-qa‘da

which, according to the Akbarnama III. 334, is a month in which kindness should be

shown to heretics.

2 Colonel Kincaid’s article appeared in the Asiatic Quarterly Review for Janu

ary 1887, p. 164. He describes John Philip Bourbon as having been born in 1535.

1901.] H. Beveridge — Observations on General Maclagan' s yajper. 55

applauded, but of which the point is invisible to us. The author of the

Darbar-i-Akbari tells the story as a joke, p. 39, but fails to explain it*

Possibly the point consisted in an allusion to the ‘Isa who was a rebel

in Bengal, or it may be that the point consisted in asking an ignorant

man like Akbar the explanation of a grammatical nicety.

A more interesting reference to Christianity is found at p. 256 of

Yol. Ill of the Akbarnama, where Akbar, in the course of speaking about

the Hindu custom of Satl, observed to the Catholic priests that such

sacrifice of life on the part of women would be more comprehensible in

their country, as respect to women was part of their religion, and also

as there a man was confined to one wife.

At p. 42 General Maclagan quotes a passage from the Akbarnama

(Bib. Ind. ed. III. 577) about one Padre Farmaleun.

Formerly I suggested that this might be Fra Emmanuel Pinheiro,

but General Maclagan has shown that this is untenable.

I have now scarcely any doubt that the person meant is, as General

Maclagan has suggested, the Greek Sub-deacon Leo, or Leon Grimon.

Probably Abul Fazl rendered the initial G by a Q and wrote

and the copyist missed one dot, which is all the difference betwen fa

and qaf when the letters are joined. The dictionaries tell us that qaf

is sometimes used for gaf , and indeed this must be the case in Arabic

as that language has no G. An India Office MS. has Farbitun, and

another has Farmilun. There is also the form Faribtun. Apparently

the surname has been placed before the Christian name and the name

written as if it were Grimonleon.

What helps us to identify Grimon the Greek with Farmaleon is

that Abul Fazl tells us that Padre Farmaleon was employed in making

translations of Greek books. It would seem that though Grimon or

Farmaleun came from Goa, he had not come from Europe.

He had been returning to his own country when he touched at Goa,

and presumably he was on his way home from China, for his companions

brought China goods with them. That Grimon stayed on at Akbar ’s

court for a considerable time we know from Du Jarric’s account, who

tells us that Grimon had a crown a day from Akbar, and that he relin¬

quished this, and also left his wife behind him when he accompanied

Benedict Goes to Yarkand.1 Abul Fazl’s account enables us to know

the date of Grimon’s arrival at Lahore, for what he tells is, that he arrived

on 26th Farwardin of the 35th year, that is, 5th or 6th April 1590.

This makes it impossible that Farmileun is a mistake for Edward Leio-

ton, as the latter one did not arrive till 1591. Leioton, too, did not stay

1 Da Jarric says Yarkand, but apparently Sir Henry Yule says that Grimon

turned back at Kabul.

56 H. Beveridge — Observations on General Maclag an’ s paper. [No. 1, 1904.]

long at Court, and liis mission was not at all a success. It is unlikely

therefore that Abul Fazl would mention him. On the other hand,

Grimon seems to have stayed many years at Court, for he came in 1590

and left with Goes on 15th February 1603. As he left his newly-married

wife behind him, he probably returned to Agra from Kabul or Yarkand.

At p. 56 General Maclagan gives a translation of Rodolfo Acqua-

viva’s letter of 27th September 1582, which is in the Marsden M.S.B.M.

Add. M.S.S. 9854. The translation, however, seems inferior to that

given in Father Goldie’s book (1897).

Father Goldie also gives in an Appendix the original Portuguese.

The words Dottor Imperbicado, or Impervicado, which were applied to

Mubarak by Father Monserrat, present a difficulty, the word Imper¬

bicado not being found in any dictionary. General Maclagan renders it

“self-sufficient,” but it seems to me from the context that the word was

used as a compliment. I would suggest Imporfiado, which might mean

Not-obstinate, i.e.y liberal or open-minded, which, indeed, was Muba¬

rak’s character. In a note to the translation by Mr. Phillips in Father

Goldie’s book, it is said that the phrase is obviously a nickname.

General Maclagan’s account of the 2nd and 3rd Missions is very

interesting, but I have nothing to add to the information contained in it.1

1 There is an interesting passage about Akbar’s religious discussions in the Zub-

datu-t-Tawarikh of Nur-al-haq. — See Elliot, YI. 182.

1904.]

H. Beveridge — Isft Khan.

57

On Ana Khan , the ruler of Bhati, in the time of Akbar. — By

H. Beveridge.

[Read December, 1903.]

In 1874 Dr. Wise published in our Journal a valuable account of

the Bara Bhuyas of Eastern Bengal, and he followed this up by a sup¬

plementary paper in 1875. J.A.S.B. XLIII, p. 197 and id. XLIV, 181.

At p. 209 of bis first paper there is the account of Isa Khan. Dr.

Wise, in his modest way, expressed the hope that his notices might

excite others to add further particulars, and to complete what is still

wanting of the history of Bengal to the final conquest by the Muham¬

madans. The object of this present paper is to add some particulars

about ‘ Isa Khan from the third volume of the Akbarnama, a source

which has not been directly used by Dr. Wise.

It is a curious circumstance that Abul Fazl in the Ain, Jarrett

II, 117, calls ‘ Isa, ‘ Isa Afghan,1 for in the Akbarnama III, 432, he says

that his father was a Bais Rajput, that is, a Rajput belonging to Bais-

w^ara in Oudh. (See Elliot’s Supp. Glossary, ed. by Beames I, 13.)

This seems to indicate that the Am was written first, and before Abul

Fazl had received correct information. The account in the Akbarnama

agrees with the family tradition mentioned by Dr. Wise that ‘ Isa’s

father was a Bais Rajput whose name was Kali Das Gajdani, and that

when he became a Muhammadan he received the title of Sulaiman

Khan. Abul Fazl tells us, that the father settled in the fluviatile

region of Bengal and became a rebel. In the reign of Salim Shah, the

the son of Sher Shah, Taj Khan, the elder brother of Sulaiman Kara-

rani, and Darya Khan were sent against him. After severe fighting

he gave in, and was pardoned. But soon afterwards he rebelled again

and was, by stratagem, made a prisoner and put to death. His two

sons, £ Isa and Ishmael were sold to merchants and carried oft into Cen¬

tral Asia. When Salim Shah died (1554), Qutbu-d-din Khan, their

father’s brother, behaved well, and after much searching found his two

1 So in text, but the India Office MSS. Nos 235 and 236 have a quite different

name, viz., Mashhadl.

J. I. 8

[No 1,

56 H Beveridge — JVfl Khan.

nephews and brought them back to Bengal. One would like to think

that this good uncle was the Qutbu-d-din who left Sher Shah and be¬

came a recluse in disgust of the king’ s breach of faith towards Put an

Mai. 4 Isa was remarkable for ability and prudence and rose to be at

the head of the twelve zamindars of Bengal. Abul Fazl’s language, if

construed strictly, meaus that there were 12 zamindars exclusive of

‘ Isa. but this is not Pimenta’s statement. According to a tradition

preserved by the Jaugalbarl family he married Fatima a daughter of one

Saiyid Ibrahim. Another tradition, Wise 202, is that he married a

daughter of Cand Rai of Bikrampur. Abul Fazl calls him the ruler

( marzban ) of Bhati and says that though he always professed to be sub¬

missive to the rulers of Bengal, t.e., Sulaiman Kararani and Daud, he

had the good sense not to visit them. On the same page he gives the

boundaries of Bhati, and does so in a way which has puzzled Professor

Dowson (Elliott VI, 73) and -myself. For he talks of Bhati being a

tract which has Tanda on the south, and the ocean and the termination

of the mountains of Thibet on the north S There surely must be some

copyist’s mistake, but all the MSS. tell the same story. A possible

interpretation is that the words mean South of Tanda and North of the

ocean and the terminations of the hills of Tipperah. Blochmann 342

n.I. has “ from N.S., from Thibet to the ocean.” Abul Fazl goes on at

pp. 433 and 433 to describe Shahbaz Khan’s campaigns against ‘ Isa

in 1584. At pp. 433 he says that Shahbaz took the two forts which

had been erected on each side of the Granges at Khizrpur “ as this was

the thoroughfare to and from Bhati.” Then he took Sonargaon, and

the populous city of Karabuh which was 1 Isa’s residence. After that

he hastened to Bara Sindur, which is a great city, and obtained much

booty. Then he emerged into the Brahmaputra. He was nearly

catching the rebel Ma’sum Kabuli, when ‘ Isa came back from Cuch

Bihar with a large army. The imperialists had now to act on the

defensive and took up their quarters in Toke (Totak in text) which is

on the bank of the Brahmaputra, and opposite Agara Sindur (Kinara

Sindur in text) and built a fort there. Then Shahbaz sent for Tarsan

Khan to march from Bhowal (N. of Dacca and also kno^n as Nagari)

towards Khizrpur and disconcert the enemy by attacking them on

another side. Unfortunately Tarsan was rash and was cut off by

Ma'sum who had taken refuge in the islands, (or more probably, the

peninsula, Jazira) between the Lakhia and the Brahmaputra.

It will be seen from the above that ‘ Isa’s residence was at Kara¬

buh and not at Khizrpur, and the question is where was this town.

The Bib. Ind. gives the variant Katrabuh and the Lucknow ed. has

also this form. The name occurs again at p. 733 in connection with

59

1904.] H. Beveridge — Isft Khan.

‘ Isa’s naval fight with Rajah Man Singh’s son Durjan Singh, in, which

the latter was defeated and killed. There too we have the variant

Katrabuh. In both cases the India office M.S. No. 236 has Kasrabuh

• •

which only differs by one dot from Katrabuh. The India Office MS.

235 has Katrabuh or Katraluh. The Maasir-ul-Umra II, 474, has

Katrapur. I think then that we may take it that Katrabuh is the

correct reading, and it is evident that this is the Katrabo of Dr. Wise’s

paper, which he describes as being still the residence of descendants of

‘Isa Khan. J.A.S.B. for 1874, p. 211. See also p. 214 where Katrabo

in Sarkar Bazuha is mentioned in a sanad belonging to the Jangalbari

family. Bakhtarapur which is mentioned by Dr. Wise as ‘ Isa’s resi¬

dence is only given doubtfully by Mr. Blochmann, and appears to be a

misreading for Katrabuh, the first letter h having been taken as part

of the name, instead of as a preposition. It will be seen from Dr.

Wise’s paper that “ Catrabo ” is mentioned by Sebastian Manrique

who was in Bengal in the first half of the 17th century, as one of the

twelve provinces. Upon this Dr. Wise remarks : “ Catrabo is Katrabo,

now a tappa on the Lakhya opposite Khizrpur and which for long was

the property of the descendants of ‘ Isa Khan.” There does not appear

to be any town or village of the name of Katrabo now in existence, and

a tappa of course may be a pretty large area. I imagine that the tappa

is what appears in the Ain Jarrett II, p. 138, as Katarmalbazu and

which yielded a revenue of nearly three million of dams (about

Rs. 75,000). In the text of the Ain, p. 404, we have the variant Kata-

bal, and Tiefenthaler gives Katarbal. Now in Rennel’s map of the

Meghna to the head of the Lakhia, as reproduced in Tiefenthaler

Vol. III., we have a place marked Goraboe N. of Dacca and on the

right bank of the Lakhia or Banar, a little north of Ekdallah.

May not this be Katrabuh ? It seems evident that Shahbaz Khan

after capturing Sonargaon sailed up the Lakhia, or marched along

its banks to Agarasindur and Toke and then came out on the Brah¬

maputra, i.e., what was the Brahmaputra then and is still so called

by the natives. The Kinara Sindur of the text is, I have no doubt,

Agarasindur in the Mymensingli district, opposite Toke and which

in my time was another name for the Nikli thana. Goraboe is near

the site of Doordooreah marked on Taylor’s map in his topography of

Dacca, and described by him at pp. 112-114. It is true that he marks

Doordooreah as on the left bank of the Lakhya, but apparently the

town and the fort were on opposite sides, p. 113. His words are: “At

one of these localities in thana Kapasia, known in the present day by

the name of Doordooreah, and situated upon the banks of the Banar,

about eight miles above Akdalla, are to be seen the remains of a fort

60

H. Beveridge — Isa Khan. [No. 1,

and opposite to it the foundations of a town, both of which it is said

wTere built and occupied by the Booneah Rajahs.5’ By Booneah Dr.

Taylor means the dynasty which according to him preceded the Pal

kings, and of whom there is some account in Buchanan and in Mr.

Gait’s paper on the Koc kings of Kamrup. J.A S.B. for 1893, p. 281.

But the word Booneah is the same as Bhuya and as the Boiones of Man-

rique and Du. Jarric, Wise, J.A. S.B. for 1875, p. 181, and is as applicable

to the Barah Bhuyas of the 16th century as to the mythical Buddhists.

Taylor also at p. 163 speaks of ‘Isa’s contemporary Cand Rai as being a

Booneah ! At all events, Doordoorea was occupied by Muhammadans,

if not built by them, for Taylor speaks of the foundations of a dargcih

and mosque there. Taylor’s description shows that the ruins are, or

were, very extensive, and he suggests that they may really be the site

of Ekdalla as the place commonly known by that name and which is

further down the river, has no remains of a fort.

At p. 438 Abul Fazl tells, us how Shahbaz Khan had to retreat in

the following year (1585) in disgrace from the country of Bhati. He

had encamped on the banks of the Panar, i.e ., the Banar, a river which,

as Taylor says, unites the Brahmaputra (i.e., the old Brahmaputra) and

the Lakhia. Shahbaz lay there for seven months and had frequent en¬

gagements with {Isa. At one time he was successful and obtained an

agreement from ‘Isa that he would allow a royal officer, viz., a darogha to

be stationed in the port of Sonargaon, but eventually he had to break

up his camp and to retreat, first to Sherpur Murca in Bogra (on the

Karatoya) and then to Tanda, with the loss of all his baggage and of

many men. The causes of this disaster were the sickness of his troops,

his quarrels with the officers, and the flooding of his camp. This was

effected by ‘Isa’s having the bank of the Brahmaputra cut in fifteen

places. From this fact it seems evident that Shahbaz’ camp was near

the head of the Banar, i. e., it was near Toke well known to all travel¬

lers by water as a charmingly wooded spot near where the Banar or

Sltal Lakhia leaves the old Brahmaputra. It was about a year after

this, namely, in 1586, that Ralph Fitch was at Sonargaon. His remark

was that “ the chief king- of all these countries was called Isacan, and

he is the chief of all the other kings, and is a great friend to the

Christians ! ” Perhaps it is not too fanciful to suppose that his liking

for the Christians was partly the result of his bearing the name of their

Lord. Fitch’s statement however is somewhat opposed to Pimenta’s

remark that the conversion of Bengal was delayed by the circumstance

that nine of the twelve princes were Muhammadans. At pp. 461, 479,

632, 672, 697, 711, 714, 716 and 733 of the Akbarnama, Vol, III, there

are various references to ‘Isa Khan, and we are told more than once of

61

1904.] H. Beveridge — Isa Khan.

his making submission and sending presents. But be was never really

subdued, and bis swamps and creeks enabled bim to preserve bis inde¬

pendence as effectually as the Aravalli Hills protected Rana Pratap of

Udaipur. At p. 733 there is an account of ‘Isa’s defeating and killing

Durjan Singh the son of Rajah Man Singh. Perhaps the story in Dr.

Wise’s paper, p. 213, about ‘Isa’s slaying Man Singh’s son-in-law in single

combat is a reminiscence of this naval battle. At p. 763 we are told of

‘Isa’s death, which took place in the 44th year of Akbar’s reign and in

the year 1008, 1599-1600. Dr. Wise, p. 210, says that ‘Isa left two sons

Musa and Diwan 1 Muhammad Khan of whom nothing- is known. But

according to Abul Fazl p. 809 ‘Isa bad a son named Daud who gave Man

Singh some trouble. Daud apparently was in league with Kedar the

ruler of Bikrampur and Sarharpur and who evidently is the Kedar Rai

of Bikrampur, Wise, i.e 202.

In Mr. G-ait’s paper, already referred to, pp. 290-91, there is a refer¬

ence to wars between the “ Gaur Pasha ” and the Rajah of Kuc Bihar,

and we are told that Silarai was defeated (see p. 290) and taken prisoner

and afterwards released on account of his curing the Gaur Pasha’s

mother of a snake-bite. There we are told that the Gaur Pasha’s mother

afterwards died and that Nar Karavan and Akbar combined to attack

•/

the Gaur Pasha. Silarai invaded his kingdom on the east and Man

Singh from the west. The result was that the Gaur Pasha was defeat¬

ed and had to fly to the Faringhis. Further on Mr. Gait remarks, p.

297, that the Mussalman historians of the period make no mention of

the assistance said to have been rendered by Nar Karayan in the sub¬

jugation of Daud Shah. I submit that the apparent omission has

been caused by Mr. Gait’s assuming that the Gaur Pasha meant was

Daud Shah. The Kuc Bihar records apparently do not say so, and if

we substitute ‘Isa Khan for Daud, the difficulty disappears. It is true

that ‘Isa is not called Gaur Pasha by the Muhammadan historians, but

neither is Daud, and the latter and his father before him lived at Tanda

and not at Gaur. Gaur is an old name for a part of the Baqirganj dis¬

trict, and we find the title Gauriya assumed by another pretender to the

throne of Bengal. ‘Isa too might well be called Gaur Pasha for he is

said to have ruled to the confines of Kuc Bihar. The story about the

snake-bite can hardly apply to Daud Shah’s mother Nolakhha who sur_

rendered to Khan Jahan and was sent up to Fathpur. Neither was

Man Singh employed in Bengal in the time of Daud Shah. He was so

employed in the time of ‘Isa, and at p. 733 we find it recorded that Man

Singh acted in conjunction with Lachmi Narain of Kuc Bihar and that

1 Perhaps the Diwan Kot 4 m. above Khizrpur and on the right bank Lakhia is

a memento of this son.

62

[No. 1,

H. Beveridge — Isa Khan.

he saved the latter, although in the river-combat Man Singh’s son was

defeated and killed. We know also from p. 716 that ‘Isa supported

the Patkuar against Lachml Narain, and we have in Dr. Wise’s paper,

p. 213, a reference to a victory obtained over the Koc Rajah. It is

curious that the Kuc Bihar chronicle should speak of the Gaur Pasha’s

taking refuge with the Faringhis (Mr. Gait’s paper, p. 291) and that

Dr. Wise should mention the tradition that ‘Isa fled to Chittagong.

Daud Khan certainly never did this, and indeed in his time there were

probably no Faringhi settlements to fly to.

Postscript.

Katrabuh is probably identical with the Catebarry of Taylor,

Topography of Dacca, p. 64, where it is stated that “ Harish Candra,

one of the Booneah Rajahs, resided at Catebarry near Sabar.” This

statement is repeated in the Statistical Account of Bengal Y, 118, where

the place is called “ Katibari near Sabhar. In the list of fiscal divi¬

sions in the same volume, pp. 139-141, this is entered as No. 93 Katho-

rabo tappe.

I take this opportunity of suggesting that Dr. Taylor’s very

valuable work should be reprinted. He seems to have been the real

father of statistical inquiries in Bengal.

I also take the opportunity of suggesting that the unintelligible

southern boundary for the country of Bhati given by Abul Fazl, viz.,

“ South Tanda,” may be a mistake for Landa which in the Riyazu-s-

Salatin is given as one of the boundaries of Orissa. I do not however

know what place is meant by the author of the Riyaz. The passage

occurs at p. 15, line 10 of his work; and the full boundary is Landa

Dalul t<^. Bhati is sometimes regarded as being merely a strip

of land extending along the coast of Bengal. Thus Colonel Jarrett

describes it in his translation of the Ain II, 116, n. 3, as “ the coast-

strip of the Sunderbans from Hijli to the Meghna.” But according to

Abul Fazl’s description it was a very large tract of country, and its

breadth from N.E.S. was 300 kos or more than Bengal whose breadth

from N.E.S. was only 200 kos. Apparently it included the whole of

East Bengal, together with much of Sylhet. The eastern boundary of

Bhati is given by Abul Fazl as Habsha, or as Jasur (the MSS. do not

agree), and Professor Dowson has rendered this as Jessore, Elliot YI, 73.

But Abul Fazl calls the boundary a Wilayat or Country, and Jessore

was not even a Sarkar in his time, but only an alternative name for a '

pargana. I therefore believe that the boundary meant is Jaintia which

in the Ain is spelt Jesa Jarrett, IT, 139. Perhaps this may help to ex¬

plain Abul Fazl’s impossible northern boundary, viz., ya darya-i-shor

1904.]

63

H. Beveridge — Isa Khan.

the ocean. Perhaps what he meant, or his informants meant, was darya-

i-surma , i e., the river Soorma.

As ‘Isa Khan and his brother were sold as slaves, it may be pre¬

sumed, in spile of the tradition mentioned by Dr. Wise, that their father

remained a Hindu, for it seems that a Muhammadan cannot be sold into

slavery by a Muhammadan.

64

Numismatic Supplement.

[No. 1,

Numismatic Supplement.

[With Plates I and II.]

This supplement has been started primarily in the hope that coin

collectors in India may find it convenient to chronicle in its pages noti¬

ces of unpublished or rare coins which they may obtain from time to

time.

It is also meant to include notes on other subjects of antiquarian

and philological interest which by themselves might not afford suffi¬

cient material for a paper in the main body of the Journal.

It is a matter of common experience that casual finds by private

persons of highly interesting coins are not made public with the free¬

dom that is desirable. Almost all private cabinets contain specimens

which their owners have not had any inclination or inducement to pub¬

lish in any recognised journal.

Public cabinets are also not entirely free from reproach in this

matter. Supplements to printed catalogues are brought out at incon¬

veniently long intervals and new acquisitions of interest may thus remain

unknown for years except to casual visitors.

The search for Indian coins since the days of Prinsep and Thomas

has continued to be keen. The enthusiasm of General Cunningham

and Mr. C. J. Rodgers in this direction has made itself widely felt, and

the result is that every year brings to light numbers of coins previously

unknown to numismatists. This is particularly noticeable in the case

of the period covered by the later Muhammadan Sultans of Dehli whose

coins were struck not only at the capital but at many of the more pro¬

minent towns in their territories. The list of these towns which is a

matter of historical and possibly geographical interest is being yearly

added to in consequence of private research.

Similarly for progress in the study of ancient Indian history the

publication of finds of new coins is all-important.

It is in the help that such notices afford to those engaged on

the larger work of tabulating the numismatic records of specific periods

d. A. S. B. Vol. LXXIII. Pt. I.

PLATE I.

J. A. S. B. Vol. LXXIII.

Pt. I.

PLATE II.

1904.] Numismatic Supplement. 65

and dynasties that this supplement should be found useful, if coin collec¬

tors and those interested in philological and antiquarian matters will

but commit their observations to writing, to use the words of Sir W illiam

Jones, and send them to the Asiatic^Society in Calcutta.

Medieval Coins.

1. Samudra Gupta. — A new variety of the Battle-axe type. PI. I. 1.

Obverse. — King, standing, leaning on battle-axe and facing left;

attendant in left field supporting a standard tipped with a crescent.

Between attendant and king the word

Between king and battle-axe the words. ^

(Note. — The final “ra” aud “ta” of “Samudra” and “ Gupta”

absent owing to want of space on the coin).

Legend.— To right of battle-axe ^ 7f 3“ krtanta.

are

To left of attend aI12jE ^TTE&TCETT tyajitaraja jitajata

Reverse. — Goddess on throne facing front with feet on a single lo¬

tus flower in full bloom.

In right hand a fillet, in left hand a lotus flower.

Monogram. . ^ •

Legend. JJZ * tnru kritanta-parasu.

i.e. the battle-axe

of Krtanta. Weight: 118 grs.

The novel features in this coin, which was obtained in Lucknow,

are (1) the fuller legend on the obverse, (2) the position of the king’s

name, (3) the lotus flower on the reverse in the goddess’s left hand and

at her feet. H. N. Wright, C.S.

2. In our proceedings for 1881, at page 39, a gold coin belonging to

the late Mr. R. Nicholson is described. The inscription was read “ S'ri

Dhairyyaraja ” by Dr. Hoernle. The coin is now in my possession, and

it seems to me certain that the inscription should be read or

S'ri Vigharaha. The style of the letters would connect it with the same

period as the very common silver coins, of the Indo-Sassanian type,

which bear the same name, though the devices (obverse, bull Nandi, and

lingam ; reverse, cow suckling calf) are purely Indian. PI. I. 2.

R. Burn, C.S.

J. i. 9

66

Numismatic Supplement.

Sultans of Dehli.

[No, 1,

3. Ghiyas-ud-din Balban \ a new mint. PI. I. 3. 4.

Towards the close of 1902 a rupee of Ghiyas-ud-din Balban was

brought to me, similar in type to the coin illustrated by Thomas (Chro¬

nicles of the Pathan Kings of Dehli, PI. II. 42), but differing in its

marginal legend. Unfortunately the latter is not perfect. A portion

of it is, however, sufficiently preserved to enable the place of mintage to

be deciphered with clearness. The legend on the reverse runs

^ . . . . . j AiliaJLw

[Struck in the district of Sultanpur . . ...in the year 679 A. H.]

On the obverse, too little of the margin is left to be of any further

help. The coin weighs 165 grs.

Twelve months later I came across a confirmation of the above

reading on a small copper coin of the same king of the type given by

Thomas on p. 135 of his Chronicles No. 115, Plate II, Fig. 45. This

little coin on the reverse has instead of ei the words

The coin weighs 31 grs.

To which Sultanpftr this coin should be assigned I am unable to say.

It cannot be the Sultanpur (Warangal) of the coins of Muhammad bin

Tughlak, as Warangal was not named till late in the reign of Ghiyas-

ud-din Tughlak. There was a Sultanpur within a short distance of old

Dehli, but it is unlikely that there should have been two mints in such

close proximity.

It is more probable that the “ Khita Sultanpur” of Balban was in

or near the province of Bengal which was the scene of the principal

expedition of that monarch’s reign. H. N. Wright, C.S.

Mughal Emperors op Hindustan.

4. Jahangir.. — -A new zodiacal mohar. PI. I. 5.

Obverse. — Ram ( Aries) to right looking backward over shoulder

within rayed circle.

Reverse. — Within dotted circle.

Si l A

• »

rOt* 0

i »u> j

The legend forms the following couplet : —

Bad raw an td hi buwad mihr o Mdh

Sihka-i-urdu-i-J ahdngir Shah

67

1904.] Numismatic Supplement.

[May the coin of the camp of Jahangir Shah remain current as

long as the sun and moon exist.]

This interesting coin which was found by me in Dehli in October

1902, stands by itself in almost every particular. The most recent

publication on the zodiacal coins of Jahangir is Monsieur Drouin’s

article in the “Revue Numismatique” in 1902 (p. 259), in which are

described the zodiacal coins in the French “ Cabinet des Medailles.”

The British Museum Catalogue contains an account of the 43 gold

specimens in that Museum and Mr. J. S. Gibbs had a valuable paper

entitled “ Notes on the zodiacal Rupees and Mohars of Jahangir ” in the

Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1878. These

are the most important publications of recent date bearing on the sub¬

ject, and in none of them is any reference made to a coin resembling

the one now described.

Hitherto the only names of mints noticed on the zodiacal coins

of Jahangir have been —

On gold coins: Agra, Lahore,1 Ajmir,2 Ahmadabad,3 Fathpur

Sikri. 4 *

On silver coins : Ahmadabad, Agra (from gold die), Kashmir,

Fathpur Sikri.6

The present coin must have been struck in the camp (Urdu)

of Jahangir, and is so far the only coin known to have been so struck

by that king. Coins struck bj Akbar in his “Urdu” or “Urdu-i-Zafar-

qarin ” are met with. The sign of the Ram shews that my coin was

struck in the first ■ month (Farwardin), possibly on the Nauroz, of

Jahangir’s 22nd year, corresponding to the seventh month (Rajab) of

1036 A. H. or March 1627 A. D. Where Jahangir actually was at that

time I have not been able to ascertain with any exactitude. In the sixth

month of his 21st year he left Kabul for Hindustan (Elliot and Dowson,

Vol. VI, p. 429). He went to Lahore (idem p. 431), and in his 22nd

year appears to have gone to Kashmir (idem p. 435). He died 8 months

later (28 Safar 1037 A.H.) on his way back to Lahore. Probably he

was on his way from Lahore to Kashmir when the present coin was

issued.

Further, no other zodiacal coin is known of so late date. The

latest specimen in the British Museum is dated 1033. M. Drouin,

1 M. Drouin describes and figures a Sagittarius struck at Lahore in the name of

Nurjahan.

2 Gibbs A.S.B. Prog. 1883.

3 B.M.C. No. 357 and Drouin (p. 9 of paper).

4 See Gibbs, J.A.S. Bom: 1878 ; the coins belonged to Col. Guthrie.

6 White King and Yost, Nura. Chron : 1896, Yol XYI, p 155.

68

[No. 1,

Nitmismatic Supplement.

though on p. 11 of his article he remarks that the period of zodiacal

coins extends from 1019 to 1036, states on p. 15 of the same paper

“ les annees de frappe vont done de 1019 a 1035 pour le monnayage

d’argent alors qu’elles oscillent entre 1025 et 1034 pour les mohrs.”

A rupee (Taurus) struck at Agra in 1035, which is in the Cabinet des

Medailles, bears the latest date giveu by him. Mr; Gibbs remarked :

“ The latest date among my own gold is Cancer 1034-20, and among the

silver 1027-13 * * # Marsden gives . 1034-19 as the

latest gold with the exception of the rare Sagittarius at Paris which

has Nurjahan Begam’s name on the reverse and which is 1035-20.”

The engraving both of the obverse and reverse dies is particularly

fine, and I believe that no other zodiacal moharis known with the figure

of the Ram to the right. The reverse legend adds a new couplet to

those hitherto recorded on the coins of Jahangir. The coin weighs

168 grs.

5. On the date of the Saliml Goins. PI. I. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

It is well-known that a series of coins issued from the Ahmadabad

mint in the name of Sultan Salim Shah, son of Akbar Shah. Now this

Salim on mounting the imperial throne assumed the name of Jahangir1

and accordingly it is not strange that the Salimi silver rupees and

copper tankis have generally been assigned to some period prior to his

accession. The British Museum Catalogue, for instance, attributes

them to Jahangir as Governor of Gujarat. Unfortunately for this

hypothesis, however, the prince Salim never was Governor of Gujarat.

Below is the list of all the viceroys appointed by the Emperor Akbar

from the date of his subjugation of the province in A.D. 1573 until the

accession of Jahangir in A.D. 1605,

1. Mirza ‘Aziz Koka ... ... A.D. 1573-1575.

2. Mirza ‘Abd al Rahim Khan ... 1575-1577.

3. Shihab al din Ahmad Khan ... 1577-1583.

1 Jahangir, the eldest son of the Emperor Akbar the Great, “was named

“ Mirza Salim on account of his coming into the world, as supposed, by the prayers

“ of Shaikh Salim Cishti, a venerable Shaikh and dervish who resided in the village

“ of Sikri, now called Fatehpur Sikri, in the province of Agra.” Beale : Oriental

Biographical Dictionary (1894), page 191. My friend, Mr. J. J. Ghose, M.A., of

Ahmadabad, has kindly supplied me the following extract from the Tuzak-i-Jahan-

giri : “ After my birth I was named Sultan Salim. But I never heard the blessed

“lips of my father address me either seriously or in jest as Muhammad Salim or

Sultan Salim, He always called me Shekho Baba . When 1 became King it

“ came into my mind that I should change my name (Salim) because of its resem¬

blance to the names of the Qaisars of Turkey. The Heavenly Inspirer put into

my heart that, as the work of Kings is to conquer the world, I should call myself

“ Jahangir.”

1904]

Numismatic Supplement.

69

4. I‘timad Khan Gujarati

5. Mirza cAbd al Rahim Khan (2nd time).

6. Isma‘il Qnli Khan ...

7. Mirza ‘Aziz Koka (2nd time)

8. Sultan Murad Bakhsli

9. Mirza ‘Aziz Koka (3rd time)

1583- 1584

1584- 1587.

1587.

1588-1592.

1592-1600.

1600-1606.

Not only is Salim’s name absent from this list, hut, inasmuch as

in all the thirty- two years the viceroyalty was never vacant, no loop¬

hole even remains for the conjecture that Salim may at some time have

held the Office of Governor.

It is true that towards the end of Akbar’s reign Salim rose in

rebellion, hut the disaffection was shortlived1 and apparently was

confined to the Allahabad District. No trace of it seems to have reach¬

ed the distant Abmadabad.

If then Salim’s coins were not struck by him either as Viceroy or

as rebel, we are evidently shut up to the conclusion that they were

issued by his orders as Emperor. And if this be the case, we may safe¬

ly affirm that they must have been struck in the very earliest part of

his reign — before his newly adopted name Jahangir had quite come

into vogue. On this point the evidence of the coins themselves is in¬

structive. They bear no Hijri year, but, as generally read, they have

alongside of the name of the month of issue either the year 2 or the

year 5. Not a single Salimi coin is known of the year 1 or 3 or 4, and

none of any year later than 5. How to account for the strange lacuna

was long a puzzle. The first clue to a solution was given by Mr. Nelson

Wright who noticed that the coins supposed to read the year 5 do, as a

matter of fact, read 50. The Persian figure 5 is here written as a small

circle, and accordingly the following digit, zero, is represented merely

by a dot. On several badly struck specimens the 5 appears clear enough,

but in the process of coining the 0, which came nearer the edge of the

die, has simply missed the flan altogether. On other specimens again

the dot has been quite worn away. My own collection, however, con¬

tains five of these Salimi rupees with the 50 written distinctly as O.

With this clue in our hand the tangle all unravels. And in this

way: —

Clearly the 50 represents the 50th (or last) solar year of Akbar’s

reign, his Ilahi 50, and the 2 the next succeeding solar year. In the

earlier months of the Ilahi 50 Akbar was still on the throne, and the

coins of these months bore his name. In the first week of the 8th

l Keferring to Salim’s rebellion Manouchi writes : “ He repaired the disobedience

of a few months by a sincere application ever after to all the offices of a dutiful

son.” Catrou’s Manouchi (English Translation, 1709), page 134.

70 Numismatic Supplement. [No. 1,

month of that year — on the 6th day of Aban — Salim mounted the throne.

F ortkwith in that same month of Aban coins were struck at the Ahmada-

bad mint in the name of Salim, but bearing still as their date the year

50. Each succeeding month of that year Salim’s coins issued from

Ahmadabad, these coins showing the name of the month of issue and

the year 50. When the new solar year began the same type of coin was

struck, but with the date Fai’wardin 2, and during the first four months

of this year 2 that issue continued with the mere change consequent

upon the change of month. In the fifth month Salim (or, as he was

now called, Jahangir) introduced his new type of coin — the well known

“heavy rupees”1 — with their entirely new legend* Besides substitut¬

ing his imperial name Jahangir for his birth-name Salim, he also so far

at least as the Ahmadabad coins are concerned, dropped the year 2 from

these coins, and now for the first time admitt ed the year 1. As yet only

one New Year’s Day (of the solar year) had occurred in his reign, and

he now elected to count from that day his Ilahi year I.2

Thereafter most of his coins bore both the date of the Hijri (lunar)

year and also the number of the regnal (solar) year — thus 1015-1, 1015-

2, 1016-2, 1016-3, 1017-3, &c &c.

In order to indicate the precise period to which the coins struck for

Salim at Ahmadabad should, in my opinion, be assigned, I have drawn up

the following Table of Synchronisms of the Arabic and Persian months

for the three years beginning 10th March, O.S., 1605. In the Waqi‘at-i-

Jahangiri it is definitely stated that the third solar year of Jahangir’s

reign opened on a “ Thursday, the 2nd of Zu’l hijja, corresponding

with the 1st of Farwardin.” Dowson-Elliot : VI. 316. With this as

starting-point the construction of a Table of monthly synchronisms for

the three preceding years presents no difficulty. It is only necessary to

bear in mind —

(а) that in the Hijri year months of 30 and 29 days alternate, one

day being added to the last (short) month of any intercalary year ;

(б) and that in the Persian year each month is of 30 days, but

that 5 days — the gathas — are always added to the end of the last

month.

1 The Ilahi rupees of Akbar and Salim’s rupees invariably weigh each just a

few grains under 180, but Jahangir’s heavy rupees rose at a bound to 215, and three

years later to 222 grains.

2 “Jahangir counts the years of his reign by the solar reckoning, and the first

“year of hi3 reign as commencing on the New Year’s Day next after his accession,

“ with the entrance of the Sun into Aries, which corresponded with the 11th Zu’l

“qa'da, 1014 A. H. (10th March, 1606 A.D.),” Dowson-Elliot, History of India,

VI. 290, note 2.

1004.] Numismatic Supplement. 71

Table op Monthly Synchronisms.

1 Brit. Mus. Catal. of Indian Coins — the Mughal Emperors, page Ixii. Also Cun¬

ningham’s Book of Indian Eras, p. 225.

2 Cf. D. E. YI. 284. The date 8 Jumada ii, 1014 A.H., corresponds not to

the 12th but to the 11th October, 1605 A.D.

3 D. E. YI. 290, note 2.

4 1014 H. was an intercalary year, and thus its month Zu’l hijja contained

3 0 days.

From this Table it appears that the Salim! coins find their place

between Akbar’s and Jahangir’s, and that the period of their issue

covered nine consecutive months. In complete accord with the arrange¬

ment indicated in the Table my collection shows, either in silver or in

copper, Akbar’s coins struck month by month from Farwardin till Mihr

of the Ilahi year 50, but none later than Mihr. Next in evidence are

the Salimi coins of the year 50 beginning with Aban (PL I. 6) and

continuing without a break till Isfandarmuz (PI. I. 7. 8). ; aud thereafter

month by month from Farwardin till Tir (PL I. 9. 10) the Salimi coins of

the year 2. Then follow, last of all, the “ heavy rupees ” of Jahangir,

dated not 1014-1 but 1015-1, 1015-2, 1016-2, 1016-3, &c.

In support of the opinion that the Salimi coins of the year 50

precede those of the year 2, one further piece of evidence is noteworthy.

Ex hypothesi , the first Salimi coins to be struck were those of Aban 50.

1 Cf. D. E. VI, 302. On line 12 of page 302 correct 22nd to 21st, and 1603 to

1607.

2 D. E. VI, 316. 1016 H. being an intercalary year, its month Zu’l hijja

contained 30 days.

1 904.] Numismatic Supplement. 73

Wow it is precisely the coins of this month that differ in their legend

from all subsequent issues. The difference consists largely but not

solely in the arrangement of the words, and extends both to the obverse

and to the reverse. The coins struck in the following month, Azar

are of that modified type which was maintained till the close of the

series. Wow the explanation of this change is clear if, as our theory

assumes, the Aban coins were the' first struck. They simply did not

meet with complete approval. The obverse was pronounced too crowded

and the reverse too diffuse. Orders were accordingly given to omit

altogether the one word Ilahl and further to so rearrange the component

words of the legend that a portion only should find a place on the

obverse and the remainder on the reverse. The new dies were ready

before the coins of the second month were struck, and thereafter, so long

as the Salimi series issued, no further variation was deemed necessary.

This Aban 50 rupee is an evident link between Akbar’s of the

preceding month and Salim’s of the succeeding. While its obverse

bears Salim’s name and the Salimi legend, its reverse is identical in

type with the reverse of the rupees struck at Ahmadabad in the last

year of Akbar’s reign. Geo. P. Taylor,

Ahmadabad .

6. The copper coinage of Murad Baldish son of Shah jahan. PI. I. 11.

When Shahjahan fell ill in A. H. 1067 (1657 A.D.) and his sons

asserted their claims to the throne of the Mughal, Murad Bakhsh was in

Gujarat. The mints from which he issued coins in his own name were

confined to that province.

His silver coins are not infrequently met with struck at either

Ahmadabad, Surat or Cambay (Khambayat) . The gold coins are extreme¬

ly scarce and but one or two struck at Ahmadabad are known. One

of these is figured in the British Museum Catalogue (Wo. 692). Hitherto

his copper coinage has been unknown. Mr. Framjee Jamasjee T liana-

wala, of Bombay, however, was fortunate in securing two specimens of

dams (fulus) struck by Murad Bakhsh at Surat, and one of these he has

kindly presented to me. The coins are of the usual size of Akbarl dam

and weigh 316 and 333 grains, respectively. They bear the following

legends : —

J. i. 10

H, N. Wright, C.S.

74

Numismatic Supplement . [No. I, 1904.}

Miscellaneous.

7. A coronation medal of the first king of Ondh. PI. II.

Obverse. — Bust of king, three quarters face in high relief, crowned

and garlanded — within circular area — remaining ground occupied by

flowered tracery — marginal legend in florid characters beginning under

the king’s left shoulder.

y JJ J j* ****

w ** ✓ •

itA

Reverse. — Arms of the king in high relief within circular area.

«

Two lions rampant holding flags on each of which appears a fish.

Between them a dagger ( katar ) surmounted by a crown. Below the

flags two fishes forming a circle, head to head below streamer. In right-

hand corner of area the letter Marginal legend beginning opposite

the right flag.

Weight . — 1,260 grs. Size 2-6".

This interesting medal was obtained in Allahabad whither it had

been brought from Jhunsi in the Allahabad district. It apparently

commemorates the assumption by Ghaziuddin Haidar of regal dignity

in October, 1819 (1234 A. H.). This monarch was the eldest son of

Nawab Sa’adat Ali Khan of Awadh and had five years previously

succeeded his father as Nawab Wazir. At this coronation ceremony the

crown was delivered to the king by the British Resident. Gfhazi-uddin

Haidar reigned as king of Awadh for eight years. One of the titles

assumed by him at his coronation was Shah-i-Zaman, and this title

appears on the medal. Beyond the «^*| ALw on the obverse, which

doubtless refers to the first year of the newly assumed sovereignty, there

is no date recorded, nor does the reversd legend appear to be a chrono¬

gram. The workmanship is of a high order, and the appearance on the

medal of the king’s portrait contrary to orthodox custom indicates

that the design was probably entrusted to some European artist. An

oil-painting and a marble bust representing the king similarly dia¬

demed and arrayed are in the Lucknow Museum, but the name of the

artist has in neither case been preserved. A second specimen is in the

cabinet of Mr. R. Burn, C.S., and was also obtained in Allahabad.

H. N. Wright, C.S.

Rw Burn — The Minis of the Mughal Emperors ,

n x

to

The Mints of the Mughal Emperors. — By R. Burn.

The literature on the subject of this article has increased consider¬

ably since the publication in 1885 of Mr. Leggett’s notes1 on the mint

towns of the Mohamedans. That book gives few references, some of

the statements made in it appear incorrect, and in view of the discover¬

ies made in the last twenty years, it is incomplete. At pp. 277-279 of

his valuable paper on “ Some coins of the Mughal Emperors,”2 Mr.

Dames gives a list of the mints added to our knowledge since the pub¬

lication of the British Museum Catalogue in 1892. A few publications

have escaped his notice, so that this list also is not complete.

Such lists are of use in two ways. They have a distinct historical

value as showing the towns included in the Mughal Empire, or in

which the sway of particular emperors was recognised. To the numis¬

matist they are necessary as a guide in ascertaining whether a particu¬

lar coin is known or not. Eor the historian, a bare list of mint names

for each king is sufficient, while the numismatist requires also to know

the metal of which each coin is made, and the type of inscription on it,

besides the date it bears, if any. To prepare the information required

by the latter is a task involving great labour which I am not able to

undertake at present, but the following table has been drawn up to

provide for the numismatist more details than are available except in a

number of scattered papers. Through the kindness of my friends, it

contains no fewer than 222 new items of interest to the numismatist,

i.e., references to coins of mints not yet published for the particular

emperors in the metals shown here, while these items include 42 new

mints.

The list has been drawn up on the following plan. The British

Museum Catalogue was first taken, and all mints found in it were noted.

Other catalogues and papers were then searched, in the order shown

1 London, Stevens and Sons, 119, Chancery Lane, W.C. ; Calcutta, Thacker

Spink and Co.; Bombay, Thacker and Co.

2 Numismatic Chronicle, 1902.

76

[ffo, 2

Rv Burn. — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors ,

below, and mints found in any one of these, but not in an earlier pub-

lication were marked. To some extent, therefore, the list reduces the

labour of searching when it is required to see whether a particular

type or date has been published ; for example an entry of R(l) shows

that the coin cannot be in any of the three Museum Catalogues. Lastly*

unpublished coins are shown ; for private collections I am indebted to

the courtesy of the owners, who have permitted me to mention their

coins. Mr. H. Nelson Wright, I.C.S , has supplied me with notes of

unpublished coins in the Imperial Museum, Calcutta, and one in the

British Museum. The Maharaja of Gwalior kindly allowed me to

inspect the collection of coins made by the late Mr. Maries, which is

now in his possession. I am responsible for the readings of the coins

quoted from the Lucknow Museum, of which I have prepared a rough

manuscript catalogue. The form of the list is intended as a permanent

record, in which additions can be noted. Unpublished coins are dis¬

tinguished by the references being in italics j1 it will be an advantage

if numismatists will kindly communicate to me or to the Society addi¬

tions to, or corrections in, the list for publication. There are several

published papers to which I have not been able to refer which may

contain coins which should be entered, and it is possible, though care

has been taken, that some entries have been made incorrectly.

Key to the references .

Catalogue of the British Museum, 1892,

,, Lahore ,, 1894,

,, Imperial „ (Calcutta), 1894 ...

E. E. Oliver, “ Some copper Coins of Akbar

found at Kangra,” ...

W. Yost, “ Some rare Muhammadan coins, ”

,, “ Dogam Mint, ”

C. J. Rodgers, “ Mughal copper coins,”

W. Irvine, “ Later Mughals,”

C. J. Rodgers, “ Rare Mughal coins,” ...

R. Burn, “ A new dam of Akbar ,’r Progs. A.S.B., 1896, p.

W. Yost, and L. White King, “ Some

novelties in Mughal coins,” Nura. Chron., 1896, p.

G. B. Taylor, “the coins of Ahmadabad,” J.B.R.A.S., 1900, p.

L. Dames, “ Some coins of the Mughal

Emperors,” Num. Chron., 1902, p.

Compton, “ Militaxy Adventurers,” ... p.

J.A.S.B., 1886, p.

1895, p.

1896, p.

»

>>

jj

B. M.

P.M.

C. M.

i, o.

37, Y(I),

69, Y(2),

171, R(l).

208, I.

220, R(2).

109, B( I).

155, K(1 ).

409, T(l),

275, D(l).

143, C.

1 I have treated all the coins from the Lucknow Museum as unpublished,

though some of them have been described in the annual reports, because these are

often not accessible.

R. Burn — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors.

77

1904.]

Wolseley Haig, “ Note on a find of copper

coins in the Wan District, Barar,” J.A.S.B., 1902, p. 63, H(l).

Unpublished coins.

Collection of Mr. Framji (Bombay)

„ H. Z. Darrah, I.C.S. (Allahabad)

,, Rev. G. B. Taylor, D.D. (Ahmadabad)

,, Lucknow Museum

,, Late Mr. Maries (Gwalior)

,, H. Nelson Wright, I.C.S (Allahabad)

„ G. B. Bleazby, Accounts Dept. ,,

„ W. Yost (Major, I.M.S.) (Muttra)

,, R. W. Ellis (Jnbbulpore)

,, R. Burn, I C.S. (Naini Tal or Allahabad)

„ L. W. King, I.C.S., C.S. I.

„ Samuel Smith, Liverpool

F. (not completely

Dr. examined),

T.

L. M.

M.

W.

G. B.

V.

E.

B.

K.

8.

N. B. — Those emperors or princes whose coins only show a few

mints are shown separately from the emperors of whom many mints

are known.

A complete discussion of the names of the towns given in the list

is impossible. Some of the places have not been identified, and there is

dispute about others. I only propose to make short notes on a few of

them.

Itawa (a). — The coins in the Lucknow Museum show that the

change in spelling from to IjlSf took place in the 42nd regnal year

of Aurangzeb. Coins dated 42 julus and 1109 A.H. are spelt in the

former way, and those dated 42 and 1110 in the latter method. Khafl

Khan1 says that an order was issued to make this change (the examples

he quotes being Malwa, Bangala, Baglana, and Parnala) in 1103 A.H.

Ajmir. — See also under Salimgarh. I have been unable to find

any reference to this name for Ajmir. It is doubtless connected with

Shaikh Salim Chishti from whom Prince Salim took his name. The

copper coin of Akbar bearing the mint name Salimgarh Ajmir is dated

982 A.H. Shaikh Salim died in 979 and Prince Salim was born in

977.

Islamabad. — It is uncertain at which place this mint was situated.

It has been usual to consider that Chittagong was meant, but Dames2

favours Chakna in the Dekhan, on the ground that it was conquered

earlier. As shown in the list, I have a coin of Shah Alam II with

Islamabad Mathura as the mint. Rodgers had already suggested the

1 Elliott, History of India, VII, p. 344.

2 Nura. Chron., 1902, p, 282.

[No, 2,

r/g R. Burn — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors.

identification with Mathura, but it is. still doubtful where the earlier

coins, on which only the name Islamabad occurs, were struck.

Asafabad Bareli. — In the catalogue of the Rodgers’ collection in

the Lahore Museum, the late Mr. C. J. Rodgers has published a coin

(No. 49, p. 231), of the Bareli Mint on which Lutfabad was restored for

the letters .... A coin of Mr. Nelson Wright’s shows clearly

that the correct reading is Asafabad. This coin is dated 30 julus and

120(2 or 3) A H. In 1788, which corresponds to 1202-3 A.H., Lord

Cornwallis executed a treaty with the Nawab Yazir, Asaf-ud-daula,

permitting him to reimpose certain duties in Rohilkhand, but Asaf-ud-

daula had obtained practical supremacy over that tract quite ten years

before, so that earlier dates may be expected.

Ilahabad. — On the copper coins of Akbar ascribed to this mint,

the last letter of the name is “ s ” and not “ d, ” as is pointed out in the

footnote on p. 331 of the B.M. Catalogue. The inscription, however, is

clearly <js&b Ml and not &)], that is to say, it should probably be read

Alhabas or Alhabas, not Ilahabas. The Ain-i-Akbari 1 says “ Ilahabad

anciently called Prayag was distinguished by His Imperial Majesty by

the former name.” In other places the name is spelt Ilahabas. Elliott3

quotes the Cahar Gulshan and other authorities for the statement that

Shah Jahan changed the name to Ilahabad as the termination of has

savoured too much of Hinduism. On this Beames remarks that it is far

more probable that Ilahabad was the original name given by the

Muhammadans and the lower classes of Hindus altered the final syllable

to a form they understood. It may be added that the termination is still

commonly pronounced has by villagers in the neighbourhood.

It seems to me, however, that the most reasonable supposition is to

take Alhabas as a purely Hindu name. All the copper coins I have

seen are dated earlier than the year 40 Ilahi. On the other hand, on

the well-known couplet coins of Akbar (or Jahangir in his father’s life¬

time), which are dated occasionally, the date is always in the forties, and

the name is Ilahabad, as it is on the coin of Jahangir in the Pan jab

Museum. The statement that Shah Jahan altered the spelling is thus

incorrect Another point is that the oldest part of the city of Allaha¬

bad is several miles away from the fort and junction, and it is quite

possible that a village called Alhabas existed near the site of the

Khusru Bagh and the sarai outside it. Bas is not an uncommon ter¬

mination, and the first half of the name is obviously the same as that

of the hero Alba who is well known in Northern Indian fable.3 This

1 Jarrett’s translation, Yol, II, p. 158.

3 Memoirs, II, p 104.

8 See Cunn. Survey Reports, Yol. Yfl.

1904.] R. Burn — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors. 79

is confirmed by the fact that there are other villages named Alhabas or

Ilahahas in the Doab. When the name was written in Persian, as on

the copper coins, somebody noticed the fact that it could be read Ilaha-

bas and the circumstance that it was close to a very holy place of the

Hindus easily led to the conversion into Ilahabad (founded by a god,

not the God).

Bindraban. — See also Muminabad. It has been suggested that

Muminabad is the town of that name in the Dekhan, and also that it is

Bindraban. My silver coin of Shah ‘Alam II gives both Muminabad

and Bindraban.

Patna. — I am not quite satisfied with the reading of Patna on

B.M.,Nos. 209 and 215 (see Plate VI). The name is written differently

from the ordinary way. I have a coin of Aurangzeb in which the same

difference is to be observed, but cannot suggest a satisfactory reading.

Peshawar. — The coin of Akbar noted from this mint is B.M.,

No. 177, which is not very rare. The B.M. Catalogue gives Sitapur as

a preferable reading, while Rodgers read Sitpur,1 and identified it with

a town of this name in the Muzaffargarh District.

Jaunpur. — The mint on a copper coin of Akbar II was read by Vost

and White King2 as Dar-ul-Musawwir, Deh, Jaunpur. Major Vost now

agrees with me that the correct reading of the mint on that coin should

be Dar-ul-Mansur, Jodhpur. The title Dar-ul-Mansur appears on coins

struck in the name of ‘Alamgir II,3 and also on coins struck in the

name of Shah ‘Alam II,4 * while the sword on the obverse of the coin

under discussion is one of the special marks of the State.6 I have,

therefore, shown this coin under Jodhpur not Jaunpur.

Chachrauli. — This is probably the capital of the Kalsia State in

the Panjab, and it seems to me most likely that the name on the coin

in the P.M. read Kachrauli is really Chachrauli. I have not been able

to find any place called Kachrauli. The descriptions of the coins (Pan¬

jab Catalogue, No. 24, p. 236, and Calcutta Catalogue, No. 13106, p. 83),

correspond very closely.

Hafizabad. — Prom the style of the coin, that marked under ‘.Alam¬

gir II appears to be rightly assigned to that king and not to ‘Alam¬

gir I.

Husainabad. — I have marked the copper coin of this mint of Shah

1 Panjab Catalogue, p. 86.

2 Num. Chron., 1896, p. 178, and PI. XII, fig. 13.

8 Num. Chron,, 1896, p. 175, and PI. XII, fig. 8.

4 Webb, currencies of Raj put an a, pp. 43, 45, and 48

6 Ditto, p. 42.

80

R. Barns — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors.

[No. 2,

Alam II, published by Major Yost1 as doubtful. It seems to me more

probably a coin of Najlbabad. The silver coins of Husainabad are

unmistakable.

Deogarh. — The reading of this name by Oliver on a dam of Akbar

is doubtful, and it is possible that Dogam is the correct reading. There

is no doubt about the name on rupees of Shah ‘Alam II.

Zain-ul-bilad. — Dames 2 quotes Zinat-ul-bilad as a mint of Rafi’-

ud-darjat. Taylor has, however, shown8 that that mint is really Ahrna-

dabad. The coin here referred to is different.

Fathabad. — I have only seen a rubbing of the coin with this mint,

and there is something besides this name, which Mr. Nelson Wright

has suggested may possibly be Dharwar.

Farrukhabad. — This mint is at first without any other name, but

from ‘Alam gir II it is called Ahmadnagar Farrukhabad. The earliest

date I have seen from which the second name is used is the third year

of ‘Alamgir II, while Farrukhabad alone occurs as late as the seventh

year of Ahmad Shah or 1167 A.H. The Bangash territories of Farrukha¬

bad were confiscated in 1163 A.H. under Ahmad Shah, of Delhi,

but were recovered by Aljmad Khan Bangash the next year. It seems

to me probable that the latter gave his name to the town, in view of

his later successes.

Muhammadnagar. — In the inscription on the coin of this mint in

the Panjab Museum as given in the Catalogue, p. 226, No. 16, it does

not appear that there is also another name. That coin is dated in the

11th regnal year and 1183 A.H. I have seen two other coins. of

Muhammadnagar, one dated 11 and 1184, and the other 12 without a

Hijri year which exactly resemble this in type, but in addition to

Muhammadnagar there is a name which may be read as Banda or

Tanda, viz., As one of these coins turned up in a treasure trove

in which all the coins were fairly new, and all the known mints were

in Rohilkband, it seems probable that this mint is to be placed there,

but so far I have been unable to trace in. Tanda seems to me the most

likely name, as this is fairly common in the sub-montane districts and

means an encampment of Banjaras, who are especially numerous there.

Mustafa-abad. — Dames refers4 to three places of this name: “ One

is in the Dekhan, being another name for Chopra (see E.D., VII, 307) ;

one is in the Doab between Agra and Mainpuri, and one in what is now

the Ambala District, which was plundered by the Sikhs in A.H. 1121

1 J.A.S.B., 1895, p. 46, and PI. Ill, fig. 30.

2 Nnrti. Chron., 1902, p. 278.

& J. Bo. Br. R. As., 1900, p. 436.

4 Num. Chron , 1902, p 282.

im.]

81

R. Burn — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors .

(E.D., VII, 423). It is not far from Sadhaura (wrongly spelt Shadhura

in E.D.), and will not be found on most modern maps, but is given in

Rennell’s map of Hindostan of 1782. This is no doubt the place

■which Capt. Vost mentions1 as between Saharanpur and Ludhiana, and

it seems to be a probable position for a mint in Shah ’Alam’s time,

although the site near Agra is also a possible one.”

I am unable to find anything at all in favour of Chopra being a

mint of the Mughals. The Mustafa-abad of the Mainpuri District only

appears on our maps as it is the village at the headquarters of a tahsil

(since 1824) and gives its name to a pargana. The Mainpuri Gazetteer

(p. 746) gives no historical connections with the place. The reference

to Elliott’s mention of Mustafa-abad in the Panjab does not help

much, as it refers to the impoverished people of the place, and includes

it with others as “ old seats of population ; ” I can find no later re¬

ference of any importance attaching to it. Mr. C. S. Delmerick, how¬

ever, called my attention to the fact that Rampur, capital of the native

state of that name in the United Provinces was also known as Mustafa-

abad.2 A possible objection to this identification is that a native his¬

tory says the city was founded in 1189 A.H. (1775 A.H. ) while the

coins are dated as early as 1184 A.H. On the other hand the history

of the Rohillas used by Hamilton,3 shows that Faizullah was settled

at the city of Rampur as early as 1165 or 1168 A.H. (1754), and this

is accepted by all writers.4 We know that the towns occupied by the

other heads of the Rohillas, Bareilly, Aonla, Bisauli, Muradabad, and

Najibabad were all issuing coins, and it seems to me most probable

that the Mustafa-abad mint was at Rampur.

Mumbai. — As in the case of Arkat I have included coins of the East

India Company.

Nagpur. — I think there can be no doubt that the coin on which the

mint was read by Rodgers5 as Dar-ul-barat Kandi is really Dar-ul-bara-

kat Nagpur, as read by Vost and King,6 and I have therefore omitted

Kandi. It has been suggested to me by Mr. Nelson Wright that Nagor

should be read for Nagpur, and he prefers that reading on his coin of

’Alamgir II.

Nasrullanagar. — A coin of this mint was in the find referred to under

Muhammadnagar and I expect the place wras somewhere in Rohilkhand

1 See J.A.S B., 1895, p. 46.

" See also Rampur Gazetteer , p. 40.

3 Hamilton’s history of the Rohillas, pp. 120 and 122.

4 Compare Strachey’s Rohilla War, p. 18, Bareilly Gazetteer , p. 663s

6 Pan jab Catalogue, No. 30, p. 228.

6 Num. Chron., 1896, p. 176.

J. I. 11

82 R. Burn— The Mints of the Mughal Emperors. [No. 2,

HansI (SIhibabad). — The reading of the inscription given by Cun¬

ningham in Compton’s Military Adventurers, p. 143, is not correct.

Sahibabad is quite clear on a coin of Mr. Nelson Wright’s.

Uncertain Mints. — I have only included one of the numerous un¬

certain names we have, because it seems possible that this may be read

and identified.

Note. — Since this paper was written, the valuable collection of Mr. Ellis has

been acquired for the Lucknow Museum.

84 R. Burn — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors. [5?o.

1904]

R. Burn — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors,

§5

86

R. Burn — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors,

[No. 2,

1904.]

R. Burn — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors

87

88

R. Burn — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors.

[No. 2,

1904]

R. Barn — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors.

89

j. i. J2

90 R. Burn — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors. [No. 2,

1904]

)) ) j nj )

3 3 3 3 ? *

3)333 3^3 5

) 3 3 3 3 3

) 33)33))))

R. Burn — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors,

*> y * ~

iu

c c « CCf tcct

c c < c r c

c c c * c c c c

c c c c c c

CCCCCt<*€C C

< , r. c, < c cj$c Barn — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors.

? ) c ' ' r ‘ f

i ■ ■ . 1 _ _ _

[No. 25

%

1904.]

R. Bum — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors ,

93

i

94

R. Burn — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors,

[No. 2,

1904.] R. Burn — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors . 95

96

Barn — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors.

[No. %

1904..]

R. Burn — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors,

97

j. i. 13

98

R. Burn — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors,

[No. 2,

Mint.

Shergark

ghergarb, Qanauj ...

Zafarabad

Zafarpur ...

Zafarnagar

’Alamgirpur

’.Azimabad

Fathabad

Fathpur ...

Farrukhabad

Farrnkhnagar

Firoznagar

Qamarnagar

Qandhar ...

Qanauj ...

Kabul

Kalpi

Ktman ...

Katak ...

Kachrauli

rauli . . .

Kararabad

Krisbuagar

Karimabad

Kashmir ...

Kalanur ...

Kora

Khanbayat

Kiratpur...

(? Chach-

Gulburga

Gulkanda

Gangpur...

Gwaliar ...

P.M.

B.M.

E

P.M.

• • •

t#'

B.M.

K

B.M.

B.M

• * •

K

K(l)

• • »

k • •

P.M.

B. M.

C. M.

P.M.

K

1904.]

R. Barn — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors

99

100 II. Burn — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors. [No. 2

1904.] B. Burn — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors. 101

102

K. Burn — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors.

[No. 2,

1904.]

JR. Burn — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors

103

104 R. Burn — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors. [No. 2,

fi

1904.] R. Burn — The Mints of the Mughal Emperors. 105

J. I. 14.

[No. 2,

106 II . Burn — The Mints of the Mughal JEm'p&rors.

1904.]

R. Burn

107

-The Mints of the Mughal Emperors.

108 Maulayi Abdul Wali — Archaeological remains in Uajshahi. [Ho. %

On some Archaeological remains in the District of Do j shah i. — By

Maulayi Abdul Wall

[Read June, 1903.]

A few months ago I was so fortunate as to find in the Record-room

of the Magistrate of Rajshahi a highly interesting report on the archeo¬

logical buildings of the district. Mr. J. S. Carstairs, late Magistrate

and Collector of Rajshahi, submitted in his letter, Ho. 86, dated the

April, 1872, an account of the Jami‘ Masjids1 at Bagha and Ku-

samba to the Commissioner of the Division. This report, with its

rough sketches ( a copy of which I took),8 is of the highest value at the

present moment, as both the buildings have fallen into utter ruins.

My acknowledgments are due to Saiyid Tafazzul Husain Sahib, Sir-

rishtadar to the Magistrate of Rajshahi, for his finding out the report

for me, and for preserving it so long from being destroyed as a waste-

paper.

The paper is submitted as its author had penned it. I have only

modified the spellings of certain Oriental words according to the system

of transliteration adopted by the Society, and put them in angular

brackets. I have divided the paper into two parts, and put Mr. Car-

stair’s report in double inverted commas, adding a few notes of mine

below each part.

The Arabic texts of the original inscriptions have been procured

and carefully deciphered and translated.

“ I have the honor to submit a report on the Arch geological Build¬

ings in this district visited by me during the year 1871-72.

“ The first to be mentioned is the old Bagha Mosque. It is sup¬

posed to have been built in the year 930 of the Hegira [ Hijra]. It

1 The word. Jami, (rt/ola*) does not occur in the inscription of the Kusamba Mas-

jid. It was not constructed by a King, but daring the reign of a King, by a noble¬

man.

8 These sketches were too rough for publication and have been omitted. — Ed.

1904.] Maulavi Abdul Wali — Archaeological remains in Uajshdhz. 109

bas 10 domes visible outside over tbe roof and supported inside by vaul-

ted arcbes running lengthways and transverse between the walls and

the four stone pillars which stand along the centre of the interior.

“ The marginal sketch shows the style of the arches and the cha¬

racter of the central pillars. In the west wall there are three orna¬

mental recesses intended for the leaders of devotion, the central recess

being for the Imam. The building is 54 feet long by 45 feet broad :

the walls of brick are 7 feet in thickness ; at a distance the building has

an unsightly appearance, looks in fact like a queer-shaped barn of red

brick. The following rough sketch may convey an idea of its form,

but I have not attempted to show the fillagree ornamentation of great¬

ly varying patterns and details with which the walls on all four sides

are covered and which are carved apparently out of the brick. Some

of these patterns are extremely elegant. I venture to reproduce a few

of the easiest on the margin and also a specimen of the favourite device

which, with innumerable variations of details is repeated again and

again all round. Over the central door is an inscription of which I an¬

nex a copy. It runs to the following effect

“ May God pour down his blessings on the Prophet who said : — *

The man that maketh a seat for God on earth shall find in turn a seat

made ready for him in Heaven by God. The founder of this Jumah

Masjid was a great and benevolent Emperor who was also the son of an

Emperor. He was victorious in all worldly and religious affairs : — Abool

Muzaffar Nuzrut Shah [ Abu-1- Muzaffar Nusrat Shah], son of Shah

Sultan Hosseinul Hosseinee [ Sultan Husain-al-Husaini]. May God

keep him and his country and his empire for ever in safety. The year

930 ( of the Hegira).”

“ There is great difficulty about ascertaining the real facts connec¬

ted with the erection of this building and the acquisition. of the sur¬

rounding lakhraj property by the Khondakors of Bagha. In the year

1815 the Board of Revenue directed the then Collector to make enquir¬

ies about the Bagha Estate, but it was found that no accurate informa¬

tion was forthcoming, and that only incorrect information was furnished

by the Khondakors who were afraid of measures being taken for the

resumption of their lakhraj.

“ The following is the popular story about Bagha. An emperor of

Gaur on his way to Dacca encamped near Bagha. As fire was wanted

men were sent out to find a house. Coming to a jungle from which

smoke was ascending, they found a fakeer who, though fires were

burning and tigers were roaring round him, went on quietly with

his prayers to God. The men seized up some fire and rushed back with

it to the camp where they told the Emperor what they had seen. The

110 Maulavi Abdul Wali — Archaeological remains in Rajshalu. [No. 2,

Emperor, filled with curiosity, went forth and visited the fakeer

and found him as has been reported. Then the Emperor waited on the

fakeer whose name was Shah' Mahamed Doolla [Shah Muhammad

Daula] and besought him saying, “ O man of God, shall thy servant

advance to Dacca or wait here.” Then the Fakeer answered and

said, “ Wait thou here one day.” So the Emperor waited. And it

came to pass the very same day that there came messengers to him

from Dacca saying, “ Behold, the fighting is over, and the victory

is thine.” Then was the Emperor greatly pleased and ssid, “ Behold

here is a great man,” and he offered unto him many lands, free of rent,

but these the man of God would not accept, saying, “ Nay, my lord ; but

thy servant cannot hear of this thing. For he that once hath turned

his back upon the world, how shall he not be averse to the vanities

thereof. But let thy favour be showed unto thy servant’s son.” And

the name of his son was Hazrut Moulana Danesh-Mund [ETazrat Mau-

lana Danishmand], To him, therefore, did the Emperor give a royal

grant of two and twenty mauzahs of rent-free land. This Maulana

Danesh-Mund was the father of Abdool Waheb who, according to an-

other account, was the person to whom the Emperor of Delhi, Shah

Jahan on a tour in this district awarded the rent-free tenures round the

xnusjid, as a reward for his great learning, in the year 1033. It is said

that in the Sunnud [ Sanad] no other provision was made and that the

lands were given solely for the support of himself and his descendants,

that the descendants considering that the Lakhraj, as assigned, might be

liable to resumption, altered the grant, so as to make it appear that

half was to be devoted to religious services, and that it was to be en¬

joyed only by men of learning and religion in the family. Abdool Wa-

hib’s [‘Abdu-l-Wahhab’s] son Mahamed Ruffik [Muhammad Rafiq]

was the first Roish [Rais] or Sebait of the musjid.

“ At the north end of the building are 3 tombs, said to be those of

the Darogahs who took part in building the masjid, and in the neigh¬

bourhood are cemeteries in which all the members of the Bagha family

when they die are buried, but there is nothing architecturally striking

about their tombs.

“ The chief representatives of the family are now minors and their

properties are under the management of the Civil Court. Near the

mosque is a large tank in a very dirty state and over-grown all over

with weeds„”

Notes.

Long before the present territorial aristocracy of the District of

Rajshahi — the Thakurs of Putiya, the Rajas of Nator and Digha-

patiya — had acquired their Zamindaris, the part of the country in

1904.] Maulavi Abdul Wali —Archaeological remains in Uajshahi. Ill

which the Jami‘ Masjid and the big tank of Bagha are sitnated formed

a part of the Pargana Lashkarpur, which again according to the Aln-i-

Akbari was included within the administrative jurisdiction of Sarkar

Barbakabad. The Q.asba-i- Bagha is situated in Bilmaria (or Lalpur)

Police Circle, under Hator Sub-division, to the South-east of Rampur-

Boalia. According to the Statistical Accounts of Rajshahi, the Muham¬

madan rent-free tenures and aimas are most numerous in the police

thanas of Bilmaria and ISTator.

The following is the Arabic text of the inscription in beautiful

Tughra Character—1

ojo &Uf hWt j AU| Juj Jj (1)

I M

ijflaJLJl | J (2) 0>dlLJ| di.X'Jf ^9

# j ^9 A'lhlvj j dtJJ| <n1A,

t*

Translation.

The Prophet, upon whom be blessings and peace, says — “ He who

maketh a Masjid for God on earth, will have an abode made for him by

God in Heaven like it.” This Cathedral mosque was built by the

exalted and benevolent Sultan, the Sultan son of a Sultan, Nasiru-d-

Dunya wad-Din, Abu -1-Mu zaffar Husrat Shah the Sultan, son of Sultan

Husain Shah-al- Husain!, — May God perpetuate his kingdom and rule, —

in the year 930 (A.H).

Sultan ‘Ala’uddin Husain Shah, who was a contemporary of the

Delhi Emperor Sikandar L5di, was succeeded by his son Abu-l-Muzaffar

Nasiru-d-Din Nusrat Shah. The latter reigned from A.D. 1518 to

1532, corresponding to A.H. 925 to 939. During the reign of this

monarch, in the year 930 A.H. or 1523-4 A.D., the beautiful Masjid

at Bagha was constructed and a tank excavated. Hot far from Bagha,

at Makhdumpur, lived at that time ‘Ala Bakhsh Barkhurdar Lashkari :

the ruins of his house can still be seen. He was at once a great man

and a Royal Jagirdar of Pargana Lashkarpur, which yielded an

annual income of Rupees three lakhs and sixty thousand. This Jagir he

had received from Husain Shah.

About this time came from Baghdad Maulana Shah Mu‘azzam

Danishmand,3 who is known by his more familiar name Shah Daula.

He married Zibu-n-Hisa, daughter of the Jagirdar. Their son was

1 The inscription is in 3 lines, 24 £ inches long, and 5£ inches broad.

3 The Persian titles ‘ Danishmand ’ and ‘ Shah Daula, ’ clearly show that the

Maulana did not come direct from Baghdad, where only Arabic titles are used.

J12 Maulavi Abdul Wali — Archaeological remains in UajshaJri. [No. 2,

that renowned scholar and man, Maulana Hamid Danishmand, whose

life and fame cast an additional lustre on the family. His son Shah

‘Abdu-l-Wahhab got in 1033 A.H. from Shah Jaban, son of Emperor

Jahangir, forty-two m&uz&s, with an annual rent of Rs. 8,000 as a Jagir.

This Jagir, was given by that prince, while as it appears from history,

he held temporarily the Dictatorship of Bengal, having rebelled against

his father. In 1032 A.H. (1662 A.D.) a bloody battle was fought

between the Subahdar Ibrahim IQian Fath-Jang and that Prince, in

which the faithful Subahdar died fighting. This grant, so it appears,

was subsequently ratified and reaffirmed by Emperor Jahangir ; thus

the Bagha Jagir was not, as it is said, conferred by both of them under

separate Sanads.

In the yearl047 A.H. (1637 A.D.) Shah Muhammad Rafiq, son

of ‘Abdu-l-Wahhab, made a waqf of the eight-annas share of the pro¬

perty, the remaining eight annas remaining with the sons of his brother,

Nuru-l-‘Arifin. The Mutawalli of the Estate, who is styled Ba’is , per¬

forms all the duties of his office, e.g., the celebration of the lTIrs looking

after the Madrasah, the Masjid and the Musafirin (wayfarers) &c., &c.

The first Ra’is was Mu‘inu-1-Islam, eldest son of Shah Muhammad

Rafiq, the donor. The second and third Ra’ises were respectively his

son and grandson, Shamsu-l-Islam and Sharifu-l-Islam. The fourth

Ra’is was Fasihu-l-Islam, brother of Sharifu-l-Islam. Fa sihu-l-Isl ana’s

son, Faizu-l-Islam, who was the fifth Ra’is, died without leaving any

male issue. He was, therefore, succeeded, by his son-in-law, Nur ‘Alam,

as the sixth Ra’is. Khundkar ‘Abdullah, the son of the latter, was

elevated to gadi , as the Seventh Ra’is.

Shah Muhammad Rafiq’s second son, Badru-l-Islam, and grandson,

Amiru-l-Islam, were not Ra’ises, as Rafiq’s eldest son, and the latter’s

descendants, succeeded one after another, till the time of the fifth Ra’is,

Fasihu-l-Islam, who died leaving no male issue. As ‘Abdullah, like his

father, was not descended from the male line of the donor, and as also

not qualified for the post of Mutawalli, Amiru-l-Islam’s son Musafiru-1-

Islam instituted in 1805 A.D. a suit in the Sadr Diwani ‘Adalat,

Calcutta, to establish his rights as a Mutawalli. The case being de¬

cided in his favour, he was installed in 1806 as the eighth Ra’is, when

‘Abdullah had to retire. Musafiru-l-Islam’s twTo sons, Muzaffaru-l-Islam

and ‘Azizu-l-Islam succeeded one after the other as the ninth and tenth

Ra: 'ises. The latter having lost a grown-up son, declared as his successor

to the Riyasat his other son, Tansiqu-l-Islam, who succeeded him.

The present or the twelfth Ra’is, Amiru-l-Islam, is a brother of Tansiqu-

l-Islam.

The family of the Bagha Khundkars has enjoyed till lately great

1904.] Maulavi Abdul Wali — Archaeological remains in Rajshahi. 113

respect. It is said, that Shall Daula was descended from the ‘Abbasi

Khalifa, Harun-ar- Rashid of Baghdad. Shah Daula ran away from

Baghdad, and married the daughter of ‘Ala Bakhsh Barkhurdar, Ja-

girdar of Lashkarpur or Putiya. His family has been known as a half

family, because according to the proverb “ a man is but half a man

till he gets a wife"’ he came to Bengal alone or without a wife.

The author of the Riyazu-s-Salatln states that Raja Kans, among

his other tyrannical acts, had killed Shaikh Badru-l-Islam ‘Abbasi,

owing to the latter not showing sufficient respect to him. Khundkar

Fazl-i- Rabbi in his “ Origin of the Musalmans of Bengal,” and in the

“ Tasdiqu-n-Nihad,” endorses this account, and states that Shaikh

Badru-l-Islam was a disciple of the saint Nur Qutb-i-‘Alam, and that

Sultan Ibrahim Sharql of Jaunpur came at the special request of the

saint to punish Kans. As the founder of the Khundkar family of Bagha

flourished during the reign of King Nusrat Shah in the beginning of

the Sixteenth Century A.D., and Raja Kans reigned almost a century-

and-a-half before that, either the fact stated is untrue, or the person said

to be killed has not been identified.

The income of the big aima Estate has been variously estimated.

Mr. Adam, in his Report on Education, states that its income, accord¬

ing to the Collector of Rajshahi was Rs. 30,000. According to my

information its income was over Rs. 18,000 per annum. As the estate

is not well managed, its income must be of a fluctuating nature.

Jn the earthquake of 1897, the Jami‘ Masjid was severely damaged.

Its walls on three sides are still standing : the front or Eastern wall and

the roof have fallen. During the famine of 1897 A.D., the Govern¬

ment began re-excavating the big tank as a relief measure, but it was

stopped as the rains set in, and has not since been resumed. It is to be

regretted that this ‘ fine mosque, one of the few handsome ancient build¬

ings in the District,’ should be allowed to remain in this dilapidated

state, while there be an endowment of land for the maintenance of the

same and other charitable works.1

A religious fair is held at Bagha to celebrate the ‘Id-i-Ramazan

on the termination of the fastings.

Part II. — Kusamba.

“ The next Building I have to mention is the mosque at Kusamba

in MandaThannah in the north of the District. It is of the same shape

1 The mosque has been inspected by me on behalf of Government in October

1903, and its restoration has been sanctioned. All the domes have fallen, but the

walls are still fairly intact, with the exception of a portion of the Eastern facade.

In all details, the mosque is almost a duplicate of the fa mousT anti para Masjid at

J. i. 15

114 Maulavi Abdul Wali — Archaeological remains in Rajshaln. [No. 2,

as that at Bagha, bat smaller and built of solid stone instead of bricks.

It has 6 domes and there are 2 pillars only along the centre of the in¬

terior. The arches are of the same shape as those in the Bagha

mosque ; there are nine arches lengthways and 8 arches transverse, in¬

cluding those cut into the side walls. At each end of the building

there are 2 recess windows. On the east side are 3 doors. On the

west side are 2 decorated recesses for the leaders of devotion, adorned

with dark green stone into which ornamental devices, very elegant and

chaste, have been carved. The mosque was roughly measured as 40

haths long by 30 haths broad, and the walls of stone are 4f haths in

depth. On the outside of massive stone there is very little ornamenta¬

tion. Over the middle doorway is an inscription of which I annex a

copy to the following effect : “ May God pour forth blessings on the

Prophet who said, “ The man that maketh a place for the worship of

God on earth shall in turn be made happy by God in the day of judg¬

ment.” The founder of this mosque was a powerful and benevolent

Emperor, one who was victorious in worldly and religious affairs, namely

Abool Muzaffar Bahadur [Abu-1- Muzaffar Bahadur], son of Sultan Ma-

hamed Gazee [Sultan Muhammad Ghazi]. May God keep him and

his country and empire in safety. He was a mighty Emperor full of

glory and had a large army. Constructed by Suleyman Bam in the

year 903 of the Hegira1.”

“ In the interior on the west side but to the north of the recesses

are first a stone pulpit with stairs and next reaching to the north-west

corner a stone Dargah with stairs.

“ Rough sketches of these and of one of the pillars are attempted

below.

“ The pillars are massive as shown on the margin. The roof is

overgrown with heavy jungle which threatens in time to bring down

the whole building. This would be a great pity as the building is the

finest and oldest of its kind in the district. Close to the mosque is an

immense tank of fine clear water : it looks quite like a lake and is said

to extend over an area of 70 bighas. If proper care were taken of this

property it would be a most interesting and picturesque neighbourhood,

but it has fallen into the the hands of a Hindu Mooktear [Mukhtar],

who does not appear to find it worth his while to keep it in good order,

“ The following is the popular tale about this mosque : —

“ A zemindar, by name Chilman Mazumdar, who lived in Kalisaffa,

Gaur, but the carvings of tbe latter exhibit greater skill and elegance. The qnes*

tion of compelling the Kais of Bagha to do the repairs at his own cost is at present

under consideration. — T. Bloch.

I See below for a correct transcript and translation of this inscription*

3904.] Maulavi Abdul Wali — Archaeological remains in Rajshahi. llo

fell into arrears of rent, and for bis debts was imprisoned at Moorshi-

dabad by tbe Nawab. In tbe month of Aswin one nigbt of the

Durga Poojah be sang some pathetic songs so beautifully as to

enchant one of the Nawab’s Begums who was listening to his sing¬

ing. She spoke about him next day to the Nawab, and he gave

orders to the jailor to produce forthwith the man who had been

singing in the Jail during the previous night. The jailor accordingly

produced Chilman Mazumdar, who was informed that he was then and

there to marry the Begum whom he had enchanted and also to turn

ATahomedan. ' He declined at first and expostulated strongly, on which

the Nawab sentenced him to death as the alternative. The Mazumdar,

to save his life, consented and turned Musalman, took the name of So-

leem Khan and was married to the Begum. Then the Begum urged

to the Nawab that this husband of her had not the means to support

her, on wrhich the Nawab gave them in a sanad a lakhraj grant of Per-

ganah Kaligaon, and authorized them to take from his Treasury as

much wealth as they could load themselves with, in one prohar’s time.

So the Begum and her Khan went into the Treasury and carried off as

much wealth as they could manage to stow away about their persons with¬

in the time allowed. They went to Kushamba near the Khan’s old home

and built themselves a fine house, which is now in utter ruins and quite

inaccessible on account of the thick jungle. Then they erected first a

smaller mosque which is also now inaccessible, and then the larger mas-

jid under notice. Two tanks were excavated, and the Khan dedicated

one to his Gooroo Thakur according to the Hindu Shastras, and the other

is known by the name of the Shonadighee, after his wife the Begum, who

was named Shoua Beebee. Sona Bibee soon bore him a son, and

the family occupied their property happily for many years. But in

the time of Soleem’s great-grandson, Rajah Baidyauath of Dinajpur

made an inroad, looted the property, and took possession of Perganah

Kaligaon. Subsequently the Perganah came iuto the hands of the

British Government and was disposed of to several zemindars.

“ The water of the large Dighee is said to be very clear. No

jungle grows in it and from this fact, and also from the comparatively

high temperature of its water during the cold season, it is generally

alleged that there are metals lying in it.”

Notes..

To the north of Rampur-Boalia, the present headquarters of

Rajshahi, and west of the Naugaon Sub-Division, on tbe west bank

of the Atrai river, is situated — Manda, a considerable village and the

headquarters of the thana of that name. About four miles south of it

116 Maulavi Abdul Wali — Archaeological remains in BajshaM. [No.

is Kusamba or Kusambi, wliere the mosque which is not, however, the

oldest mosque'of the District, is situated.1 It is to be regretted that these

interesting archaeological remains are at present in a very bad state

of preservation. Only three out of six domes now remain, which are

broken, and the debris from them cover the inner floor of the mosque.

Fortunately the walls are still standing, but some of their stones have

fallen or been removed by unscrupulous villagers. It appears that the

base of the building was erected on a platform, supported by arches

with passages underneath. Although jungle has grown, and the pas¬

sages have thereby been blocked up, the entrance to the passages can

still be seen. Though dilapidated, the mosque was entire till the terri¬

ble earthquake of 1897, when the top portions of the domes fell,

killing two persons who had gone into the interior of the building,

while the ta‘ziya procession had assembled in the neighbourhood of the

mas j id. The mirnbar can be reached by stone steps, though it is not

very safe, at their present state, to do so.

The large area towards the back of the Masjid is covered with thick

vegetation. It contains moats, smaller tanks, and the remains of two or

three brick-built buildings for the use of Muhammadan nobles and officials.

The tale as to the origin of the Masjid, as heard by Mr. Garstairs,

and still repeated by the villagers, I am loath to believe in its entirety.

Gaur can easily be substituted for Murshidabad, as the latter city was

not then founded. Revenue Collectors were often incarcerated till they

had paid their dues or satisfied the authorities in other ways. There is

nothing strange in this. Sona Bibi, if that was her name, could not be

the Begum : most probably she was one of her maid-servants. The

fable may be thus modified : — The zamindar used to play on a flute.

Being pleased with the music, Sona Bibi begged the king to liberate

him and allow her to be united with him in holy matrimony. As Sona

Bibi was a Musalman woman, and the zamindar a Hindu, the king could

not allow such an interdicted alliance. The zamindar having adopted

the safe course, the king allowed the couple to depart as husband and

wife, having given them money enough from the Royal Treasury for their

immediate needs, and a Jdgir of Mauza Kusambi with 327 other villa¬

ges in its neighbourhood for their future wants. It is impossible to

suppose that the prisoner would have fared better if he was foolish

enough to please one of the Royal ladies. No sovereign would put

away a wife, because his wife desired it.

1 I hear that there are other ruins of ancient tanks, tombs and temples as well

as the traces of a city some six or seven miles from Bagmara thana in Rajshahi

Two of the mosques are at Madariganj, and one at Namaz-gaon, The locality

is called Mirkal.

1904.] Maulavi Abdul Wali — Archaeological remains in Eajshaln. 117

From tbe inscription copied below, it will be observed that tbe

Kusamba Mosque was built by Sulaimau in tbe reign of Sultan

Ghiyasuddin Abu-l-Muzaffar Bahadur Shah, the son of Muhammad

Shah Ghazi of the family of Sur Afghans, in the Hijri year 966

A.H., corresponding to 1558-9 A.D., some thirty-five years after the

Bagha Mosque. Sultan Ghiyasuddin Bahadur Shah reigned from

A.H. 962 to 938 only. It appears that Sulaimau obtained his building-

materials from ruined and unused Hindu temples, but showed great

toleration in preserving those that were in good order or till then used.

Babu Jageswar Biswas, late Deputy Magistrate of Rajshahi, who

visited the Masjid on the 11th December 1901, saw that the stone con¬

taining the inscription about the foundation of the mosque had fallen

down at the earthquake or later on, and that it was kept inclined against

the wall of the middle-arched door of the mosque. In September, 1902,

I learnt that it was removed by one KhudI Munshi of the village to his

own house, and there it now rests.

I take this opportunity of suggesting that when steps are being

taken to preserve the ruins of Gaur and Pauduah, it is worth while to

repair this ancient and stone-built Masjid of the District, and preserve it

from further dilapidation.

The following is the text of the inscription engraved in bold Tughra

character. It is in two lines, each line measuring 2 ft. 7f in. by 8| in.

Al ajd| &U| t^sr~yC All J (1)

j Li±)\ (2) &U* pj&J I e>IkLJ| aB/o

yxi j e j A-'Uabw# j A>d/o aB|

Aj aI.ii Aj j

w I

Translation : —

The Prophet, may God’s blessings and favour be on him, has said,

“ He who maketh a mosque for God, desiring thereby God’s honour,

will have one like it built for him by God in paradise.” In the time of

the exalted and benevolent Sultan, Ghivasu-d Dunva-wad-Din Abu-1-

Muzaffar Bahadur Shah, the Sultan, son of Muhammad Shah Ghazi.

(may God perpetuate his kingdom and his sovereignty, and exalt his

command and dignity, and may his army and example be honoured ! )

constructed by Sulaiman, (may his justice be lasting ! ) in the year 966

118

E. H. C. Walsh — Tibetan boohs from Lahsa.

[No. 2,

A list of Tibetan boohs brought from Lhasa by the Japanese monk , Mr. Ekai

Kaiva Gochi. — By E. H. C. Walsh, 1.0. S.

The books which are contained in the following list are a collection

which was brought from Lhasa by a Japanese monk, Mr. Ekai Kawa

Gochi, who kindly placed them at my disposal when in Darjeeling on

his way back from Lhasa in the summer of 1902. Mr. Ekai Kawa

Gochi who is a doctor of the Tokio University visited Tibet with the

purpose of studying Tibetan Buddhism at Lhasa and also of making a

collection of such valuable books from the point of view of Buddhist

Religion and Doctrine, as he could obtain, to take back to Japan for his

University, and the result of a year’s, work in this respect, during the

time that he remained as a monk in the great monastery of Sera, and

practiced as a doctor of medicine in Lhasa itself is contained in the

present list.

Before referring more fully to the ist 1 will therefore give a short

description of Mr. Ekai Kawa Gochi himself.

Mr. Ekai Kawa Gochi, who is a Japanese and a Buddhist by religion,

is 34 years of age. He came to India in 1898, with letters of recommen¬

dation from Mr. Bonio Nanju, Professor of Sanskrit in the Tokio Univer¬

sity, to Rai Sarat Chandra Das, Bahadur. He remained for two years in

Darjeeling where he lived with Rai Sarat Chandra Das, Bahadur, and

under his supervision studied Tibetan, from Lama Shab Dung. When he

had acquired a sufficient knowledge of Tibetan he started in February,

1900, for Tibet. Having first visited Gaya he went on to Nepal and

after staying there a month with a Lama at the Temple of Muktanath

at Kathmandu he went on to Tsha rong, on the frontier of Tibet, where

he remained for a year studying Tibetan with a Geshe (Professor) of

the Sera Monastery who lived there. He then started on his journeys

in Tibet. He first visited Lake Mansarowar and Mount Kailash where

he spent three months at the Monastery of “ Pretapuri.” From here he

went to Harjye, a journey which took him three months and lay through

desert, of sandy and grass land, where he used to obtain accommodation

in the Tents of the Nomads, who graze large herds of yaks. From Harjye

1904.]

E. H. C. Walsh. — Tibetan books from Lhasa.

119

where there is a small Monastery be went on to Sakya Monastery where

he stayed ten dnys. From there he went on to Tashi Llninpo, which took

five days, and stayed there for three weeks. He then went on to Ramba,

where he stayed four months at the Monastery, where he read the

“Kangyur” (bkah-agyur) and was admitted as a monk and given the

monks dress. From there he went on to Lhasa where he arrived March

1901, and at once obtained admission as a novice (Drapa) at the Monastery

of Sera, and pursued his studies there until he had to leave in June, 1902,

as his identity then became known to certain persons and he had to es^

cape so as to prevent his being taken for a foreign spy. During the

time he was at Sera he practiced as a doctor in Lhasa and in this way

made a number of friends amongst the influential men, and officials, and

it was on this account that he was able to get away, and also to bring

with him the collection of Tibetan books which he had occupied his

time in making and which was the object of his visit.

He did not himself wish to leave Lhasa and wished to represent

his case to the Dalai Lama that he was himself a Buddhist and had

merely visited the country in disguise as a Tibetan monk for religious

purposes with the object of learning the Tibetan Buddhist teaching.

His friends, however, dissuaded him from doing this, as they feared his

discovery as a foreigner would compromise them ; as it would be held

that they ought to have discovered the fact before and reported it,

and it was on their advice that he at once secretly made his escape before

his identity was generally known.

Mr. Ekai Kawa Gfochi remained for some time in Darjeeling, during

which time I saw him on several occasions. He then proceeded to again

visit Kathmandu, where he spent some time, and has since returned

to Japan.

The list of books , brought from Lhasa. — The list contains the names

of 85 books. In the second column will be found the name of the book

with a transliteration in the Roman Character. In the transliteration I

have used the letter a for the prefix and the others are transliterated

by their corresponding Roman letter without and diacritical marks.

In the third column are given the particulars of the book. The

size of the leaf, the printing press or other place that it was obtained

from, and the price paid for it.

As the width of the margin of the paper left round the printed

wood-block that forms each page varies considerably I have also noted

the size of the actual printing on the leaf as well as the size of the leaf

itself. As all Tibetan books are printed on both sides of the paper the

number of pages in each case is double the number of the leaves ; as

120

E. H. C. Walsh — Tibetan books from Lhasa.

[No. 2,

the leaf is numbered and not the page. I have also, to make the des¬

cription more complete, given in each case the number of lines of print

that go to the page in each book, which number is always uniform

throughout the book. All Tibetan printed books are xylographs and each

page forms a separate woodblock. In most cases if a book is required

the intending purchaser goes to the printing press, generally attached

to a Monastery, where its woodblocks are kept, and has it printed to

order. Mr. Ekai Kawa Gochi obtained most of his books in this way,

and he told me that he found it necessary to check the numbering of all

the leaves very carefully to see that the printer had actually printed

everyone ; as otherwise it is a very common form of fraud to leave a

large number of leaves out.

Some books for which there is a general demand are printed ready

for sale and can be bought at book-shops other than the actual printing

press, and wherever this is the case I have noted it in column 3.

In ordering a book to be printed the purchaser can either purchase

the paper at the printing press, or, as is very often done he procures his

paper elsewhere and makes it over to the press and in that case pays

for the actual printing only for which the ordinary rate is two Tangkas

( = 12 annas) a day for the printer, without food, or one Tangka ( = 6

annas) a day, and food. The printer works from about 8. a.m. to about

4 p.m. and can print about 200 pages a day. The general rate, including

paper is two Tangkas per fifty pages and an extra half tanka ( = 3

annas) more for a special order. I have given in each case the price at

which the book is obtainable in Lhasa. The price is given in “ Tangkas

the Tibetan standard silver coin, equivalent to six annas (-T.), and I

have given the equivalent in Indian money.

From columm 3 it will be seen that 14 of the books were printed

at the Depung Monastery Press, 8 at the Press attached to the Palace

at Potala, the Dalai Lama’s residence, 7 at the Chief Printing Press

and book-shop in Lhasa at Paljor Rabdan, 4 at the Pulunka Monas¬

tery, 3 at the Tengeling Monastery, 3 at Meru, 1 at Sera, and 1 at

Chos-tse-ling, all monasteries in or near Lhasa.

Of the remainder, 28 are procurable ready printed, at any book-sel¬

lers. They are chiefly ( e.g ., Nos 35 to 52) cheap Religious or Devotional

books, costing a few annas each, and used mostly by the Lamas, but

also by the Laity. Many of these latter are written in Sanskrit, which

is printed in the old form of the Sanskrit letters known as “ Lan-tslia, ”

which is the old Svayambhu character of Magadha and always employed

in Tibet, and in such case the Transliteration in Tibetan is printed,

usually above the Sanskrit line and the Translation in Tibetan below

the Sanskrit.

1904.]

E. H. C. Walsh — Tibetan books f rom Lhasa.

121

The short description of the contents of the book, in column 4, was

given by Mr. Ekai Kawa Gochi himself, and my thanks are due to him

for the trouble he took in stating the subject matter of each book, and

also to Rai Sarat Chandra Das, Bahadur, who kindly assisted him in

doing this, and dictated to Migmar Tend up what should be given as

such description.

My thanks are also due to Migmar Tendup for kindly transcribing

the names of the books in column and taking down the description in

col. 4.

122

E. H. 0. Walsh — Tibetan boohs from Lhasa.

[No. 2,

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178

G. N. Dutt — History of the Hutiva Raj.

[No. 2,

History of the Hutiva Ttaj with some unrecorded events of the administra¬

tion of Warren Hastings and of the Indian Mutiny. — By Girindra Nath

Dutt.

(With a Genealogical Table.)

The Rajas of Hntwa are of the same caste as the Rajas of Benares,

Bettiah, and Tikari. They are popularly called Babhans or Ehuinhar

Babhans, to which caste the majority of the landed aristocracy of Behar

belong. Although the origin of the Bhuinhars is much disputed, there

is every reason to believe that they had been swaying over Behar

from a prehistoric age. The word “ Babhan ” is neither Sanskrit nor

Prakrit. But the word distinctly appears to have been used in the

inscriptions of Asoka and in the Buddhist Suttas in the sense of

Brahmin. This, as well as their locale , the cradle and arena of

Buddhism, has led antiquarians to believe the Babhans to be those

Brahmins who had turned Buddhists in the palmy days of Buddhism,

but had forsaken Buddhism after its downfall and usurped the lands

of the Buddhist monasteries for which they were called “ Bhuinhars, ”

which too is not a Sanskrit word. The Pandits hold them to be

“ Murdhabhisiktas,” a caste, mentioned in Mann and other Smritis,

intermediate between the Brahmin and the Kshatriya, whilst the

Babhans hold themselves to be those Brahmins who had, out of the

six duties enjoined, forsaken three and allege the term to be a phonetic

contraction of Brahmin. The Desabali,1 (a rare MSS. in the collection of

the Asiatic Society of Bengal) which narrates the conquest of a Buddhist

king, speaks of a king Ratul, who had settled at Amnour making

friendship with the Bhuinhars there, and who subsequently conquered

=g% ■g Wl ||

1904.]

179

G. N. Dufct — History of the Hutwa Bnj.

Cheynpore1 and the extensive tract on both, sides of the Ganges after

killing the Bhuinhars who swayed there. The Hutwa Raj family also

dates its origin from a prehistoric age. The present minor Maharaja-

Kumar traces his descent from a long line of ancestors, Rajas, whom he

counts up to 102 generations above him. The founder of the Dynasty was

Raja Bir Sen. Allowing even an average of 25 years for each generation,

Raja Bir Sen would be about 25 centuries older than the present progeny

of his and this would carry us back some six centuries before the Chris¬

tian era, i.e nearly about the time of Buddha’s birth. The popular

belief is that this part of the country anciently called Kosala was in the

days of yore inhabited by an aboriginal race called the Gheros and

numerous mounds, ghats, square wells, and old tanks are still being

pointed out as the vestiges of supremacy of the Chero Rajas. The

remnants of this aboriginal race are still to be found in this part of the

country and many of them hold jagirs from the Bettiah Raj for their

services as guards and peons ; but they have now been classed in the

lowest order of the Hindu Society with the Musahars. This popular

belief seems to have a very good historical significance as we know from

history that the first spread of Aryan colonisation from the banks of

the Saraswati was to Kurukshetra (Karnal), Panchal (Rohilkhund),

Matsya (Jaipur), Surasena (Mathura), Kasi (Benares), Kosal (Oudh),

Magadh (South Behar), Yideha (North Behar). Thus it appears pro¬

bable that the aboriginal Cheros were overturned by the Aryan Kshatri-

yas, the present Rajputs (some of whom still hold a very high position,

as for instance, the Maharajas of Majhowli who draw even a longer

chain of ancestors than the Hutwa Rajas), who in their turn were

subverted by the Bhuinhars, amongst whom, very probably, was Raja

Bir Sen, the founder of the present Hutwa Raj Dynasty. The history

of Kosala at the age ascribed to Bir Sen further goes to confirm the

aforesaid conclusion. We know that the two greatest kingdoms of the

south-eastern half of the Gangetic valley were the lands of Kosala

and Magadha which had become the chief scenes of Buddha’s teaching

and labours. “ The S'akyas, the family to which Buddha belonged, were

the forerunners of such Rajput families as have in later times, by the aid

of armed bands, held their ground against the neighbouring Rajas. Of

these greater monarchies there stood in the closest proximity to the ~

S'akyas the powerful kingdom of Kosala adjoining it on the south and

west. The kings of Kosala are said to have brought the S'akya land

within their power and to have exterminated the ruling family. The

Kosala king to whom this act was ascribed was Yidudabha, the son of

1 These villages at Amnour and Cheynpore in the Saran District still exist,

inhabited by influential Rajputs and Bhuinhars.

ISO

[No. 2,

G. N. Dutt — History of the Hutwa Raj.

Buddha’s contemporary and patron Pasenadi, and that the later legends

represent the Sakyas as having been destroyed during' Buddha’s life¬

time.” It is, therefore, not improbable that Raja Bir Sen had received the

Raj and the title from king Vidudabha for his services in subverting

the S'akyas.1 The fact that the ancient seat of the earliest Rajas were at

Bharhichowra , Perg. Salempore, Majhowli, in the district of Gorakhpur,

further goes to establish, this conclusion. The Baghochia Bhuinhars3 to

which the Hutwa Rajas belong still exist there.

The patronymic of the earlier Rajas was “ Sen,” which in the 16th

descent was changed to “ Simlia” and in the 83rd to “Mall,” and in the

87tli to “ Shahi. ” The tradition is that these titles were conferred

on them by the Emperor of Delhi. But this cannot at least be correct

in the case of the 16tli Raja Jagat Sinha, whose date, according to the

aforesaid calculation, comes to be about 150 B.C., when the modern Delhi

was unknown. Although Yudhistliira, the hero of the Mahabharata,

founded the city of Indraprastha, the site of which coincides with a

part of Delhi, nothing was known of it till the beginning of the Chris¬

tian era, when king Dilu founded a new city which he named Delhi

after himself. Moreover, at this remote period, the Maurya kings of

Magadh, descendants of the mighty Asoka, were reigning in the Northern

India and there was no “ Emperor ” or “ King of Delhi.” But the date

thus ascribed to this Raja brings us very approximately to a historical

incident. Meander, the Bactrian king of Sakala, in the Panjab, had

advanced in 141 B.C., as far as the city of Saketa in Kosala (Ayodhya),

but had to retrace his steps on account of the stubborn resistance he

met with from Pusyamitra, the general of the last Maurya king,

Brihadratha. It seems that Raja Jagat Sinha had assisted the Maurya

king in driving out his enemies and thus got the title of “ Sinha ”

which means ‘ Lion,’ an emblem of the Mauryas which is still found on

the pillars of Asoka in these parts. But as the name of even the great

king Asoka had been forgotten by the people, and has only been

unearthed by the researches of scholars, everything of remote antiquity

is erroneously ascribed to Delhi, the real fact having been lost in

oblivion.

1 When this paper was read in the meeting, Mahamahopadhyaya Hara

Prasad Shastri argued that if we only loosen a little the rigidity of assigning

the 25 years’ rule to each Raja, we could at once identify this Bir Sen, the founder

of the Hutwa Raj family, with a historical personage, Bir Sen, who was General

of the Sunga king and had conquered Deccan and was ancestor of the Sen kings of

Bengal.

2 The tradition is that the Bagachin Bhuinhars and the Bisen Rajputs, to which

the Majhowli Rajas belong, are descended from the one and the same ancestor,

Mayur Bhatt, who had four wives of four castes.

1904]

G. N. Dutt — History of the Hutwa Raj.

181

By tlie same method of calculation we arrive at the date of the 83rd

Raja, Jay Mall, to be about 1525 A.D. This was an age of unrest and

disorder in India. The last of the Lodi kings fell into the hands of

Babar in the Battle of Panipat and Babar became master of an exten"

sive territory from the western limits of Bengal to the eastern bound¬

ary of Persia. The Pathans had attempted to set up a new kingdom

at Jaunpur under the leadership of Darya Khan Lohani. On hearing

of this Babar set out for Jaunpur and defeated him. In his expedition

he obtained possession of Benares and Patna, and his son Prince

Humayun was left to tranquilise and settle Oudh. Behar was in pos¬

session of Mahmud Lodi,1 who made himself master in 1529. Babar

defeated Mahmud Lodi and appointed the grandson of Darya Khan to

the Government of Behar. Then followed the memorable fights between

Humayun and Sher Shah resulting in Humayun’s flight. The battles

of Buxar (1539) and Kanauj in which Humayun was completely routed

by Sher Shah took place at this time, and Sher Shah ascended

the throne of Delhi in 1540 A.D. Such times of disorder and troubles

gave ample scope for exhibiting one’s military genius, and there

seems little doubt that Raja Jay Mall had aided one of the parties

and received, or more probably assumed, the title of “ Malla ” (mean¬

ing in Sanskrit, ‘Wrestler),’ for it is not likely that any Mahomedan

kings of such remote date would have conferred a title which has purely

a Sanskrit origin and signification. To fix accurately the dates of these

earlier Rajas is, if not altogether hopeless, a hard task, and in this respect

the Sanads, &c., if available, would have been of much use, but all earlier

records of the Raj were either destroyed or taken away by the rebel

Maharaja Fateh Shahi of whom we will speak later on. In the absence

of any such documentary evidence, the materials for the history of the

period of these earlier Rajas are necessarily the composition of the

hereditary bards (Raj Bhats) retained in the Durbar, the tradition

current in the Raj family and in collateral branches and the popular

belief in the places alleged to have been connected with any historical

incidents.

We have come to the Raja who is the 86th in descent, Kalyan Mall,

the first in the line to receive the title of Maharaja. He had made his

seat at Kalyanpur, named after him, where the ruins of his fortress

and a big well of 50 feet in diameter, said to have been constructed by

1 Copper coins of tlie Lodis are often found in these parts. The author found

some, as also the former D.S.P. of Saran, Mr. Knyvett, near Kataya Police outpost

in 1898.

2 The title “ Malla ” is very old. As for the “ Mallas ” of Kusiwara and Pava,

vide Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XI, Buddhist Suttas.

182

G. N. Dutt — History of the Hutwa Raj .

[No. 2,

him are still extant. We calculate his date, with a greater historical

certainty, to be 1600 A.D., i.e ., the latter part of the reign of Akbar,

when the great Financier Raja Todar Mall was Viceroy of Bengal and

Behar and the division of the country into Parganas after a general

survey was taken in band. Kalyan Mall must have greatly assisted

Todar Mall in his undertakings, and in recognition of the services

rendered by him the pargana Kalyanpur Kuadi, wherein his seat lay,

was named after his capital and he was made a Maharaja by the Great

Akbar. ( Vide Note on page 227.)

The next, 87th Raja, was Maharaja Khemkaran Singh Shahi,

Bahadur, who received both the title of “ Maharaja Bahadur” and

“ Shahi ” from the Emperor of Delhi. This last patronymic is yet

current in the family. His date we calculate to be 1625 A.D., in the

latter part of the reign of Jahangir, when Behar enjoyed a degree of

internal tranquility which had not fallen to its lot at any time previous

to the Mahomedan couquest. In the days of Akbar, Jahangir, and

Shah Jahan, we find the Hindu chiefs appointing their agents in the

court of Delhi to protect and further their interest, to personally

attend in the Emperor’s court, and to accept military and civil

services under them ; and some such meritorious services had enabled

Khemkaran Shahi to get the double title of “ Maharaja Bahadur ” and

“ Shahi ” (a word ofjpure Persian origin meaning ‘ of royal rank ’) and

raised him to the 'highest pitch of honour he could aspire. The fact

that the Majhowli chiefs received similar honours and that the

Darbhanga and Bettiah Maharajas owe their origin to these Emperors

of Delhi goes to corroborate our conclusion.1

Maharaja Khemkaran Shahi was equally blessed in the ramifica¬

tion of his issues. We find from the genealogical tree of the Hutwa

Raj family, annexed herewith, that he had five sons and a brother and

must have found the little fortress of Kalyanpur too small for him and

very much unsuited to his present high position. So he must have

shifted his capital from Kalyanpur to Husainpur, about 3 miles from

Kalyanpur, and built an extensive fort there on a very imposing site

and commanding position between the junctions of the two rivers Jharai

and Shiahi, the last one now entirely silted up. Husainpur remained

the seat of the Hutwa Maharajas till it was destroyed during the

reign of Warreu Hastings in the rebellion of Maharaja Fateh Shahi,

the 99th in descent, who had also enlarged the precinct of the fort by

1 It is a noteworthy fact that the fonr quondam chiefs of Behar, Duraraon

Bettiah, Darbhanga and Hutwa, received similar honour almost simultaneously from

the British Government. They were all made Knight Commanders of the Indian

Empire one by one.

1904.]

183

G. N. Dutt — History of the Hutiva Raj.

adding another fort which is still called the “ Naya killah .” After the

fall of Husainpur the family split into two, the elder branch in the direct

line of Maharaja Fateh Shahi establishing at Tancobi, where they

found the Tancohi Raj in Gorakhpur ; and the younger branch, descend¬

ants of Babu Basant Shahi, establishing at Hutwa, founded the present

Hutwa Raj at about 1802 A.D. The ruins of the fort Husainpur are

still extant, and the place abounds in sites1 of historical interest. The

late Maharaja Sir Krishna Pratap Shahi, Bahadur, K.C.I.E., had built a

decent bungalow on an elevated place in the “ old fort ” in front of an

ancient archway still supporting a big banyan tree, had laid a very ex¬

tensive mango garden of about 100 Behar bighas on both sides of the

road, excavated a big tank with ghat in front of the temple of Siva

constructed by him, and re- excavated one within the fort and edified its

bank with a masonry ghat.

A historical tradition is associated with the name of the 95th

Maharaja Jubraj Shahi, Bahadur. He is said to have wrested Pargana

Seepah, which still forms a portion of: the Raj, from Raja Kabul

Mahomed, of Barheria, who was killed in the fight. The lineal descen¬

dants of Raja Kabul Mahomed who are still living in the destroyed cita¬

del have in their family a like tradition with respect to the ruins of

their fortune. There is a nice legend connected with this event. It is

said that Maharaja Jubraj Shahi Bahadur was several times defeated in

his wars with the Raja Kabul Mahomed of Barheria, who began to ex¬

tend his estate by encroaching on the Husainpur (Hutwa) Raj. The

Mahomedan chief is said to have made a haughty proposal to the Maha¬

raja to give up two villages, Turlcaha and Bhurkaha , and to retain two

others, Selari and Bhelari, and demanded that if the Maharaja was not

agreeable to that settlement he would claim all the four.8 After his

last defeat the Maharaja was fleeing through the jungles with a hand¬

ful of followers, when the Goddess Bhavani appeared to him in a dream

and complained that she was miserable under the Mahomedan rules.

She encouraged the Maharaja to fight again with his handful of men

and promised aid. “ The moment you commence your journey,” she

said, “ you will see a jackal on the left and a serpent on the right, bow

down to the former and kill the latter.” The Maharaja acted according

1 There is a stone image of a Goddess called under a Bar tree on

the bank of the Jharai river. The Rajas of Husainpur before going to battle used

to worship her and present offerings. Probably is a phonetic contraction

of meaning Goddess of assistance.

» Thus sings the bard “ T fftT I iNlft eft?; |

JTT«it eft JTTSft TfHt % *fk

184

G. N. Dutt — History of the Hutwa Raj.

[No. 2,

to lier instructions and gained a complete victory over liis adversary at

tlie decisive battle of Ramcbandrapore, a mile east of Thaway. The

image of Durga was found in the forest of Thaway, which was an old

fortress, in accordance with the dream dreamt by the Maharaja, under a

singular and peculiar tree which still exists within the temple compound

and whose leaves some years ago were sent to the Society for identifica¬

tion. It is reported that one of the feet of the Goddess had sunk to a

fathomless depth and the other is out resting on a figure of a lion. The

Maharajas of Hutwa have raised a splendid temple for the Goddess and

built a palace for their residence as they often resort there for worship¬

ping the Goddess. Food “ Bali ” for jackals is still offered in the jun¬

gles. A big fair is held there in the month of Chait.

To ascertain more correctly the date of Maharaj Jubraj Shahi,

Bahadur, we should make the date of Maharaja Fateh Shahi, which is

very well-known and authentic, our locus standi , because only three

generations intervened between him and Maharaja Fateh Shahi who

had raised the standard of rebellion against the British Government in

1767 A.D. By the examination of the genealogical tree of the Hutwa

Raj family, it appears that the two Maharajas, the 96th and the 97th,

who succeeded Maharaja Jubraj Shahi, Bahadur, had only an ephemeral

existence, and Maharaja Chait Shahi, Bahadur, the eldest son of Jubraj

Shahi, dying without any issue and the Raj reverting, in accordance

with its time-immemorial Kulacara, to the eldest male member of the

family, Maharaja Kurtal Shahi, Bahadur, a brother of Maharaja Jubraj

Shahi, and the 4th son of Maharaja Balbhadra Shahi, Bahadur. So

allowing a lapse of 50 years instead of 75 from Jubraj Shahi to Fateh

Shahi, the former seems to have lived at about 1719 A.D. This was a

period of anarchy and unrest in India. The Great Moghul Empire was

doomed. About this time (1719) Farrukhsiyar’s life was put an end to,

and the Saiyid brothers were carrying on the Government in the name of

Muhammad Shah, the emperor elected by them. The Nizam of Hydera¬

bad had become independent, the Marhattas were plundering the

Deccan, Malwa, and Guzerat, and every chief in India was trying to

raise his head inspired with a spirit of self-agrandisement.

We now come to Maharaja Sirdar Shahi, the immediate predecessor

of Maharaja Fateh Shahi. He seems to have lived till 1747. He is said

to have invaded the principality of Majhowli, in Gorakhpur, and to have

demolished their fortress.1 It is said that one of the conditions on which

1 The Majhowli Maharajas were of considerable influence during the reign of

the Delhi Moghul Emperors. They were called “ tilali dhari Rajas, " i.e ., empowered

to instal other Rajas. It is said that one of the menial servants (a Kahar by caste)

of a Maharaja of Majhowli while shampooing the feet of his master had accidentally

1904]

G. N. Dutt — History of the Hutwa Uaj.

185

Sirdar Shahi had made peace with the Majliowli Baja, was that the

latter was not to go about with Nishans (flags), and drums (Dankas),

ensigns of Rajaship, until he had retaken these by force from the Husain-

pur (Hutwa) Rajas; and that the Majhowli chiefs, though they are still

known as Rajas, yet go about conforming to the conditions of this, as they

deem it, ignominious treaty. These Nishans and Dankas of Majhowli

are said to be still in possession of the Tumcohi Rajas, the elder branch

of the Hutwa Raj family, residing in Gorakhpur District. This must

have been during the total fall of the Delhi Empire which ensued after

the invasion and departure of Nadir Shah. The Marhattas were the

masters of the whole Deccan and commenced depredation in Bengal and

Behar exacting Chauth under the leadership of Raghuji Bhonsli ;

Malwa and Guzerat had separated from the Empire ; the Sikhs were

powerful in Punjab and the Rohillas were virtually independent. In

short the Emperor was Emperor of India only in name, and the local

chiefs fought with each other with impunity.

Next we come to a period of which we have authentic records which

well supply an omission of events yet unrecorded by any historian of

Warren Hastings’ administration. Even Burke with all his mastery of

details in his ‘ Impeachment ’ was not cognisant of the State of Behar

at that time. The 99th of the line was Maharaja Fateh Shahi Bahadur,

who, as we have already stated, was a rebel against the British Govern¬

ment in 1767. His lot was cast in troubled and eventful times. The

Mahomedan power was fast waning, and the English Government had

not yet been firmly established in the land. The last of the Moghuls,

Shah Alam II, by repeated invasions, did more to unsettle the affairs of

Behar than to gain any advantage for himself. He had been incited to

these attempts, by some of the chief zemindars, amongst others, Balvant

Singh of Benares, a relation and friend of Fateh Shahi’s family. Mir

Kasim’s attempt at uprooting the British power had signally failed, and

fallen on his feet dozing, and his forehead touched the Maharajah toe. “ Thou art

a Raja now and I will give you a Raj, ” exclaimed the Maharaja, and promised that

the distance he would carry him in sleep in a Palki would be his Raj. The Palki-

bearers went round a considerable portion of the Maharaja’s estate, who was only

awakened by the cries of his honest men alarmed to see the Maharaja’s doom.

The portion thus got by the Palki-bearers now forms the Perdowna Estate in

Gorakhpur, and although the Roy Sahebs of Perdowna (the decendants of the re¬

cipient of the grant) are bigger Zemindars in the district than the present Maharaja

himself, they attend on the Majhowli Maharaja on the Dasehra day with Hathar

chilinchi to exhibit their loyalty.

The high position then held by the Majhowli chief must have been one of

envy to Maharaja Sirdar Sahi, and to humiliate the former must have been the

latter’s ambition.

j. i. 24

186

G. N. Dutt — History of the Hutwa Raj. [No. 2

the East India Company obtained the Dewani of Bengal, Behar, and

Orissa. The administration of affairs in Behar was vested in a joint

council of Europeans and natives, and when at the end of the year 1767,

the Revenue Collector of Sircar Saran demanded rents on behalf of the

Company, Fateh Shahi not only refused to pay them but gave fight to

the Company’s troops who were sent against him in consequence, and it

was with much difficulty that these troops succeeded in expelling him

from Husainpur. The revenue of the district of Husainpur was then

farmed out to one Govind Ram ; but Fateh Shahi, who had retired into

the jungles bordering on the then independent dominions of the Vizier

of Oudh and the province of Behar, watched every opportunity of making

raids into the district, to plunder the villages and stop the collection of

revenue. The unsettled state of the country, his easy access to the

territories of an independent prince, where British troops were unable to

pursue him and where a part of his zemindari was situated, the im¬

penetrable jungles which surrounded the place, Pargana Jogini, to

which he had removed his family residence (the present Tumcohi)

from Husainpur, the collusion of the amils of the Vizier of Oudh, and

above all the attachment of the subjects to their expelled Raja and their

dislike of a Government farmer, — all contributed to favour his designs,

and he kept the country around in a constant state of terror and the

British authorities constantly on the alert. In 1772, the year just pre¬

ceding Warren Hastings’ appointment to the Governor-Generalship of

the Indian possessions of the Company, in one of these raids, Govind Ram,

the Government farmer, was put to death, and the revenue collection

came to a stand-still. The Collector of Sircar Saran, which included

the former district of Husainpur, finding that the rents could not be

collected so long as Fateh Shahi remained in that situation, recommend¬

ed that he should be induced to come in on the promise of an allowance

being granted him by Government. Govind Ram’s murder was forgiven

on Fateh Shahi’s solemnly denying any knowledge of the transaction, and

the Collector’s recommendation on his behalf was acceded to. Fateh

Shahi then came to Patna, and on an allowance being fixed for his main¬

tenance promised to live quietly with his family at Husainpur, which

was then under the charge of one Mir Jumla,1 who was styled Superin¬

tendent of Government Revenue ; and the Husainpur Raj Estates, after

being kept under direct management for a year, were let out in farm to

Babu Basant Shahi, cousin of Maharaja Fateh Shahi, on the security of

the unfortunate Raja Chait Singh of Benares. But the turbulent dis¬

position of Fateh Shahi did not long allow him to remain in this condi¬

tion of quietude. Within two months he withdrew again from the

1 This is evidently a mistake for Mir Jamal ; see page 210. — Ed.

187

1904.] G. N. Dutt — History of the Hutwa Raj.

country and commenced anew his career as a border freebooter. Con¬

stant complaints now began to be received at the Central Board of

Patna, from the officers entrusted with tli e collections, of the various

depredations committed by Fateh Shahi ; and in the beginning of May,

1 775, the Provincial Council, which then had taken the place of the

Central Board, received information that both Babu Basant Shahi and Mir

Jumla had been killed by him in a night-attack which he had made on

them at a place called Jadopur on the bank of the Gandak. It is said

that Fateh Shahi was at the jungle of Charkhia on the opposite side of

the river Khauwa , bordering on the district of Gorakhpur, when he had

received information that Babu Basant Shahi was collecting rent at

Jadopur which was about 22 miles from his abode. Fateh Shahi started

at once with one thousand horsemen and three hundred matchlock men,

and marching the whole night reached his enemy’s abode early in the

morning of the next day and surrounded it. Two legends are current

regarding the murder of Babu Basant Shahi. One is that Fateh Shahi

had implored Basant Shahi to join his side against the English, which

proposal Basant Shahi had stubbornly refused on the ground that he

had pledged not to be disloyal to the English. Thereupon Fateh Shahi

challenged Basant Shahi to a duel in which the latter was killed. The

other is that Fateh Shahi, after overtaking Basant Shahi, was overpower¬

ed with a feeling of fraternal affection and wTas retreating, when he was

questioned by one of his menial servants, Gopal Bari, and a kinsman-

follower, why he let off Basant Shahi after getting him within his hold

with so much trouble. To this the Maharaja is said to have abusively

replied, “ I let him off because he was my cousin. Was he your son-in-law

that you let him off ? ” Thus incited, these two men at once rushed

upon Basant Shahi and beheaded him. The place where he was behead¬

ed, once a garden, is still called Mudkataya Bag , and th e peepul tree under

which this atrocious act was committed, is yet worshipped by the Maha¬

rajas of Hutwa, who directly owe their origin to Basant Shahi. Maha¬

raja Fateh Shahi then sent the head of the deceased to his wife at Hu-

sainpur, who with her husband’s head on her lap ascended the funeral pyre

followed by 13 of her maid-servants, uttering at the same time an ever¬

lasting curse to her progeny who would ever have any connection what¬

soever with Fateh Shahi’s family — a mandate still strictly adhered to

by the Maharajas of Hutwa, who when passing through the Tamcohi

(Fateh Shahi’s) Raj do not even drink water or take any food belonging

to the place. Under the shadowy grove of an ancient Banian tree in the

fort of Husainpur there exist 14 Stupas wherein are enshrined the ashes

of these 14 Satis who are worshipped annually and every time the

Maharajas and Maharanis of Hutwa visit the place.

188 G. N. Dutt — History of the Hntwa Raj. [No. 2,

The news of the murder of Babu Basant Shahi and Mir Jumla

having been reported to the authorities, two companies of Sepoys

under Lieutenant Erskine, the 16th Battalion of Bengal Sepoys, who

were then at a short' distance, immediatly set out in pursuit, but Fateh

Shahi conducted his movement with such celerity that he had fled to

his retreat of Jogini jungle with his booty before any information of

his movements was received, Fateh Shahi had under him now a train¬

ed body of horsemen and matchlock men, and his followers had been

swollen by the addition of Faltirs and banditti. The whole country

was brought under contribution by him, and Lieutenant Erskine express¬

ed an opinion to the provincial council at Patna, that unless a body of

troops were to follow and drive him out of the Jogini jungles, Fateh

Shahi would prove a pest to the inhabitants around, and that there was

so many entrances to this jungle that it would take at least a battalion

of Sepoys to block them up and pursue the rebel with any prospect of

success. The provincial council of Patua recommended in their letter,

dated 14th June, 1775, to the Hon’ble Warren Hastings, Governor-

General and Council of Revenue, that as Fateh Shahi had taken

possession in the dominions of Nawab Asafuddaula of Oudh, and as

it was not practicable to seize his person without the assistance of the

Nawab’s faujdars in the Gorakhpur District, the Nawab should be writ¬

ten to through Mr. Bristow, the then British resident at the Court of

Oudh, to render such assistance. Accordingly the Governor- General

and Council wrote to the Nawab of Oudh and Mr. Bristow that the

person found to be concerned in the murder might be apprehended.

But though there was a seeming compliance with this request, nothing

appears to have been definitely done for the arrest of Fateh Shahi.

Lieutenant Hardinge then stationed at Baragaon (3 miles from the

present Hutwa) was sent in pursuit with a body of Sepoys of the 5th

battalion. His instructions were to co-operate with Syed Mahomed, the

Faujdar of Gorakhpur, for the arrest of Fateh Shahi, and on no account

to act as principal. Lieutenant Hardinge and his detachment remained

for seven days in Syed Mahomed’s camp in hourly expectation of coming

into close quarters with the rebel, and when Hardinge persuaded the

Syed to march within a hundred and fifty yards of the rebel entrench¬

ments, thinking that an effort to seize the rebel would then be inevitable,

Syed Mahomed’s troops stopped short, and would not advance a yard

towards the jungle. At this juncture, Hardinge received a message

from the Syed telling him that the attack would be deferred till the

next morning. It was afterwards found that Syed Mahomed was

then engaged in settling his revenue matters with the rebel and Lieute¬

nant Hardinge, thinking that his instructions were to assist in the

1904.]

189

G. N. Dutt — History of the Hutwa Ttaj.

arrest of Fateh Shahi and not to collect revenue for the N awab, at once

returned to Ba.ragaon with his detachment in disgust. He, however,

found that rebel’s position so strong that he wrote to the Provincial

Council of Patna that to ensure success, he must have a greater force

than that which he then commanded, and also a gun. The season of the

year was then too far advanced to despatch a military force for a fresh

attempt to seize Fateh Shahi ; but Lieutenant Hardinge was instructed

to surprise him if possible, and to issue a proclamation offering a re¬

ward of Its. 10,000 to any person who should either apprehend him or

point out the place of his residence. In the meantime the Nawab of

Oudh was written to, to farm out the portion of Husainpur zemindary

comprised in his dominions on a fair and equitable adjustment of rent

to the farmer with whom the rest of the zemindary situated in the

'British Territory had been settled ; and Captain Coxe, then commanding

a battalion at Bagaha, was instructed to hold himself ready to march

with his battalion to Gorakhpur and to use his utmost endeavours in

conjunction with the Nawab’s force, both to apprehend Fateh Shahi and

to put the farmer in possession of the Husainpur zemindary.

Nothing, however, appears to have been done, as the English Gov¬

ernment, soon after, was embarassed on all sides by the rebellion of

Raja Chait Singh of Benares (16tli August, 1781), which spread a

regular conflagration in Behar, or more strictly, in the countries between

Allahabad to Mongbyr. In Behar there was a regular concentration

of troops to harass the English. The revolt of Chait Singh burst sud¬

denly on the officials of Behar, and Mr. Ross, the Revenue Chief at the

head of the Executive Administration of Patna, wrote to the Council

at Calcutta on the 20th August, 1781, that “ since the revolt of Raja

Chait Singh on the 16th instant, every communication by Dak had been

cut off from thence to Benares, and so well had he (Chait Singh) con¬

certed measures that Mr. Ross could obtain no intelligence whatever

from that quarter.” On the 29tli August, Mr. Grome, the Collector of

Saran, wrote to inform Mr. Ross that Riza Kuli Khan the amil of

Sasseram was at that time with Raja Chait Singh, and many of the in¬

habitants of that district, particularly the Ujain Rajputs, were sincere¬

ly attached to him, and that one Bunyad Singh, who belonged to Chaitn-

pore and afterwards became a Mahomedan, was with 150 horses and 500

armed Sepoys on his way to Ramnagar to join Riza Kuli Khan.

A letter dated the 6th October, 1781, from Mr. Ross to Major Hardy,

Commanding the Patna Militia, shows that Fateh Shahi was still giv¬

ing trouble in Saran at that period with several zemindars and others

in the jurisdiction of the Revenue Chief of Patna, and had armed and

clothed his dependants in the military accoutrements of the Company;

190

G. N. Dutt — History of the Hutwa Raj .

[No. 2,

and Major Hardy was accordingly directed to seize all people “ so dressed

in masquerade.” The letter of Mr. Ross to the Council at Calcutta

above alluded to goes on to say that he had despatched private messen¬

gers to Mr. Middleton at Lucknow, Colonel Hannay in the Gorakhpur

country, Colonel James Morgan commanding the brigade at Cawnpore,

and Captain Williams bordering on the Banga and Sircar Saran districts

to apprise them of these events. Along with this letter was an extract

from a private letter from Captain Nokes, commanding a battalion in

Maj or Moses Crawford’s regiment at Buxar, on its march to Benares

dated the 25th August, 1781, addressed to Captain Haukesly Hall at

Dinapore which stated that the country between the river Karamnasa

and Benares was lined with troops against whom it was madness to pro¬

ceed with a force less than four battalions and as many guns, and that

the companies of Popham’s regiment that was left at Mirzapore and had

attempted to join the Sikhs that had returned to Chunar with Mr.

Hastings, had suffered an astonishing loss. They were intercepted in a

narrow passage in some of the streets of that town and were butchered

in a most inhuman manner. Captain Mayafee, of the artillery, was be¬

headed and his head was carried about the town as a trophy. This

gentleman had also the company of Frenchmen that Sir Eyre Coote

brought from Madras, consisting of 100 men, who were also miserably

hacked to pieces, and only 14 of them escaped to Chunar. Five other

artillery officers were killed and wounded with Captain Mayafee and

to complete their misfortune, Captain Maxwell and his battalion

were in great danger as parties of men were lying in wait to intercept

his passage at the ghats of Gogra. The letter further stated that “ a

number of Dandies (rowers) of the Governor’s fleet that arrived that day,

gave an account of several of their brethren being tied together and

chucked in the river and drowned and others cut to pieces. ” The mur¬

der of the English soldiers was retaliated with vengeance ; for we find

Major Moses Crawford commanding the 28th regiment of Sepoys,

writing from Camp Dildarnagar : “ The roads on all quarters are stop¬

ped, and liarkaras going between this and Ramnagar can only travel in

the night and conceal themselves in the day, and even then they are

sometimes obliged to show a light pair of heels for their escape. You

will have observed that Popham in a sally among the enemy some

nights ago possessed himself of four guns and that many of Raja Chait

Singh’s followers are relinquishing his cause. This I heard from Popham’s

harkar'a. It is uncertain whether this will reach you, as it must pass

through a very largu jungle which is filled with a crowd of rascals who

make a point of intercepting our correspondence as much as they can.

I have just sent off a party to burn one of their villages in this neigh-

1904.]

G. N. Dutt — History of the Hutwa Raj.

191

bourhood, in terror em to the rest. We have plenty of provisions of all

sorts and commonly get it for the trouble of taking it from deserted

villages, or of those who are disaffected to us, which villages we always

burn.”

At Aurangabad Baja Narain Singh of Siris and Cutumba had col¬

lected a large body of matchlock men and joined Chait Singh’s fauj-

dar, Becliu Singh, at Marahab, with a force estimated at 15,000 strong,

and in order to resist progress of Major James Crawford’s regiment

which marched from Chetra to effect a junction with Major Moses Craw¬

ford at Buxar, who was directed by the Governor-General to take post in

the vicinity of Bijugarli to intercept Chait Singh’s troops at Bamnagar,

Narain Singh posted himself at the foot of the pass of Argoor with

1,500 matchlock men intending to dispute the passage of the troops.

Major Crawford hearing of this arrangement quitted Argoor and made

for Cowreali pass which he occupied, and pushed his way without moles¬

tation over the hills to Bijugarli. Narain Singh was afterwards arrest¬

ed and prosecuted for rebellion and murder of one Byroo Singh, an in¬

ferior zemindar under him, and was sent to Dacca as a State prisoner.

Baja Akbar Ali Khan of Nurhat and Samoy was confiued at Patna

for owing heavy arrears. On the breaking out of Chait Singh’s rebel¬

lion he made his escape and raised a body of 5,000 matchlock men and

commenced plundering the country. On the 13th October, 1781, En¬

sign Downes, of Militia, was sent to quell the insurrection and to capture

the rebel, but he speedily found his force of one company insufficient for

the purpose, as the Baja had taken a strong position in the Gumeah

pass to resist the advance of the troops. Accordingly two companies of

soldiers under Captain Powell were despatched from Dinapore, who after

a hard struggle on the 22nd October, occupied a hill which commanded

the enemy’s position. The rebel was driven out of the pass with sig¬

nal loss and chased into the Kharackpur hills in the jurisdiction of Mr.

Cleveland who was requested to seize him. Apparently afterwards the

rebellion of Akbar Ali was condoned.

Such being the troubled times in Beliar, and the North-West, it

was impossible for Maharaja Fateh Shahi to keep quiet and not to avail

of this opportunity. In forwarding the petition of Maharaja Kalyan

Singh, of Patna, and his Naib Baja Kiieali Bam — persons with whom the

whole of Subah Behar was settled by the Governor-General in April,

1781, under the title of Dewan of the company — to the Governor- Gene¬

ral at Chunargarh on the 30th August, Mr. Boss wrote : “ Fateh Shahi

had been induced from the present aspect of things to enter Husainpur,

but Mr. Grome, the Collector of that district, had taken the most effec¬

tual measures to prevent him from penetrating any great length in the

192

G. N. Dutt — History of the Hutwa Raj.

[No. 2,

district.” Fateli Shahi’s action at this moment lias been well described

in the annexed petition of the sons of Babn Dhujju Singh (of whom

we shall presently speak) forwarded to Mr. Thomas Graham, Acting

President and Member of the Board of Revenue, Fort William, by the

Acting Collector, of Saran, with his letter of 11th July, 1805. In it we

find that, “in 1189 F.S. (1781 A.D.) when the Governor-General was

at Benares to punish the rebel Raja Chait Singh he had ordered the

different divisions of the army including the battalion stationed at Bara-

gaon in Pergunah Kalyanpur Kowadi to join him at that place. Raja

Fateh Shahi availing himself of the opportunity offerred by their ab¬

sence, came with Ajeet Mull and other zemindars from Gorakhpur with a

body of 20,000 men to Baragaon and attacked and plundered the station.

Mr. Gronie, the Collector of the district, on receipt of this intelligence

wrote, a parwanah to Dhujju Singh desiring him to join the tehsildar

and afford his assistance in driving Maharaja Fateh Shahi beyond the

boundary of the company’s provinces. Dhujju Singh immediately call¬

ed his adherents amounting to about one thousand men, and after unre¬

mitting exertions for eighteen days succeeded in defeating Fateh Shahi in

battle, and at length obliged him to retreat to the jungles with the loss

of many hundreds of the people who fell in different engagements.

Dhujju Singh and his sons were also severely wounded when Major

Lucas with a reinforcement of regular troops came to his assistance and

uniting his forces with those of Dhujju Singh, whom for their gallant

conduct he honoured by giving the lead in action, soon after drove Fateh

Shahi out of the District.1 That gentleman reported to the Government

the zeal and meritorious behaviour of Dhujju Singh, and the Governor-

General was pleased to send for Dhujju Singh to Benares, bestowed on

him a hhelat of gold cloth and the usual habitments with many other

distinguished marks of his favour, and promised that when the Governor-

General would return to Patna he would dismiss him with further

honorary rewards, and at the same time ordering the Dewan, Canto Babu,

to furnish whatever he might require for his expenses. The Governor-

General then Tvent to Bijugarh, and when he returned from thence to

Calcutta, Dhujju Singh intended to have gone with him, but owing to the

wounds he had received in the battles he was unable to do so. When

the Governor-General reached Calcutta he issued orders to Mr. Grome

directing him to pay a pension of Rs. 200 per month for the main¬

tenance of Dhujju Singh and the widows and orphans of those killed

or wounded in the fight.”

1 There still exist at Baragaon the tombs of the European officers killed in this

fight. There is no tablet on them denoting their names.

393

1904.] G. N. Dutt — History of the Hutwa Raj ,

The rebellion of Chait Singh was quelled, peace and tranquility

restored, and yet we find till 1785 Fateh Shahi at large, the terror of the

surrounding countries and the source of troubles to British Government,

and the local authorities were afraid to grant the Raj to the next heir,

Babu Mahesh Dutt Shahi, the son of Basant Shahi, lest he should ob¬

struct the collections and repeat towards the son the same atrocities

which he had perpetrated on the father.

Before ascending the funeral pyre with her husband’s head on her

lap, the wife of Basant Shahi entrusted her only minor son to the care of

Babu Dhujju Singh, of Bhurthoohi, a Rajput feudal lord of great in¬

fluence under the Husainpur Raj, and he served as guardian of the

minor with fidelity proverbial to his race. He saw the best way to secure

the interest of his ward was to carry out loyally the wishes of the Bri¬

tish Government and set his face against the murderer of his father.

With this view he expended all that he was worth and borrowed to the

full extent of his credit, in raising a body of troops. With these men

and Mahesh Dutt Shahi by his side, he was night and day with Captain

Coxe traversing the woods in pursuit of Fateh Shahi, and earned the

good-will of the local authorities for himself and his master. The Re¬

venue Council of Patna in their letter to the Governor- General in

Council, dated 17th April, 1778, recommended, that “ Fateh Shahi

should be declared to have forfeited his zemindary, and that it should

be bestowed on the young Mahesh Dutt Shahi, and that some villages

should be added to the taluha of Dhujju Singh who should be declared

the Dewan.” To this recommendation the Governor- General in Council

wrote in reply: “ We have attentively considered your recommenda¬

tions of Mahesh Dutt and Dhujju Singh but do not think it proper at

this time to comply with them. You may inform them that, when,

with their assistance, we shall have apprehended the person of Fateh

Shahi, we shall pay proper attention to their pretentions and services.”

( Vide Appendix).

With the return of a settled state of things in 1785, Fateh Shahi

though still at large, and in the enjoyment of that portion of his zernin-

daries which was situated in the district of Gorakhpur in the dominions

of the Nawab of Oudh, left off his predatory life and peacefully settled

himself down, perhaps finding in despair all his attempts to gain inde¬

pendence only to prove futile. He became in 1808 a fakir after leading

the life of a Robin Hood continuously for 18 years and a retired life for

24 years. It was the constant endeavours of his sons to regain the good¬

will of the British authorities in order to recover their lost patrimony.

In 1790 the youngest son petitioned before Mr. Montgomerie, the Settle¬

ment Officer of Saran, to be allowed to settle for the revenue of the

j. i. 25

194

G. N. Dutt — History of the Hutwa Raj.

[No. 2,

Husainpur Raj on behalf of Fateh Shahi, and the claim was treated in¬

admissible. Similar applications were also made in 1816 and 1821 with

the same result. In June 1829 the great-grandson of Fateh Sbahi

brought a regular suit for the recovery of the Raj, and it was dismissed

as barred by limitation. A similar claim was again set up in 1848 with

the like result.

In 1784 when Fateh Shahi had commenced to quietly settle down,

Babu Mahesh Dutt again applied for a Sanad for the zemiudary of

Husainpur, and the Government wrote in reply to the Committee of

Revenue, in their letter dated 2nd November, 1784, saying, that should

they think it advisable to invest the petitioner with the zemindary of

Husainpur, it should be done on the expressed conditions of his effectu¬

ally suppressing the depredations of Fateh Shahi, and if possible deliver¬

ing up his person to Government within the term of one year. At the

same time they inserted a clause in his Sanad to the effect that, in the

event of his failing in obtaining these ends either from negligence or any

other cause, that might be deemed unsatisfactory by Government, upon

a report thereof which the Committee was directed to make to Govern¬

ment on the expiration of the current Behar year, he would subject

himself to immediate dispossession with the loss of every interest which

he might hold in the land in question. {Vide Appendix). When the

Government accordingly was about to confer upon Babu Mahesh Dutt

Shahi the Husainpur Raj he died in 1785 A.D. It is said that the

astrologers having predicted that Babu Mahesh Dutt’s lease of life was

only for 22 years, his guardian Dhujju Singh hastened to marry him at

an early age with the daughter of the Chainpur Babu, in order that

he might have an issue to continue his line ; 1 and requested the Babu

to send the bride to the bridegroom’s house within the year of the mar¬

riage, which was contrary to his family custom. The bride’s father sent

a haughty answer of refusal, whereupon Dhujju Singh had Mahesh Dutt

married again at once for the second time to a poor country girl who

gave birth2 to a posthumus child, afterwards Maharaja Chattradhari

1 In this marriage of the orphan Mahesh Dntt Shahi, the ceremony called “ Imli

Ghotna,” by which the matron of the house, placing the bridegroom on her lap,

has to taste a mango leaf chewed by him, was performed by Dhujju Singh’s wife.

Dhujju Singh’s descendants are therefore to some extent looked down by their

jealous clansmen who erroneously allege they have lost their caste thereby.

2 It is said that when the bride was being taken to the bridegroom’s house in

a Palki, a big cobra with upraised hood interposed at a place, south of the present

Hutwa, and would not let the Palki pass. The astrologers were consulted and they

declared this to be an auspicious omen, showing that the bride would be the mother

of a mighty ruler who would bring the country under one umbrella

Hence the Maharaja was so named.

195

1904.] G. X. Dutt — History of the Hutwa Raj.

Shahi Bahadur, about two mouths after Babu Mahesh Dutfc’s demise

On the 21sfc January, 1791, the Government of Lord Cornwallis on the

recommendation of the local authorities conferred on Chattradhari

Shahi, the minor son of Mahesh Dutt Shahi, the confiscated estate of

Husainpur. But as the grantee was then only five years of age the

estate passed under the protection of the Court of Wards, then recently

formed, Dhujju Singh continuing to he the guardian of the minor. In

1802 Chattradhari Shahi attained majority and came into actual posses¬

sion of his zemindaries. He now shifted from Bhurthuhee, where he

and his late father lived so long under Dhujju Singh’s protection, and

founded the present seat of Hutwa1 where he built his palace and fort

surrounded with moats, and granted to Babu Dhujju Singh as jagir

the village Hutwa Boojrook (meaning the guardian of Hutwa), which

was named after his own capital. But the title of “Maharaja Bahadur”

was not conferred on him till 1837, that is, until Fateh Shahi, of whom

it may be said —

“ He left a name at which the world grew pale,

To paint a moral or adorn a tale ”

was no more heard of for several years ; for it appears to have been

thought that there could not be two Maharajas of Husainpur as long

as Fateh Shahi was alive. It was on the 27th February, 1837, that the

Government of Lord Auckland conferred on him the title of Maharaja

Bahadur with the usual khelat , and the peshkas of Its. 50,000 paid by

him on this occasion was placed at the disposal of the General Com¬

mittee of Public Instruction to be disposed of in the interest of educa¬

tion. (Vide Appendix).

Maharaja Chattradhari Shahi rendered valuable assistance to the

British Government daring the Santhal rebellion by placing his resources

at the disposal of Government and promptly executing the order of the

district authorities. But the most conspicuous services rendered by him

to British Government were in the stormy days of the Indian Mutiny of

1857-58. “ Throughout the crisis,” wrote the Collector and Magistrate

of Saran, Mr. Bichardson, “the Baja proved himself a staunch ally of

the British Government ; his loyalty was never for a moment doubted,

and from the very outset of the rebellion the whole of his resources

1 Evidently Mr. W. Hoey is wrong in identifying Hutwa with Hastigrama (Jour¬

nal, A.S.B., Yol. LXIX, Part I, No. 1, Page 80, of 1900). From my personal know¬

ledge I am in a position to say that all that he had heard of the late Raja of Hut-

wa’s enclosing the ground near Sewan Station is a pure myth. The spot was intend¬

ed for a tenting-ground near the station, as he had to make a drive of 14 miles from

and to Sewan station and Hutwa. No Brahmin had ever spoken to him disparagingly

of the spot, nor is his death attributed to his enclosing it.

196

G. N. Butt — History of the Hutwa Raj. [No. 2,

were placed at the disposal of the authorities in the district for the pre¬

servation of peace and order.” (Vide Appendix). When the Mutiny

broke out in the district of Shahabad and G'orakbpur in June, 1857, the

Maharaja, an old man of seventy, at once put himself in communica¬

tion with the local authorities, engaged a large contingent of armed men

with which he guarded all the ghats and private houses of Government

officials, and sometimes fought with the rebels. “ The effect of this active

measure,” as described by the Collector to the Commissioner in the letter

dated the 18th March, 1858, “was that whilst the Gorakhpur district

was temporarily abandoned to anarchy and rapine, not a village on the

Saran side of the boundary became the scene of disorder.” ( Vide

Appendix). When a large body of mutineers appeared at Subhanpur,

near Sewan, the Maharaja assisted the sub-divisional Officer, Mr. Lynch,

with horses and men, fought the rebels and gained a signal victory.1 It

is indeed a pity that the historians of the Indian Mutiny, while they

have indulged in enumerating petty and minor details, have entirely

omitted to make any mention of the service rendered by this Maharaja

of Hutwa.

An internal rising forms an episode in Maharaja Chattradhari

Shahi’s time. A brahmin of Bhore, named Bujhawan Misir, became very

powerful, having been aided by the ever-turbulent Rajputs of the place

who are called “ Khans.” Bujhawan Misir claimed the whole country

on the other side of the Jherai river to be his hrit (Brahmottar), even the

forts of Husainpur. Each time the Maharaja’s troops sent to dispossess

him were beaten back — in fact Bujhawan Misir held the country in such

terror for some time that no one from the Hutwa side could dare cross

the Jherai.8 At last the Maharaja had to seek the help of the Govern¬

ment, and Bujhawan was dispossessed of the country and killed by the

troops of Government. There were also constant fights with the

Bettiah Raj about demarcation of boundaries between the two Estates,

and thousands of both sides were killed.

1 These mntineers had looted the Government treasury and the public offices

in Muzaffarpur District, but being repulsed therefrom had proceded to Sewan, “On

the following morning the troops broke out in open mutiny. Headed by Jarif Khan

they robbed the Monghyr Mail and plundered the Collector’s house. They then

attacked the Treasury and Jail, but the Police and najibs stood to their posts and

drove them off, on which they decamped towards Aliganj Sewan.” — (Sir J. Kaye’s

History of the Sepoy War, Vol. III.)

* Thus sang the bard “^T^TT V# I

fljfspC ^ft^T l51 “ The Raja was reduced to diminutive, and his soldiers

were reduced to the position of a cotton-dresser, while Bujhawan Misir fought

making the earth tremble under his feet.”

197

1904.] G. N. Dutt — * History of the Hutwa Baj,

Maharaja Chattradhari Shahi was a great patron of Sanskrit learn¬

ing. He retained in his Durbar learned pandits from M.ithila and Benares,

and other places amongst whom, before he became a Sanyasi, was the

renowned Bam Niranjan Svami, the greatest Savant of India at that

age, who survived even Maharaja Rajendra Pratap Shahi, successor of

Maharaja Chattradhari Shahi. He had opened a Sanskrit school in

charge of the said Savant, wherein nearly 1,000 students from all parts

of India received education and were fed by the Raj. With such

veneration was this Savant held by the Hutwa Maharajas, that the late

Maharaja Sir Krishna Pratap Shahi Bahadur had specially indented

from Prance a jewelled Sirpech (aigrette) containing an enamelled image

of this Savant , and had named his son and heir, the present Maharaj

Kumar, after his monastic nomenclature and had published a beautiful

biography.

Maharaja Chattradhari Shahi was an able and excellent administra¬

tor. He considerably enlarged his Raj and with it its income. The

whole villages on the borders of the Gandak and Gogra now possessed

by the Raj he got from the Babus of Pursa on their downfall. He died

on the 16th March, 1858, leaving, it is said, behind him about 40 lakhs

of Rupees in the treasury, the greater portion of which is said to have

been squandered away1 by his successor in the great Hutwa case, and the

rest invested in the purchase of jewellery of the deposed king of Oudlv

The fruit of his Mutiny services was enjoyed by his successor, Maha¬

raja Rajendra Pratap Shahi, who obtained a perpetual jagir in Shaha-

bad district out of the confiscated estates of the rebel Kuar Singh,

then yielding an annual rental of Rs. 20,000, having continued

to tread in the footsteps of his great-grandfather, Maharaja Chattra¬

dhari Shahi, in rendering valuable assistance to Government in the sup¬

pression of the Mutiny. ( Vide Appendix).

The two sons of the Maharaja Chattradhari Shahi having died before

their father, it was the turn of Maharaj -Kumar Ugra Pratap Shahi, the

father of Rajendra Pratap Shahi to succeed; but Maharaja Chattra¬

dhari Shahi having left a will and expressed his intention before his

death that Rajendra Pratap, the son of Ugra Pratap, was to succeed him,

Ugra Pratap Shahi waived his claim in favour of his son who was

installed Maharaja in 1858. {Vide Appendix). The two sons of the

second son of Maharaja Chattradhari Shahi, Babu Tilakdhari Shahi,

1 So extravagant was his successoi*, Maharaja Rajendra Pratap Shahi, that in

his shikar in theTerrai Jungles, where he stayed for six months, his camp equipages

consisted of 60 elephants, several big Zemindars related to him, and also many

dancing girls — nay even his own Bazar to supply rasads to retinues and camp-

followers and equal number of advancing tents ( Pesh-khima ) for the next stage.

198

G. N. Datt — History of the Hutwa Raj.

[No. 2,

and Babu. Bir Pratap Shabi, thereupon laid claim for the partition of the

Raj on the plea that the estate was an ordinary zemindary. Their suit

at first was tried by the District Court of Saran ; but Babu Tilak Dhari

Shahi withdrew his claim on a compromise, having got by it some vil¬

lages for his maintenance ( Khorish ) ; but Babu Bir Pratap Shahi whose

claim was dismissed by the District Court carried it on to the High

Court of Calcutta and then to the Privy Council, which settled for

good that the Hutwa Raj still, as it was before Maharaja Fateh Shahi’s

defection, is an impartible Raj, descendible under Kulaca to the eldest

son, to the exclusion of all younger brothers who were only to get a

maintenance, and fixed Rs. 1,000 as monthly pension for Babu Bir

Protap Shahi’s maintenance. ( Vide the extracts of judgments enclosed.)

Maharaja Rajendra Pratap Shahi died in 1871, leaving an only

minor son of 15, the late Maharaja Sir Krishna Pratap Shahi Baha¬

dur, K.C.I.E., and the Court of Wards took up for the second time the

administration of the Hutwa Raj. He attained majority in 1874, and

was installed as Maharaja Bahadur in August of that year at Chupra

at a grand Durbar by the then Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal, Sir

Richard Temple. He received a medal of distinction struck in comme¬

moration of the visit of H.R.H. the Prince of Wales to India in 1874-75,

and another in 1877 at the Imperial Assemblage at Delhi on the pro¬

clamation of Her Most Gracious Majesty the late Queen Victoria as

Empress of India. In 1889 he was created, unsolicited, a Knight Com¬

mander of the Exalted Order of the Indian Empire.

When the memorable cow-riot broke out at Basantpur in 1894, the

Officiating Lieutenant-Governor, Sir Anthony Macdonald, wired to the

Maharaja saying that he depended on him in restoring peace in the dis-

trict. The Maharaja immediately despatched all his Sowars, Sepoys, and

Carbineers to help the Commissioner, Mr. Forbes, stationed there in quell¬

ing the riot. In such high esteem was he held by that distinguished

officer, Sir Anthony Macdonald, that in one of his letters he wrote to him in

the following strain: “There is no nobleman in these provinces whose

approbation I value more highly than yours, and very few so high, and

there is no one from whom I should be so glad to receive, now and

then, an expression of opinion on general topics.”

He was allowed by the Government of India, on the recommenda¬

tion of the then Collector, Mr. Bourdillon (now Sir James Austin

Bourdillon, late Officiating Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal), who had

remarked that he could safely trust the Maharaja’s loyalty and fidelity,

to indent sixty muskets with bayonets from England for his retainers

in lieu of those old and worn out.

He was a great patron of Sanskrit learning, himself being a very

1904]

199

Gr. N. Dutt — History of the Hutwa Raj .

good Sanskrit scholar. Pandits from Bengal and Benares, nay even from

the Bombay Presidency, have got munificent donations from him. Rare

and important works in Sanskrit he got to be edited or translated by

the Pandits at a great cost, simply for distribution. Among these is a

monumental work on vedic rituals, Parasknra Grhya Sutra with several

commentaries which issued from the press just when he was on his death¬

bed, and which he had prefaced witli a brief narration of his family his¬

tory in metrical Sanskrit. He was himself the author of a book of

songs called Soka-Mudgara, composed on the death of his first son. His

Sanskrit Library contains numerous rare and valuable MSS., all collect¬

ed during his life time, which were examined by the Asiatic Society of

Bengal and were eulogised by its President, Sir Charles Elliot, in his

Annual Address. Although a Maharaja, he had the heart of an ascetic.

So fond was he of a retired life that he had declined several times the

offered seats in the Government Legislative Councils. No sooner he

ascended the Gaddi after the Court of Wards’ regime , he set out for a pil¬

grimage and travelled through almost the whole of Northern India.

Later on he used to pass the greater part of the year in the associations

of the Pandits and learned Sadhus at Benares, where he had built palatial

buildings, temples, and chetras, endowing in perpetuity suitable sums for

their maintenance. The Lion of the Punjab, Ranjit Singh, had plated

the dome of the Bisvanath’s temple at Benares with gold, and the late

Maharaja of Hutwa had plated the reservoir of the image within with

thick silver, costing nearly a lakh of Rupees. With a true maternal

veneration he set apart a portion of his Raj in perpetuity, yielding an

income of Rs. 20,000 for the maintenance of the beautiful temple of

Gopalji constructed by his late mother. Finding the Brahmins in the

Raj in a state of moral depravity he revived the Sanskrit School of

Chattradhari Shahi which had dwindled away in his predecessor’s

time.

He was equally charitable in works of public utility. He ex¬

cavated numerous large tanks, built on them masonry ghats with

slopes for cattle to drink water, opened many new roads, constructed

thousands of wells and embankments for tenants, and set apart extensive

mango-gardens for the public to enjoy their fruits. Each winter he

used to distribute some thousands of blankets only to the old, decrepit,

blind, and lame, and to such as were incapacitated for work. It was his

express order that old horses and cattle must not be made to work,

but be fed as superannuated human pensioners as long as they lived.

Himself being very candid and upright, he always loved fair and

square dealings in all transactions. It was his strict orders to pay salary

of all his servants on the very first of every month, and he never liked to

200

G. N. Dutt — History of the Hutwa Raj.

[No. 2,

bear that he owed any debt to anybody. Although an oriental aristo¬

crat to the back-bone he patronised both primary and high educations.

He established a free Entrance School in the Raj with a scholarship for

the successful student to prosecute the higher standard, and opened nu¬

merous primary schools in the interior of the Raj to impart liberally a free

education to his tenants. He fully appreciated the meritorious services

of his servants and often encouraged them with handsome rewards.

The kindly feelings he entertained towards them might well be exhibited

from his telegram of condolence on the death of his faithful Dewan ,

Babu Bhubaneswar Dutt, at his residence at Cbandernagore, to his

nephew Babu Devendra Nath Dutt, the present Dewan of the Maharani :

“ My heart bleeds to hear of your uncle’s death. The loss is irrepar¬

able to the Hutwa Raj. You have got your uncle alive in me. It is I

whose uncle is lost.”

In July, 1890, the Maharaja lost his first son, a child of weak con¬

stitution, and the then Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal, Sir Stuart Bayley,

in his letter of condolence to the Maharaja, wrote : “ The loss of the only

heir to one of the historical houses of Behar is what I consider a pub¬

lic calamity.”

It is during the regime of the late Maharaja Sir Krishna Pratap

Shahi that the prosperity of the Hutwa Raj has reached a point un¬

known to any of his predecessors. The architectural aspect of the

town of Hutwa was immensely beautified by the erection of numerous

magnificent buildings with high towered gates and a long line of

barracks on their wings, facing in front an extensive and tastefully laid

out park, stud with marble statues and fountains, thus imparting an

idea of beauty mingled with sublimity. The new palace named after

him, Krishna Bliaban, with its magnificently furnished and decorated

Durbar Hall which is daintily painted and guilded, and glittering with

tastefully arranged numerous splendid crystal chandeliers, with its

painted door-panes bearing Shakesperean characters, and its walls hung

with oil-paintings of all the crowned kings of Europe and two big life-

size portraits — one of the late Queen Empress and the other of himself

attended with his faithful dewan, the late Babu Bhubaneswar Dutt —

facing each other, is indeed a work of art and is said to be one of the

most picturesque buildings in India. The resources of the Raj had so

considerably developed in his time that the rent-roll which was eight

lakhs when he was a minor under the Court of Wards had risen to

twelve lakhs of Rupees, and this not by any illicit enhancement but

after a survey and preparation of a regular and systematic record of

rights initiated by the Court of Wards.1 It is interesting to know that

1 While at this stage of my writing I was fortunate enough to make a very im-

1904]

G. N. Dutt — History of the Huhua Raj.

201

at his death he left behind him. in the two strong-holds of his fort

55 lakhs of rupees in hard cash, notwithstanding the additions made

by him in his richly stocked jewellery room, Howdakhana and

Toshakhana , which including the amount spent in buildings and six

portant discovery throwing much light on the dark period of some of the Rajas

before Fateh Shahi. It is the Lakhraj Register of the Raj prepared in 1793 A.D.

by the Government Deputy Collectors appointed to enquire into the Lakhraj land

in the country for the Permanent Settlements, and which formed the Magna Charta

of the Brahmins during the preparation of the Record of Rights subsequently by the

Court of Wards in the minority of the late Maharaja Sir Krishna Pratap Shahi under

the then most distinguished Manager, the late Mr. George James Spence Hodgkinson,

I.C.S., C.S.I., (afterwards Commissioner of the Arakan Division, and some time Chief

Commissioner of Lower Burma), who had not only sown seeds of Hutwa’s present

prosperity but had implanted in the heart of the minor in his charge noble ideas and

principles which had hereafter made him so successful an administrator and an ex-

amplary chief in all respects. This Lakhraj Register records the Sanads for Brb lands

granted or alleged to have been granted by the Maharajas of Hutwa. But on a careful

examination of this record I was sadly disappointed to find it to be not of that value

as was expected, as only in some instances the period found therein coincided with

the dates assigned by me, calculated at the rate of 25 years ; and in other cases the

said register proved itself to be wholly unreliable. For instance there is one grant

of the 89th Maharaja in the line, Maharaja Sangram Shahi Bahadur (the oldest one

in that register), dated 1013 F.S. = 1606 A.D., granted to Gossain Madhoram of village

Chowchukka, Muth Madho, and another of the same Maharaja, dated so late as 1145

F.S. = 1738 AD., given to Parsram Sukul of village Brindaban, thus giving the

Maharaja’s lease of life for more than 132 years, although there are many Sanads of

the period intervening and given by the Maharajas succeeding him. Yet both these

Sanads have been accepted and registered ! There also appears one most glaringly

false Sanad which the Amin preparing the register notes as having been declared to him

( Surat hal) to be of 1169 F.S. = 1762 A.D. i.e. (five years before Fateh Sahi’s rebellion)

and given by Maharaja Kalyan Mall to one Harkumar Bans Tewari of Khajooraha

Tuppa Bagahi, and on the face of its spuriousness this has been accepted and regis¬

tered ! There also appear many Sanads in which the heirs-apparent styling themselves

Maharajas have been alleged to have granted lands in their fathers’ (the real Maha¬

rajas) life-time, which could hardly have been the case. On the nature of these

Sanads Mr. Hodgkinsson had reported to Government thus : “ The number of illicit

Brts claimed is simply astounding.” From this it is palpable that the present

Maharaja and his ancestors have been deprived of a very large portion of their just

rent by the Brahmins. The survey and record of rights were prepared by in¬

experienced Amins under these Deputy Collectors for whom it was not possible to

detect those fraudulently manufactured from those genuine sanads. An inspection

of these Sanads might have been very useful for the history of the Raj, but un-

fortunatly I have not that power and position now in the Raj which I once had

to induce the possessors to allow me to have a look.

By the 25 years’ rule I have ascribed the date of the 25th Raja, Maharaja Jubraj

Shahi, to be 1719 A.D. In the Lakhraj Register I find one of his Sanad dated 1112

F.S. = 1703 A.D. given to Bholanath of Khurliurwa, and another of 1140 F.S. =1733

J. 1. 26

202 G. N. Dutt — History of the Hutwa Raj. [No. 2r

lakhs of rupees given away on tlie birth of his first son, and a lakh

spent in the marriage of the present Maharaj Kumar of Benares at

Salemgarh, district Gorakhpur, in which the bridegroom’s party compos¬

ing of several Rajas were his guests, would equal as much as the

hoard left. The Maharaja died in his forty-first year on the 20th Octo¬

ber, 1896, leaving a son of 4 years, the present minor Maharaj Kumar,

and a daughter of nearly a year; and the Court of Wards again for the

third time took up the administration of the Raj, appointing the Dowa¬

ger Maharani his guardian. The years of the demise of the two suc¬

cessive Maharajas, Rajendra Pratap Shahi and Krishna Pratap Shahi,

are marked by the advent of the famines in Behar in which the Raj had

to spend, on these two disastrous occasions, more than ten lakhs to

relieve the distress of its tenants.

The charity and magnanimity of the present Maharani of Hutwa is

proverbial. She had contributed a lakh of Rupees to the Famine Fund

raised by His Excellency the Viceroy, Lord Curzon, for the relief of

the distressed people in Central Provinces and Rajputana, another lakh

to the Victoria Memorial Fund, Rs. 50,000 to the Lady Dufferin Zenana

Hospital, Rs. 30,000 to the Soldiers’ and Sailors’ Families’ Association

Fund, presided over by Her Gracious Majesty the Qneen Empress

Alexandra, Rs. 25,000 for the Cliupra Charitable Hospital besides nu¬

merous minor contributions. In recognition of her catholic charity and

kindly feelings towards the tenants of her Raj, Her Majesty the late

Queen Empress conferred on her the -Kaisar-i-hind gold medal, with

which she was invested at a grand Durbar at Hutwa, in January 1902,

by His Honour the late Sir John Woodburn.

The Maharajas of Hutwa are entitled to take with them within the

limits of Saran district 100 armed retainers, without license aud to re¬

given to Samhowti Tewary of Husainpur. This proves the correctness of my date-

Again I have assigned the date of the 98th Raja, Maharaja Sirdar Shahi, to he

1747. In the Lakhraj Register there is one Sanad by him of Asadh 1151 F.S. = 1744

A.D., granted to Balkissen Ojha of Karthowli, and another of Aghan Sudi 5th, 1165

F.S. = 1758, granted to Raghunath Soohool of Pankhapali. This also proves the cor¬

rectness of my date.

The following are the date of grants gathered from the Lakhraj Register which

could be relied on to some extent and with certain allowances : —

93rd Maharaja Huldnl Shahi Bahadur — 1644 — 78 A.D.

94th Maharaja Hargovind Shahi Bahadur — 1695 — 1714 A.D.

95th Maharaja Jubraj Shahi Bahadur — 170 (IP) 5 — 38 A.D.

96th Maharaja Chet Shahi Bahadur — 1737 — 58 (?) A. D.

97th Maharaja Kurtal Shahi Bahadur — (no mention)

9Sth Maharaja Sirdar Shahi—1744 — 1758 (Cf. above).

3904.]

203

G. N. Datt — History of the Hutiva Raj.

tain in their possession a gun and have the privilege of private entree

to Government House.

The annexed table shows the area and income together with other

particulars of the Raj. The main portion consists of a compact block

of the most fertile tract in the District of Saran : —

Appendix.

To

Thomas Graham, Esq.,

Acting President and Member of the Board of Revenue ,

Fort William.

Sir,

I beg leave to report to you. the death of Dujjoo Singh who re¬

ceived a pension of Rs. 190-8-0 per mensem, and also to transmit

1 The Raj has got only house properties in these districts.

2 Besides these 30 new villages in Saran have been recently purchased by the

Court of Wards, the area, population and rentroll of which have not been exactly

known.

8 Besides this, the Raj has an annual income of Rs. 1,96,448 as interest in Govern¬

ment Papers and Municipal Debentures, etc., of the portion of the hoarded money of

the late Maharaja invested by the present Court of Wards,

204

G. N, Dutt — History of the Hutwa Uotj.

[No. 2,

herewith a copy and translation of a Petition presented to me by Lall

Singh, Shah Singh, and Gauree Singh, sons of the deceased, soliciting

a continuance of the allowance, which I beg leave to snbmit for the

consideration and orders of His Excellency the Most Noble the Gov¬

ernor-General in Council.

2. — The particulars of the case are so fully set forth in the Petition,

that I do not deem it necessary to trouble the Board with my further

observations on it than to mention that the circumstances of the zeal

and good conduct of Dujjoo Singh and his adherents in the expulsion of

the rebel Fatteh Sahi from the Company’s Territories is notorious, as

well as Lis steady attachment to the English interest during the troubles

at Benares, and that it was in a great measure owing to the exertions of

himself and his followers that this district was saved from devastation

and ruinous consequences of the predatory incursion of Fatteh Shahi’s

Banditti.

3. — As it would appear that the sons and adherents of Dujjoo Singh

were, with himself, wholly supported by the pension they received from

Government, and as there is every reason to believe that their numer¬

ous family will be reduced to the greatest distress from the resump¬

tions, I take the liberty of recommending the prayer of their Petition to

the liberality of Government.

I have, etc.,

(Sd.) R. Graham,

Zillah Saran, Acting Collector .

The 11th July , 1805.

Translation of a Petition from Lall Singh, Shah Singh , and Gauree Singh ,

sons of Dujjoo Singh, deceased.

In 1189 Fussilly, when the Governor General was at Benares to

punish the Rebellion of Raja Chitta Singh, ordered the different Divi¬

sions of the army, including the Battalion stationed at Burragangin Par-

ganah Cullianpore Koarry to join him at that place, Rajah Futteh Shahi

availing himself of the opportunity afforded by their absence, came with

Ajeetmall and other zamindars from Gorakhpur with a body of 20,000

men to Burragang, and surrounding Govindram Missir, the Tahsildar of

the Parganah, attacked and plundered the station. Mr. Grome, then

Collector of the District, on receipt of this intelligence, wrote a pur-

wanah to Dujjoo Singh, desiring him to join the Tahsildar and afford his

assistance in driving the said Fatteh Shahi beyond the boundary of

the Company’s provinces. Dujjoo Singh immediately collected his adher¬

ents amounting to about 1,000 men, and after unremitting exertions for

205

1934.] G. N. Dutt — History of the Hutwa Raj.

18 days, succeeded in defeating Fatteh Shahi in battle, and at length

obliged him to retreat to the jungles with the loss of many hundreds of

his people who fell in the different engagements. Dujjoo Singh and his

sons were also severely wounded, when Major Lucas with a reinforce¬

ment of Regular Troops came to his assistance, and uniting his forces

with Dujjoo Singh, who for their gallant conduct he honoured by giving

the lead in action, soon after drove Fatteh Shahi out of the district. That

gentleman reported to Government the zeal and meritorious behaviour of

Dujjoo Singh, and the Governor General was pleased to send for Dujjoo

Singh to Benares, bestowed on him a kheiat of gold cloth and the

usual habitments, with many other distinguished marks of his favour, and

promised that when he, the Governor-General, returned to Patna, he

would dismiss him with further honorary rewards, at the same time

ordering the Dewan, Canto Babu, to furnish whatever he might require

for his expenses. The Governor-General then went to Bijughur, and

when he returned from thence to Calcutta, Dujjoo Singh intended to

have gone with him, but owing to the wounds he had received in battle,

he was unable to do so. When the Governor- General reached Calcutta

he issued orders to Mr. Grome directing him to pay a pension of Rs. 200

per month for the maintenance of Dujjoo Singh and ourselves, who were

wounded with him, and the widows and orphans of those who had lost

their lives on the occasion, the amount has been regularly paid to us to

the end of Falgoon 1212, from which we and many others, the said

widows and orphans of our adherents, obtained support and prayed for

the Company’s prosperity. At the end of Falgoon Dujjoo Singh died,

when the Acting Collector, Mr. Ravenscroft, resumed the pension.

Sir, Dujjoo Singh was not the only person who came forward : we

were also in the engagement and were severely vyounded; and the

widows of our many followers who fell on the occasion are still in

existence. The pension was granted both for their and our support, and

the name of Dujjoo Singh was inserted only because he was our leader.

Dujjoo Singh alone has paid the debt of nature. We, and many of the

widows of Dujjoo Singh’s deceased adherents, are still living, and our sole

support is from the pension of Rs. 200 per month granted to us by

Government, and by the discontinuance of it we are reduced to extreme dis¬

tress. We are therefore hopeful from your goodness that the said pen¬

sion may be continued and coofirmed to our family ; that we and the

widows of our numerous deceased adherents may thereby receive a pro¬

vision for their maintenance, and offer up our prayers for the prosperity

of the English Government. (A true Translation.)

(Sd.) R. Graham,

Acting Collector .

206

G. N. Dutt — History of the Hutwa Raj.

[No. 2,

To

R. Graham, Esq.,

Acting Collector , Saran.

SlR,

In reply to your letter of the 11th ultimo, I am directed by the

Board of Revenue to acquaint you that the Governor-General-in-Council

has been pleased to authorize you to continue to the sons of the late

Bujjoo Singh the pension of Rs. 190-8 ans. per mensem formerly received

by that person, and to discharge any arrears which may be due on that

account.

I am, etc.,

(Sd.) J. C. Bolder,

Secretary.

Revenue Board ,

The 9 th August , 1805.

True Copies.

(Sd.) {Illegible.)

Collector.

Extracts from the Proceedings of Government in the Revenue Dejot,

Read the following letters and enclosure from the Provincial Coun¬

cil of Patna

Constituted 14th June , 1775.

To

The Hon’ble Warren Hastings, Esq.,

Governor- General and Council of Revenue , Fort William.

Hon’ble Sir and Sirs,

Enclosed we have the honor to transmit you a copy of a letter re¬

ceived from Lieutenant Erskine, who commands two companies of Sepoys

in the Hossepur District, giving an account of an attack made by Eutty

Shaw on the Renter and the Superintendent of the Collections of that

country, in which they were both killed. The other letters we have

received from that place, confirm the circumstances mentioned by the

officer, and acquaint us further, that the business is thrown into the

utmost confusion by this unexpected event. We beg leave to represent to

you that Futty Shaw was formerly the Zamindar of Hosseypur. About

the end of the year 1767, he refused to pay his rents, fought the Com¬

pany’s Troops who were sent against him in consequence, and was with

1904.]

•207

G. N. Dutt — History of the Tlutwd Raj.

much difficulty expelled from the country ; he then withdrew into the

jungles, bordering on the Vizier’s dominions and the Behar Province,

watching every opportunity to make incursions into the district, and to

plunder the villages, by which means the collections have been con¬

stantly interrupted in 1772. He put to death one Govind Ram, the

Renter of Hossepur, but as he most solemnly denied having any know¬

ledge of that transaction, the Collector of Sarcar Sarun, finding that the

rents could not be properly conducted so long as he remained in that

situation, recommended to the Council that he should be induced to come

in on the promise of an allowance being made him from Government.

This was accordingly done ; he came willingly to Patna, and, an allow¬

ance being fixed for the maintenance, he promised to remain quietly

with his family in Hosseypur. Within two mouths, however, he with¬

drew again from the country and has ever since committed depredations

on the district, of which we received frequent complaints from the

officers of the collections ; we understand he is now collecting together

a body of Facquiers and other Banditti, with a view of making further

disturbance. We have thought it expedient to write to Captain Jones,

who is stationed with his Battalion near that place, desiring he will

take such measures as may be necessary to protect the country and

prevent the desertion of the raiyats. As he takes protection in the do¬

minions of the Habab Asoph-ud-Dowla, it will not be practicable to seize

his person without the assistance of the Nabab’s Pliousdar in the

Gorackpur District. We have, therefore, desired the Chief to represent

the circumstances to the Nabab through Mr. Bristow, and to request

His Excellency will give the necessary orders to his people. Thus far

we have thought fit to proceed for the immediate security of the country,

and beg to be favoured with your orders, if you deem it proper, to take

any other measures for getting Futty Shaw into our hands.

Bussant Shaw was the farmer of Hossepur, and Rajah Cheyt Singh

security for him in the payment of his rents.

We are, with respect,

Hon’ble Sir and Sirs,

Your most obedient humble servants,

(Sd.) Isaac Sage.

„ Simeon Droz.

,, Ewan Law.

,, Edward Golding.

„ Wm. Young.

Camp at Burrah Gaun, 4th May, 1775 j Patna, the 8th May, 1775,

208

G. N. Dutt — History of the Hutiva Raj.

[No. 2,

To

Mr. Isaac Sage,

Chief of the Provincial Council of Revenue.

Sir,

Last niglit, about sunset, I received a letter from Meer Mogul in¬

forming me that Futty Shaw, early in the morning, had surprised Meer

Jammaul and Babu Basanta Shaw at J adapur, a village 6 coss from Burr ah

Gang, and that he had murdered them with most of their attendants.

He requested I would hasten to Burrah Gang that I might prevent his

coming there. I immediately marched with the detachment from Sewan

and arrived here about 10 o’clock. At night I received certain intelli¬

gence that Futty Shaw after putting the poor defenceless people to death

and plundering their effects, immediately fled with the booty into the

Perg. Jugginee Jungle, where it seems his family is, and which is in Mirza

Maun’s District. As Meer Mogul writes you the particulars of this

affair by the bearer, it would be a needless repetition in me to mention

them, as I have only heard them from him. Both Meer Jammaul and

Babu Basanta Shaw were lulled into such an opinion of security by

Futty Shaw’s fair promises, that they did not apprehend the smallest

danger from him. Even the night before their death, they received

a letter from him, informing them that he was within 3 coss of them

and that they need not dread any destruction from him, as he was only

going to see his family at Perg. Jugginee. This I am informed of by

some of the wounded people who made their escape and are just arrived

here. They say that Futty Shaw had about 25 horsemen and 200 or

300 matchlock fellows with him. Had the two companies been stationed

at the place, I cannot see how the melancholy accident could have been

prevented. As you positively forbid me to pursue either him or the

Nourannees into Miza Maun’s District, I am almost certain he will

always take care to keep out of my reach.

Permit me to give it as my opinion that unless you order a body of

troops to follow and drive him out of the Perg. Jugginee Jungle, that

after carrying matters to such a length he will prove a constant pest to the

inhabitants hereabout. By what I can learn there are so many avenues

into the jungle that it will take at least a battalion of sepoys to block

them up and pursue him in it with any prospect of advantage. I have

sent Hircarrahas to bring me positive intelligence where he is, and if re¬

quisite shall remove the detachment for the protection of the raiyats to

whereever it may be necessary.

I have not recalled the detachment from Somewell as, if I was to

1904.]

G. N. Dutt — History of the Hatwa Raj .

209

do so, fclie ISTourannees in all probability would make some disturbance

in that part of the country.

I am, Sir,

Your most obedient servant,

(Sd.) Jokh Erskine,

Lieut., \Qth Battalion of Sepoys.

The bearer was present when Meer Jammaul and Babu Basanta

Shaw were killed, and will give you the particulars.

(A true copy.)

(Sd.) Shearmam Bird,

Secretary .

Petition of Syed Golam. Translation of the representation of Syud Golam

Mustofa Khawn.

“My elder brother Syed Jammal Mahomed of Bokhara was empolyed

to collect the Revenues in thepargana of Hosseypur in the Sircar of Sarun.

Rajah Futteh Shaw, who had been long absent from the country, suddenly

made an incursion from the jungles with a body of a thousand horsemen

and peons in the night time of the 1st of Rubbee-ul-Awul in the 14tli year

of the King’s reign, and killed my brother with Basant Shaw, the Zamin-

dar, and many others, and carried off whatever horses, camels, ready

money, effects he had and part of the Government’s Treasure. I pray

that the offender may be punished, and that my brother and his people

may obtain redress, and then in future I shall know no other protector

or person to apply to for justice in this country excepting yourself.”

Agreed that the Governor- General and Council be requested to

write to the Nabab of Oude and Mr. Bristow that the persons found to

be concerned in the murder may be apprehended.

Read the following letters and enclosure from the Provincial Council

of Patna. —

To

The Hon’ble Warren Hastings, Esq.,

Governor -General in Council in the Revenue Department ,

Fort William.

Hon’ble Sir and Sirs,

We have been favoured with your letter of the 24th ultimo, and have,

agreeable to your orders, summoned such of the parties as are now in

Patna to appear before us. We before acquainted you that some of the

parties with their sunnuds were still in Calcutta, and have to request you

will be pleased to order them to return here to appear in their defence,

when we shall enter upon the cause, and transmit you a copy of our pro-

j. l. 27

210

G. N. Dutt — Hiatory of the Hatwa R<fj\

[No. 2,

ceedings tliereon. The enclosed copy of a letter from Lieutenant

Harding, who was ordered to co-operate with Fouzdar of Gorackpur in

the Vizier’s dominions for seizing Futty Shaw, the rebellious Zamindar

of Hosseypur, will evince to you the little regard that has hitherto

been paid to the Nabob’s orders on that subject ; and we cannot

avoid observing on this occasion, that it is so much the interest

of the officers employed by His Excellency in that part of the country

to let this man remain in the state he is, that we can never expect any

effectual assistance from them. Futty Shaw holds the zamindary of Perg.

Jugginee in Sircar Gorackpur adjoining to the district of Hosseypur,

and from the collusion which has always prevailed between him and

the different Aumils of the Nabab in that country, we have reason to

believe that the Nabab himself is defrauded of his just revenue at the

same time that Futty Shaw secures to himself a retreat and keeps himself

the whole District of Hosseypur in a continual alarm. The Zamin-

daries of Perg. Jugginee and Hosseypur were some years ago held under

the same Collector, and the Nabab’s officers received their revenue from

the Aumil of Hosseypur, till the former found it more to their own private

advantage to separate them. Should this expedient be again adopted, it

would, we apprehend, be more likely than any other to effect the pur¬

pose of securing the person of Futty Shaw by destroying his influence in

the only place where he now finds protection.

The present farmer of Hosseypur, we understand, would readily en¬

gage, and give security for the regular payment of the rents of that part

of Futty Shaw’s zamindary in the Nabab’s dominions, on a fair and

reasonable adjustment, taken either from a medium of the last four or five

years, or from a new and equitable valuation. As this proposal tends

equally to the advantage of the Nobabs collections, as to remove the evil

which has so long been experienced in the Company’s District of Hussey-

pur we are induced to recommend it to your consideration. In our corre¬

spondence some months ago with the Resident of the Nobab’s Court, we

proposed this measure, but as it was not then consented to, we appre¬

hend the Fauzdar of Gorakhpur was referred to by His Excellency, and

from the motives already mentioned prevailed on the Nobab to decline

it. The usual valuation is about twenty-five thousand rupees,

W e are,

Hon’ble Sir and Sirs,

Your most obedient servants,

(Sd.) Ewan Law. *

„ Edw. Golding.

„ Wm, Young. (Copy)

1904.]

To

Gr. N. Dutt — History of the Hcitwa Raj .

211

Patna, the 6tli February, 1777 .

Simeon Droz, Esq.,

Chief of the Revenue Council at Patna »

Sir,

By this yon will perceive I am returned to Baragong with my De¬

tachment. As I was directed by yon only to co-operate with Syed

Mahomed in the attack of Futty Shaw, I could by no means act as a

principal. Seven days my detachment was with his camp every hour

in expectations of coming to an action with the rebel ; at last I even

persnaded him to march within a hundred-and-fifty yards of his en¬

trenchments, thinking a push must then inevitably have been made to¬

wards seizing Futty Shaw, but whether his troops were averse to engag¬

ing in a jungle, I will nor cannot pretend to say, but certain it is that

not a man of them advanced a yard further. At this period a person

came to me from Syed Mohammed Khan requesting the attack might be

postponed till the morning. As I thought this was the last push I

would make to force him to act with me, and at that very time finding

he was on the eve of settling his revenue-matters with the rebel, instead

of abiding by his promise, I that instant thought proper to march my

detachment to Baragong, as I am confident your intentions were for

me to assist him in the attack and not to collect the Nabab’s revenue.

Had Syed Mohammed Khan and his Council ever fully determined to

drive the rebel out of the Perg. Jagnee, he would then have exerted him¬

self to the utmost, for in my opinion there was not the smallest probabi¬

lity of our being defeated, but every likelihood in the world of our

succeeding ;and I am afraid (unless you consent to our attacking him

with the Company’s troops only, and allow a greater force than I at

present command, with a gun) we shall never meet with so great an

opportunity as this time has afforded.

I am, Sir,

Your very obedient, humble servant,

(Sd.) T. Harding,

Lieut., 5th Battalion Sepoys.

Camp Barragong , 29th January 1777.

(Sd.) Shearman Bird, Secretary.

(A true copy).

Extract from a letter to the Chief and Provincial Council of Revenue at

Patna, dated the 1st July, 1777.

Para 5, 6tli February. — The season of the year is too far advanced

to send a military force on a fresh attempt to seize Futty Shaw, but we

212

G. N. Dutt — History of the Hatica Raj.

[No. 2,

recommend it to von to endeavour by all possible means to surprise

him, and if you judge that it may be the means of effecting this, we

authorise you to offer, by proclamation, a reward of ten thousand rupees

to any person who shall either apprehend him or point out the place of

his residence so that he shall be apprehended.

Agreed that Captain Coxe be written as follows • —

Const., 13st January , 1778.

To

Captain Coxe,

Commanding the Battalion at Bagga.

Sir,

We direct that when you shall receive notice from Mr. Middleton,

that the Nabab of Oude has complied with our requisition to him

to divest Futtay Shaw and his family of the Zemindary of Husseypore,

you will march your Battalion to Gorruckpore, and use your utmost

endeavours, in conjunction with the force which the Nabab may employ

upon this occasion both to apprehend Futtay Shaw and to put the

person in possession of the Zemindary to whom the Nabab shall grant

it.

Terri. Deymt : ‘'t (Sd.) Not legible.

The 7 tli December , 1821. J Secretary to the Government,

(True extracts.)

Extract from the Broceedings of the Governor-General in Ccmncil

in the Revenue Department , dated the 17th April , 1778.

Extract from a letter from the Revenue Council of Patna , dated 2nd

April , 1778.

We have received petitions from Mohesh Dutt, the son of Babu

Boshunt Shaw, who was a relation of Futtay Shaw and murdered by

him when renter of Husseypore, and from Dhujjoo Singh, a Talookdar

of that District, who has long acted as partizan against the rebel and

been wounded in the service, and is recommended by Captain Coxe

for his activity and the assistance which he has afforded him, praying

that their title to some recompense for their losses and services may be

taken into consideration, which we have to lay before you.

We have before mentioned to you the distressed circumstances of

Mohesh Dutt. Instead of any allowance which we before recommended,

we would now rather propose that Futtay Shahi should be declared to

have forfeited his Zemindary, and that it should be bestowed on this

young man, that some villages should be declared to have forfeited his

1904]

213

G. N. Dutt — History of the Hatica Raj.

Zemindary, and that it should he bestowed on this young man, that

some villages should be added to the talooka of Dhujjoo Singh, and that

he should be declared the Dewan, In justice to Moulvi Meer Gulam

Mustapha, the present Collector in Husseypore, we must observe that

his brother Meer Jummaul was also assassinated by the rebel, and the

family by that means reduced to very necessitous circumstances. A small

Jaigir would perhaps be their best method of support, and this might be

formed chiefly of waste land at present yielding little revenue to the

Company.

(Copy.)

Petition of Mobesh Dgtt, son of Basant Shaw.

My father, Baboo Basant Shahi, was employed by Government

and spent his days in their service, and since his demise, I have not

been deficient in my duty to the Company, and am now with my

guardian, Dhujjoo Singh, opposing the arms of the rebel Futtay Shahi,

who is attended by the ryots and renters of the Pergannahs who

accompany him, buoyed up with the hopes of seeing more prosperous

days in future.

My grandfather and Futtay Shahi’s father were own brothers. I

am therefore by this alliance entitled to the Zemindary of these Per¬

gannahs which I request you will grant to me ; and the ryots who now

wait upon the rebel will then repair to me, and give up all future

prospect from that quarter, and after a deduction of the collections

made by the rebellious Raja, I am willing to enter into engagements

adequate to the produce, and undertake the management of the

revenue.

(A true copy.)

(Sd.) Lt. Cbuss-Laplant,

Secretary.

Extracts of a letter to the Provincial Council at Patna , dated the 17th

April, 1778 .

Para 8. — We have attentively considered your recommendations

of Mahesh Dutt, Dhujjoo Singh and Moulvi Meer Gulam Mustapha,

but do not think it proper at this time to comply with them. You may

inform them that when, with their assistance, we shall have apprehended

the person of Futtay Shahi, we shall pay proper attention to their

pretensions and services.

Terri. Depmt :

The 18th August , 1829.

(Sd.) W. M. Tilghman,

Offg. Deputy Secretary to Government >

214

G. N. Datt — History of the Hatwa Raj. [No. 2,

"Extract from the Proceedings of the Governor -General in Council

in the Revenue Department , dated the 26th May , 1784.

Read the following petitions of Mohesh Dutt Shaw, and paper

accompanying Arzee of Baba Mahesh Datt Shaw, Zemindar of Per-

gannah Hasseypore, etc., and nephew of Futtay Shaw.

“ In the Fuslie year 1189, by my good fortane, the Hon’ble the Gov¬

ernor-General honoared the City of Benares with his presence, when

having obtained an interview I presented a petition to him, acquaint¬

ing him with my situation and requesting a sunnud for my Ze-

mindaree and malikana. I afterwards accompanied him to Patna,

where he took me by the hand and recommended me to Mr. Charters,

desiring him to visit Husseypore, etc., and after examining into the

nature of my case to report an account thereof to him. Mr. Charters

accordingly took me with him, and proceeded to the said pergannah, and

having investigated my title amongst the pergannah officers, said :

“ The Zemindary is your right, and you shall receive a sunnud for the

Zemindary and malikana from the Supreme Council.” On this I de¬

puted my Vakeel to wait on the Board, before whom he laid a petition

representing my case and requesting a sunnud for the Zemindary and

malikana, and agreeable thereto, on the 18th Pous of the Bengal year

1189, or 20th December 1782, a publication of three months’ limitation

was issued, the term of which has expired, and even a twelve months’

more without any claimant appearing. Besides your petitioner, there is

no heir or legal pretender to this Zemindary.”

(A true translation.)

(Sd.) J. H. Harington.

P. T. Revenue Department. .

Agreed that a copy thereof be referred, with the following letter,

to the Committee of Revenue.

To

Mr. Samuel Charters,

Acting President and Member of the Committee of Revenue.

Gentlemen,

Enclosed we transmit you the copy of a petition which we have re¬

ceived from Mohesh Dutt Shaw, and we desire you will report to us,

whether there is any objection to our granting him a sunnud for the

Zemindary and Malikana villages which he lays claim to.

We are, &c,,

Fort William, | (Sd.) R. W. Tilghman,

26th May} 1784. ) Officiating Deputy Secretary to Government.

215

1904.] G. N. Dutt — History of the Hatwa Raj.

Extracts from the Proceedings of the Governor- General in Council in the

Revenue Department , dated the 2nd November , 1784.

Read the following letter and enclosure from the Committee of

Revenue, dated the 28th. October, 1784.

To

The Hon’ble Warren Hastings, Esq.,

Governor- General and in Council , Fort William.

Hon’ble Sir & Sirs,

We have now the honor to reply to your letter of the 26th May

last, enclosing a petition from Mobeshdutt Shaw, and requesting us to

inform you if any objection existed to granting him a sunnud for the

Malikana and Zemindary of Hosseypore to which he laid claim.

The enquiries we were under the necessity of making prevented

an earlier reply on our part. It appears by an explanation afforded by

the Collector of Sircar Saran, that Moheshdutt Shaw is the great-

grandson of the original proprietor of Husseypore, Raja Kurtal Shaw.

That Futtay Shaw, a grandson of Kurtal Shaw, succeeds the zemindary

on the death of his brother, Seebdown Shaw, and in consequence of the

exclusion of Futty Shaw and his family for defection, Moheshdutt Shaw

is the next heir in succession for the inheritance.

On these grounds his claims are founded, but his succession to the

zemindary is rather in our opinion to be considered as a matter of

favour than as a right, and the objection to complying with the prayer

of his petition arises on motives of policy and are as follows : That it

might induce Futty Shaw, who has frequently committed depreda¬

tions in the Company’s Territories, to renew them, obstruct the Collector

and probably endanger the life of Moheshdutt. Basant Shaw was ac¬

tually murdered by Futtay Shaw on suspicion only of his having engaged

with Government for rents.

The army grant of Malikana villages will be a deduction from the

Revenue of Government, and in the present instance will, according

to the usage of the district, amount to about Rs. 16,500 per annum.

If your Hon’ble Board should agree to invest Mohesh Dutt with

the Zemindary and Malikana, we are of opinion that this grant should

be conferred on the express condition of suppressing the depredations of

Futtay Shaw and made revocable, in case he should, from inability or

other course, fail in executing his condition.

But if your Hon’ble Board should think Mohesh Dutt entitled to

any subsistence from Government, this may be done by granting him

216 G. N. Dutt — History of the Hatwa Raj. [No. 2,

a pecuniary allowance to be received monthly, and the material political

objection will by this mode be done away with.

We have the honor to be, with respect, &c.

(Sd.) J. Shore,

Calcutta , the 28th October 1784. „ J. Evelyn.

Extract from a letter to the Committee of Revenue , dated the 2nd

November , 1784.

Para 6 , 28th October , 1784. — We leave it to you to determine on

Mohesh Dutt’s right by adopting, as you may think preferable, either of

the alternatives you point out, or by rejecting both, only observing that

should you think it advisable to invest him with the Zamindari of

Husseypur, it would be done on the express conditions of his effectually

suppressing the depredations of Futtay Shaw, and if possible, delivering

up his person to Government within the term of one year, inserting a

clause in his Sunnud that in the event of his failing in obtaining the

ends either from negligence or such other cause, as shall be deemed

unsatisfactory by Government upon a report thereof, which we direct

you to make to us on the expiration of the present Behar year, he will

subject himself to immediate dispossession, together with the loss of

every other interest which he may hold in the land in question.

Terri. Department , the 8th A ugust , 1820.

(Sd.) W. Tilghman,

Offg. Deputy Secretary to the Government.

(A true copy).

General.

To

Maharaja Chatterdharee Shahee,

Maharaja of Hutw a.

My Friend,

I am in receipt of your petition, dated the 20fch ultimo, forward¬

ed by the Commissioner of Patna, and, in reply, have to offer you

my acknowledgment for the loyalty and good feeling earned by you

towards the Government. I have noticed with great satisfaction the

willing assistance you have rendered to the local officers in the district

G. N. Dutt — History of the Hatwa Raj.

217

1904.]

of Saran, and the measures you have taken for the apprehension of any

mutineers who may attempt to take shelter in your zemindary.

I am,

Fort William : } Your sincere friend.

The 15th July , 1857. ) (Sd.) Fred. Jos. Halliday.

Roobkar ( Proceedings ) held by Mr. Thomas Edwards, the Commission¬

er of Revenue of the 11th Division , comprising the districts of Patna ,

Saran , etc., on Friday , the 1st September , 1837, corresponding with 6th

Bhado, 1242 F.S.

The family of Maharaja Chatterdharee Shahee Bahadur, proprie¬

tors of Raj Hosseypore, Pergs. Kallyanpore, Pachlak, etc., in the district

of Saran, has held in succession the zemindaree of Hosseypore in the

aforesaid Pegannahs and Zillah with the title of “Maharaja Bahadur”

for more than one hundred years since the time of Maharaja Khemkaran

Sahee Bahadur. After the death of Maharaj a Futteh Sahee Bahadur, and

on the reports of the former Commissioner, the Governor- General has

conferred the title of Maharaja Bahadur on Maharaja Chatterdharee

Sahee with a khillut, which was received in this office with a letter dated

17th July, 1837. The khillut in question has this day been granted by

me to Maharaja Chatterdharee Shahee Bahadur. As it is now neces¬

sary to notify all, in accordance with the orders of Government, the title

of “ Maharaja Bahadur ” bestowed on Maharaja Chatterdharee Shahee

Bahadur, as well as to cause the word “ Maharaja” to be writt en in the

papers of all the offices of Government, it is ordered that a copy of this

Roobkar be sent respectively to the Collector, Magistrate and others of

the districts of Saran, Shahabad, Behar and Patna, with a request that

Chatterdharee Shahee be styled “ Maharaja Bahadur ” in all the papers

in the respective offices of the said officers in connection with the said

Maharaja Chatterdharee Shahee Bahadur. It is moreover directed that

a copy of the Roobkar be forwarded to the Judge of each of the said

four districts for information, and a copy also transmitted to Maharaja

Chatterdharee Shahee.

Order by Mr. Edward Alexander Samuells, Commissioner of Patna ,

on the petition of Maharaja Chatterdharee Shahee.

“The good and zealous services which the Maharaja has, from his

attachments and devotion to the State, done by promptly obeying and

executing the orders issued by Government and its officers, as well as

j. l. 28

218

G. N. Du it — History of the Hativa Raj.

[No. 2,

by me, are known. Especially during the recent mutiny, the Maharaja

executed with promptitude and in such a manner as it should be, all

orders issued to him, and gave every assistance to the British

functionaries. Having had regard to the loyalty which the Maharaja

has displayed, I wish that Government should confer a suitable reward

on him for his zealous service, submission and obedience. It is there¬

fore ordered that the original petition, after a copy thereof being kept

for record in this office, be sent with a letter in English to the Commis¬

sioner of the district of Gorackpore, etc., in order that the said officer in

consideration of the foregoing facts, may instruct the Collector of the

Gorackpore district to pay due attention to the request preferred by the

Mooktears of the Maharaja on behalf of the Maharaja for settlement

with him of the confiscated Mahals of the rebels.

30th January 1858.

(Sd.) E. A. Samuells,

Commissioner .

F rom

The Commissioner of the Patna Division.

To

The Commissioner of Gorackpore.

Bated Patna , the 20tli February , 1898.

Sir,

I have the honor to forward herewith an original urzee from

Maharaja Cliutterdharee Shahee Bahadur, Raja of Hutwa, Zillah

Saran, praying that he may be allowed to engage for certain confiscat¬

ed estates in Zillah Gorackpore, the names of which, however, he has

omitted to specify.

2. The Raja of Hutwa has particularly distinguished himself

during the rebellion by loyalty to the British Government, the readi¬

ness with which he has met every requisition made upon him, and the

pains which he has taken to keep the Government informed of the

movements and intentions of the Gorackpore rebels. No zemindar in

this division has exerted himself more strenously in our favour than

the Hutwa Raja, and there is no doubt that he has incurred heavy ex¬

penses in doing so. I have much pleasure therefore in forwarding the

Raja’s urzee, and trust that when the claims of different parties to the

settlements of the confiscated estates in Gorackpore are taken into

consideration, those of the Hutwa Raja may be favourably regarded.

I have, etc.

(Sd.) E. A. Samuells.

1904.]

To

G. N. Dutt — History of the Hafwa Ray.

219

E. A. Samuells, Esq.

Co mmissioner of Revenue , Patna Division .

Chupra, March 18th , 1858.

Sir,

I beg to report for your information tlie death of Maharaja

Cliutterdharee Shaliee of Hutwa, which took place on the afternoon of

the 16th instant at Hutwa.

Throughout the crisis which has lately passed, the deceased Rajah

proved himself a staunch ally of the British Government ; his loyalty

was never for one moment doubted, and from the very outset of the

rebellion, the whole of his resources were placed at the disposal of the

authorities in this district for the preservation of peace and order.

The pergannah in the vicinity of Hutwa, as you are no doubt aware,

adjoins the Gorackpore District, and yet when that District had been

temporarily abandoned to anarchy and rapine, not a village on the

Saran side of the boundary became the scene of disorder.

By the decease of the Raja of Hutwa Government has lost a truly

loyal subject.

I have, etc.

(Sd.) R. J. Richardson,

Ojfg. Collector of Saran.

To

The Secretary to the Government of Bengal, Calcutta.

Dated 22nd January , 1858.

Sir,

I have the honor to forward herewith a translation of an urzee ad¬

dressed to me by Koomar Rajendro Pro tap Shahee together with its

enclosures ; and two Khureetas, one for the Governor- General, the

other for the Lieutenant-Governor.

2. Rajendro Protap Shahee represents that he has obtained Certi¬

ficate of the Civil Court under Act XX of 1841, and that the petition

of his uncles has been rejected ; he prays therefore that he may be

vested with the usual hhilat , and that the title of Maharaja may be

conferred on him.

3. It is no doubt possible, though I think not probable, that the

Tincle3 may succeed in obtaining a reversal of the Judge’s order and

procuring a partition of the property. But the succession to the Raj

is a matter quite apart. It rests with the Lieutenant-Governor to

bestow the title on whom he pleases. There can be no ground for bestow¬

ing it on either of the two uncles who claim a share of the property,

220

G. N. Dutt — History of the Hatwa Raj. [No. 2,

for they are the two youngest and have not distinguished themselves in

any way known. Rajendro Protap’s father is the eldest grandson and

the person to whom the title if hereditary would fall. He waives it in

favour of his son. The second brother acquiesces in the propriety of

this arrangement. The young man’s character is good, and the Raja’s

dying request to Messrs. Lynch and Macdonell was, that the Govern¬

ment would support him, a request which, considering the late Raja’s

good services to Government, I do think some attention should he paid.

The result of the uncles’ claims to a share of the property cannot

affect in any way that I see, the claims of the eldest grandson or of his

son to the title. I therefore recommend the young Koomar’s applica¬

tion to the favorable consideration of the Lieutenant-Governor. It is

of considerable importance to Government that, whatever doubt there

is about the property, there should be none about the title, and that

there should be a Raja of Hutwa bound to us by ties of gratitude, and

able to exert his hereditary influence in our behalf.

I have. etc.

*

(Sd.) E. A. Samuells,

■ — Commissioner .

To

Maharajah Rajendro Protap Shahee Bahadur,

Calcutta , November 23rd, 1858.

My Dear Sir,

I promised your Vakeel that I would write and let you know when

the Governor-General had been pleased to bestow on you the title of

Maharaja Bahadoor in succession to your late grandfather. I now fulfil

my promise.

The order has been given by the Governor-General and will sharp¬

ly be communicated to you officially by the Lieutenant-Governor of

Bengal, through the Commissioner of the Patna Division.

I have known your late excellent grandfather since the year 3837,

when I was an Assistant at Chupra, and I always entertained a high res¬

pect for him, especially for the exemplary way in which he discharged

his duties as a landlord, and as a loyal subject of the British Govern¬

ment.

The manner in which he behaved from the first breaking out of

these unhappy mutinies until the day of his death, was such as to com¬

mand the admiration of all his friends, and to entitle him to a high

place in the estimation of the Rulers of his country.

The services he rendered have had their weight in inducing the

Government to confer his titles and lionorus upon you who is his chosen

representative.

221

1904.] G. H. Dutt — History of the Hatwa Raj.

It is my earnest hope that you may live long to enjoy these honours,

and that you may follow the example of your excellent grandfather by

discharging faithfully, as he did, the duties of your high position in

every relation of life, as a leader of society, as the head of your family

as a Zemindar and a loyal subject of Her Most Gracious Majesty

Queen Victoria, the sovereign alike of Englishmen and of the natives

of Hindoostan.

I remain, my dear Sir, with best wishes,

Yours very faithfully,

(Sd.) Cecil Beadon.

From

Lord H. Ulick Browne,

Under Secretary to the Government of India.

To

R. Thompson Esq.,

Junior Secretary to the Government of Bengal.

Hated , Fort William , the 17th October , 1860.

Home Department.

Sir,

I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter Ho. 2602

of the 21st ultimo, and in reply to state that the reward proposed to be

given to Maharaja Rajendro Protap Shahee, Raja of Hutwa, for emi¬

nent services rendered by him and his predecessor during the late dis¬

turbances, is considered by the Governor- General in Council to be well

deserved.

2. His Excellency in Council authorizes the Honorable Lieutenant-

Governor to confer on the Maharaja the proprietory right in confiscated

villages in Shahabad, yielding a gross rental of 20,000 Rupees according

to recent enquiry, and assessed in perpetuity to Government at Rupees

10,000 a year. I have, etc.

(Sd.) H. Ulick Browne.

Under Secretary to the Government of India .

High Court.

(Before the Hoiible Messrs. G. Steer and E. P. Levinge , Justices).

Cases Ho. 361. 371, 374 of 1860,

Babu Tilukdhoree Shahee and others ... Plaintiffs , Appellants.

vs.

Maharaja Rajindro Protap Shahee ... Defendants , Respondent.

Regular appeals from the decisions of the Judge of Sarun, dated

24th August, 1860.

222

[No 2,

Q-. N* Dntt — History of the Hatwa Raj.

( Extract ,)

We do not find that it is anywhere definitely laid down what a

Raj is. There are many decisions in which estates have been found to

be Raj or Principalities, but what exactly constitutes a Raj has not, as

we are aware, been anywhere set forth. We think, however, that the

estate of Hussey pore contains all the essential characteristics on account

of which other large landed estates have before this been regarded as

Raj, and that it is entitled to be so regarded by us.

There is no sunnud, or other patent of nobility, owing probably to

all such papers having been carried off by Futteli Shahee at the time of

his rebellion. His heirs are not likely, even if they have such a docu¬

ment to give it up to another branch of the family, who has supplanted

them in the honours and possessions of their ancestors, who appear to

have held that rank. The Husseypore Estate was in Fatteh Shahee’s

hands a very extensive one, and his means and power were, as the British

Government experienced, both very considerable. An estate of this

sort, both large and ancient in such hands, is not to be regarded as an

ordinary zemindaree. Even where proprietors are not nobles, if their

estates are very large they are regarded, according to Colebrooke, by mo¬

dern Hindoo lawyers as Raj or Principalities. There is evidence of a

very high character, namely, the evidence of men who are either Rajahs

or descendants or connections of such, that this is a Raj, and has

always been so regarded by them and by their families. It has been

held in the same family for many generations, and has descended entire

to one heir in exclusion of the rest of the family. The authorities in

speaking and writing of this property have designated it a Raj, and it is

commonly called a Raj to this day, and in recognition of it as such the

title of Maharajah was accorded to Chutterdharee by the Government

(not immediately but some years subsequent to his accession to the

estate) on the representation of the highest local authorities that the

preceding proprietors had all been Rajahs. Then as to the family cus¬

tom we need say but little. Having found that the property is a Raj,

as Raj there must of necessity be impartibility, and we find that it is

sufficiently established by the evidence, and by the genealogical state¬

ment put in by the principal defendant, the accuracy of which has not

even been impeached in the written pleadings, that the rule of the fami¬

ly has invariably been that the property descends entire to the eldest

son. There is, we say, actual evidence of this, and the very existence

of the property up to this day in its present state is proof of it. Had

there been any other rule, the Estate could not have come down to the

present generation with such a princely inheritance as it is. Had there

even been any partition, nothing could have been easier to the plain-

1904.]

G. N. Dutt — History of the Hatwa Haj.

223

tiff than to have pointed oat and cited as witnesses, parties and members

of the family who have received part of the Husseypore estate in any

previous partition, bat this obvious and facile mode of proving their

own case and of utterly upsetting that of their opponents has not been

attempted.

We have held that there was family custom down to Fatteh Shahee’ s

time, by which the estate devolved to the eldest male heir. Govern¬

ment took the estate subject to the custom, for as there was no extinc¬

tion of the Raj there was no extinction of the custom which was inci¬

dent of the Raj. The Government then handed over the same estate as

they received to Chutterdharee. He received it subject to the custom.

Those who claim through him, as both the parties to this suit do, are

bound by the custom by which he was himself bound. The heirs of

Fatteh Shahee might no doubt have attacked the title of Chutterdharee

on the ground of his not being entitled to the Estate by custom, but it

is not competent to Chutterdharee’s heirs to raise the same contention.

Whatever defect might have attached to the origin of Chutterdhar¬

ee’s will, it has been subsequently finally established by not having been

impeached for half a century, and it is now as good as if it had never

been capable of question. Acquiring as he did an estate subject to a

particular custom, and having himself not done anything destructive

of that custum, his heirs take it subject to the custom.

The Judge thiuks that Rs 2,000 a month is proper allowance, but

this seems to us out of all proportion. Besides the appellant there are

two others as near relatives who are equally entitled to maintenance. If

they are to get Rs 2,000 each also, the defendant will have to pay, by way

of maintenance, Rs 72,000 yearly. The estate is no doubt a valuable

one, but the revenue payable to Govermment, which of course bears

some proportion to the yearly gross income, is only Rs 1,73,997. Seventy-

two thousand as maintenance out of such an estate, or out of any estate,

seems to us decidedly high to pay as maintenance to these junior members

of the family, and we think that as Rajah Chutterdharee, during his

minority, was only allowed by Govermeut, who were his gurdians, Rs 1,000

a month for his maintenance and state, the plaintiff can very well sup¬

port himself and keep up the position of his rank upon the same sum.

We, therefore, halve the allowance which the Judge awarded to him.

Extract of the Judgment of the Lords of the Judicial Committee

of the Privy Council, on the the appeal of Baboo Bir Protap Shahee, and

cross appeal from the High Court of Judicature at Fort William, in

Bengal, delivered March 4th, 1868.

224

[No. 2,

G-. N. Dutt — History of the Hatwa Raj.

Present.

Lord Cairns.

Sir James W. Col vile.

Sir Edward Vaughan Williams.

Sir Richard T. Kinderslay.

The Judgment of the Zillah Judge, Mr. Wilkins, which was given

on 24th of April, 1860 (Appendix Page 158) found that the family cus¬

tom, according to which the estate was impartible, and descendible to the

eldest male heir, subsisted at, and up to, the time of Fatteh Sahee, that

this custom was not abrogated by his expulsion, the retention of the

property by Government, and the grant of it to Chutterdharee ; and that

the estate was in his hands an impartible Raj, descendible to his next

male heir alone, and therefore on the renunciation of Ugur Partap to

the respondent. The Judge made no distinction in this respect between

the moveable and immoveable property, and on the above ground decreed

in favour of the respondent. He held, however, that the alleged consign¬

ment or transfer of the 5th of March, and the will, were not well prov¬

en. And he decreed an allowance of Rs. 2, 000, per mensem to each of

the plaintiffs, viz., the appellant and his brother.

The Judgment of the High Court on appeal from this decree is at

page 17 of the 2nd Record, and is dated 24th April, 1863. That Court

also held that the Raj was originally impartible, and descendible by

custom to the eldest male heir alone ; and that it did not lose this charac¬

ter on its restoration to Chutterdharee. It denied that there had been

or could have been any confiscation in the proper sense of the term, and

in Mr. Justice Levinge’s separate note at page 26, this point is more

fully argued. But the High Court differing therein from the Zillah

Judge, affirmed the validity of the will. It also reduced the allowance

to each of the plaintiffs to Rs 1,000 per mensem.

Upon the whole, then, their Lordships have come to the conclusion

that the Courts below were right in holding that the estate granted to

Chutterdharee in 1790, was the Raj of Hussaipore, and that the right of

succession to it from him was to be governed by law or custom which

regulated its descent in the line of his ancestors.

It follows, then, that either by the special law of inheritance, or

by the will, the respondent was entitled to the estate of Hussaipore,

and to whatever wealth the late Maharaja could dispose of by his will.

With respect to the question raised in either appeal touching the

amount of the Babuana allowance, and the costs of the proceedings in

Courts below, their Lordships have only to say, that they see no

sufficient ground for interfering with the discretion exercised on those

225

1904.] G. N. Dufcfc — History of the Hatwa Raj.

points by the High Court. The result is, that their Lordships will

humbly advise Her Majesty to dismiss both the appeal and the cross

appeal with costs. The appellant and respondent will each bear the

costs of his appeal.

Note.

Hutwa Raj in the “ Ain-i-Akbari.”

When I had the honor of reading my paper on the History of the

Hutwa Raj in the Society’s meeting on the 4th March, 1903, Colonel

Hendley, Vice-President in the Chair, very kindly suggested to me to

ascertain if any account can be gathered from the Ain-i-Akbari regarding

the Hutwa Maharajas. I had since the occasion to carefully look

through the Ain , and the result of my investigation is embodied in the

following note.

The Ain is singularly wanting in information of any of the Behar

Rajas which claim their origin from the Mughal Emperor of Delhi,

Akbar, Jehangir, or Shah Jehan. “ The Darbhanga family trace their

origin to one Mohesh Thakur, who originally came from near Jabalpur,

in the Central Provinces, in the beginning of the sixteenth century and

took service as a purohit or priest under the ancient Rajas of Tirhut, the

descendants of Sheo Sing. After Tirhut was conquered and the race of

that prince became extinct, Mohesh Thakur is said to have proceeded to

Delhi, where his abilities procured him an introduction to the Emperor

Akbar and subsequently the grant of the Darbhanga Raj. According

to another account, it was one of his pupils, Raghunandau Thakur, who

went to Delhi, obtained the Raj, and then out of appreciation for Mohesh

made it over to him ” (vide Hunter’s Statistical Account of Bengal,

Vol. XIII, p. 208). But neither the names of Mohesh Thakur nor

Raghunandan Thakur belonging to Darbhanga, nor any account of Sheo

Sing and the overthrow of his descendants and the extinction of his

race is available in the Ain. Neither do we find the name or any ac¬

count of Bettiah or its “ first Raja, who was Gaj Sing and who obtained

the title from Emperor Shah Jehan ” (ibid, p. 252). Likewise we do not

find any mention in the Ain of the very ancient Majhowli Raj, which,

I am informed, still retains a jewel-handled sword gifted by Akbar.

The traditions of these Rajas should not therefore be rejected as pure

fabrications, as we find from the Ain itself that out of 1,803 names,

Abul Fazl gives the names of only 415, the chief ones, and that

also of those only who were alive or dead prior to the fortieth year of

Akbar’s reign, i.e till 1595 A.D. (vide Blochmann’s Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. I,

pages 526-35). The omission of the names in the Ain of Maharaja

J. i. 29

226

G. N. Dutt — History of the Hatwa Raj. [No. 2,

Kalyan Mall, of the Hutwa family, may be justly ascribed to the fact that

we have fixed the date of his ascension to be 1600 A.D., i.e ., at a period

posterior to that of which the Ain gives the list. Bat fortunately we

can very fairly and safely trace from the Ain incidents in which Kalyan

Mall must have taken share and which caused his rise. Muzaffar had

commenced vigorously to collect the outstanding from Makhsum Kabli

and several other grandees that held jagirs in Behar, upon which they

had rebelled and joined with the rebel jagirdars of Bengal under

Babu Khan Qushqal. On Muzaffar’s death the rebels occupied the whole

of Bengal and Behar, and Akbar sent Todar Mall to Behar to subdue

the rebels. Makhsum Khan Hazari, who had received Ghazipur as his

tnyul, joined Sadar Mall, but was anxious to go over to the rebels and ac¬

tually did so, finding the Emperor personally embarrassed in the sub¬

jugation of his brother, who had threatened to invade the Punjab. He

seized Jaunpur, but was defeated near Oudh by Shahbaz Khan. He

then collected his men and surprised and plundered the town of Bah-

raich. From Bahraich he was driven by the imperialists (amongst whom

was Yazir Khan and others from Hajipur) over Kalyanpur to Muhammad-

abad (in Ghazipur), which he plundered and prepared to attack Jaun¬

pur. Shahan Khan J alair, from Narhan, and Pahar Khan, from Ghazipur,

united their contingents and pursued Makhsum so effectually that he

applied to Aziz Kokah to intercede for him with the Emperor. Akbar

pardoned him and gave him Pergannah Mehsi, Sircar Champaran, as

tuyiil (Blochmann’s Ain-i-Akbari , Yol. I, pages 350, 351, 400, 410, 443,

444) .

With these facts in view it seems doubtless that Raja Kalyan

Mall was not idle enough to partake a share in subduing the rebellion

raging in his own country and in the vicinity. Further, we find his

seat, Kalyanpur distinctly mentioned also in Yol. II, Fasc. II, p. 156, of

Colonel H. S. JarretPs Ain-i-Akbari , to be in Sircar Saran.

We can, therefore, very well deduce that the services of Raja Kalyan

Mall were recognised and he was made a “ Maharaja ” in the latter

part of Akbar ’s reign.

Sivanath Sinha.

Aehal Sinha, II.

Kunjar Sinha.

Nildhar Sinha.

Dau Sinha. _

Prithvipal Sinha.

i MnpV.nt.nn °

,bu Beerpratap Sahee

2nd Son.

(no male issue, had

a daughter married

at Hurdi, Dist. Mo-

aafferpur.)

A daughter married

at Jagatgan'j,

Benares.

226

G. N. Datt — History of the Hatwa Raj. [No. 2,

Kalyan Mall, of the Hutwa family, may be justly ascribed to the fact that

we have fixed the date of bis ascension to be 1600 A.D., i.e ., at a period

posterior to that of which the Ain gives the list. Bat fortunately we

can very fairly and safely trace from the Ain incidents in which Kalyan

Mall must have taken share and which caused his rise. Muzaifar had

commenced vigorously to collect the outstanding from Makhsum Kabli

and several other grandees that held jagirs in Behar, upon which they

had rebelled and joined with the rebel jagirdars of Bengal under

Babu Khan Qushqal. On Muzaffar’s death the rebels occupied the whole

of Bengal and Behar, and Akbar sent Todar Mall to Behar to subdue

the rebels. Makhsum Khan Hazari, who had received Ghazipur as his

tuyul, joined Sadar Mall, bat was anxious to go over to the rebels and ac¬