CONTENTS.

No. 97.

I.—Journal of a Mission from the Supreme Government of India to the Court of

Siam.—By Dr. Richardson (continued). coee ee Sie vee

I1.—Memoranda respecting the existence of Copper in the territory of Luz, near

Bela.—By Captain De la Hoste, Assistant Quarter Master General, Sinde

Reserve Force. eeoo e . ee @eteo eese eoe0e eee,

I1I.—Memoir on the Climate, Soil, Pridinad and Husbandry of Afghanistan

and the Neighbouring Countries.—By Lieut. Irwin, (continued ). eee

1V.—Notice of an Inscription in Behar, communicated by Mr. Ravenshaw, as

published in the May Number of the Journal, 1839. .... .

V.—Account of Coins found at Bameean.—By Capt. Hay, lst ee Re

giment, commanding Sth Regiment H. M.S. S. M. Infantry. .... mee

VI.—Note on Bameean Coins.-—By the Officiating Secretary. cae Sac

ViI.—Memorandum on the differences of the Meridian of the bebe iove at

Madras and the Flag-Staff of Fort William and of the Cantonment of Fut-

tehghur in the Doab,—By Colonel J. A.. Hodgson, late Surveyor- General

of india"... cere Seine a AS slater Naas eee

ViIl.—Proceedings of the Asiatic ae Aoi al create ha

IX.—Meteorological Table. .. Sac eas eae eee Jo cine oe

No. 98.

I.—Note of Discoveries of Gems from Khandahar.—By Lieutenant aad “5

II.—Note on the above. .. Paes eae eee

III,.—A Second Memoir with reference to the Theaty of the sae of cee in

India; being Researches relating to the Storm of the 19th to the 2Ist Sept.

at the head of the Bay of Bengal; to the Great Hurricane at Coringa on

the 16th November, 1839; and to another off the Island of Preparis on the

22d November.—By Henry Piddington. (with plates. ) eae eis

IV.-—Some account of a Journey from Kurrachee to Hinglaj, in the Lus terri-

tory, descriptive of the intermediate country, and of the port of Soumeanee,

By Captain Hart, 2d Grenadiers, (Bombay Army). .... cree eaee

V.—Fourth Report on the Tenasserim Provinces, considered as a resort from

Europeans—By John William Helfer, M.D. .. sigue cans gaan

VI.—Memoir on the Climate, Soil Produce, and Husbandry of th taterinia and

the Neighbouring Countries.—By Lieut., Irwin, (continued). ,. ret

100

107

iv Contents.

VII.—Report of the Coal Committee. ....

VIII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

IX.~—Meteorological Table. ....

No. (99.

I.—Journal of a Mission from the Supreme Government of India to the Court

of Siam—By Dr. Richardson. (continued). .... sien sees oe

II.—Points in the History of the Greek and Indo-Scythian Kings in Bactria,

Cabul, and India, as illustrated by decyphering the ancient legends on their

coins. By Christian Lassen, Bonn, 1838. .... wien eee

I1I.—Official Correspondence on the attaching of Lightning Condlietors: to

Powder Magazines. Communicated by permission of Government, by W.

B. O’Shaughnessy, M. D. Assistant Surgeon, Bengal Medical Service.....

IV.—Second Paper on a march between Mhow and Sagur. On the Huli in

Malwa. By Khan Ali. : ene cles coos evee

V.—Wool and Woollen Manufactures of iste By Captain Hutton, 37th

Regt. N. 1. os. “i sie aieies

VI.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society for June..

VII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society for Sulghe a

eoose eves eeeno

No. 100.

I.—Points in the History of the Greek and Indo-Scythian Kings in Bactria,

Cabul, and India, as illustrated by decyphering the ancient legends on their

coins. By Christian Lassen, Bonn, 1838. (continued)... pane ade

I1.—Note on the Lepchas of Sikkim, with a Vocabulary of their language. By

A. Campbell, Esq. Superintendent of Darjeeling. Aes metas ie a

I11.—Notice of some counterfeit Bactrian coins. By Captain Alexander Cun-

ningham. «e+. eee sees eaee

IV.—A Second Memoir on Indian Tempests, with reference to the Theory of

the Law of Storms. By Henry Piddington, Esq. (with plates.).. Sic

V.—Notes on the Wild Sheep of the Hindoo Koosh, and a species of Cicada.

By Captain Hay. .... eves cee osm af

V1.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.....

ee eose

No. 101.

I.—Points in the History of the Greek and Indo-Scythian Kings in Bactria,

Cabul, and India, as illustrated by decyphering the ancient legends on their

coins. By Christian Lassen, Bonn, 1838. (continued). .. dee ote

11,—Journal of a trip through Kunawur, Hungrung, and Spiti, undertaken in

the year 1838, under the patronage of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, for the

purpose of determining the geological formation of those districts By

Thomas Hutton, Lieut., 37th Regt. N. I. Assistant Surveyor to the Agra

Division. esece @eece eee ecco eeeeo een esee

111.—Zoological Catalogue of the Blinbedin of the Asiatic Society. By J. T.

Pearson, Esq. retaie bese aoe vee. sles

eer @eeoe

198

215

217

219

201

339

379

393

397

440

444

449

489

old

Contents.

1V.—Notes on Captain Hay’s Bactrian Coins. By Captain Alexander Cun-

ningham. .... cece ones soles wees sees

V.—WNote on an inscription from Oodeypore near Sagur.

V1I.—-On Bos Gaurus. By Dr. Spilsbury. (with plate.) ....

VII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. .. cASe wees

No. 102.

I.—Journal of a trip through Kunawur, Hungrung, and Spiti, undertaken in the

year 1838, under the patronage of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, for the

purpose of determining the geological formation of those districts. By

Thomas Hutton, Lieut., 37th Regt. N. I. Assistant Surveyor to the Agra

Division. (concluded. ) bites pce aaa care

I1.—Note on the Map attached to the Report of the Coal Committee in the o8th

Number of the Journal of the Asiatic Society. —By Capt. Macleod, M. N. I

late in charge of Ava Residency. .... . cess calete wake

IlI.—Note on the Limboos, and other Hill Tribes hitherto undescribed. By A

Campbell, Esq. Superintendent of Darjeeling. : <i oes

1V.—Letter from Capt. Hart, forwarding a Map of the Beaise to Hinglajs) 2...

V.—Inscription found near Bhabra, three marches from Jeypore on the road to

Delhi. By Captain Burt. .... once eiats\a see

VI.—On the Fossil Remains of Camelidz of the Sewaliks. By Capt. Cautley,

Artillery. .... Relels duis

eee @eeo eoeee eeeeo @eseo

VII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. Bae

Ende,

Page.

Afghanistan and the neighbouring

countries, Memoir on the Climate,

Soil, Produce, and Husbandry of,

By Lieut. Irwin, .. .. 33 & 189

Bactrian coins, Notice of some coun-

terfeit, By Captain Alexander Cun-

ningham, S00b aie ors 2.

Bactrian coins, Notes on Captain

Hay’s, By Alexander Cunningham, 9031

Bos Gaurus, On, By Dr. Spilsbury, 551

Coins found at Bameean, Account

of, By Capt. Hay, Ist European

Regiment, commanding 5th regi-

ment H. M.S. 8, M. Infantry, .. 68

Coins, Note on Bameean, By the

Officiating Secretary, .... Biome Ce!

Conductors to Powder Magazines, .

communicated by permission of

Government, Official correspon-

dence on, By W.B. O’Shaughnessy,

Esq. Assistant Surgeon, Bengal

Medical Service, Sicvera sien ene

Copper in the territory of Luz near

Bela, Memoranda respecting the

existence of, By Captain De la

Hoste, Assistant Quarter Master

General, Sinde Reserve Force. .. 30

Fossil remains of Camelide of the

Sewaliks, On the, By Captain

Cautley, Artillery, .... Seve

Gems from Khandahar, Note of dis-

coveries of, By Lieutenant Conolly, 97

History of the Greek and Indo-Scy-

thian Kings in Bactria, Cabul, and

India, as illustrated by decyphering

the ancient legends on their coins,

Points in the, By Christian Lassen,

Bonn, 1838, ..e- 201, 339 & 449

Inscription in Behar, Notice of an,

Communicated by Mr. Ravenshaw,

as published in the May number of

393

620

fee Journal, 1839, .... vege, OO

Inscription from Odeypore near Sau-

gur, Note on an, pclae” il wealae nO 40

Inscription found near Bhabra, three

marches from Jeypore on the road

__ to Delhi, By Captain Burt, .... 616

Journal of a Mission from the Su-

preme Government of India, to the

Court of Siam, by Dr. Richard-

2) as ee Pe ee Le ta ate)

Journey from Kurrachee to Hinglaj

in the Lus territory; descriptive of

the intermediate country and of the

port of Soumeanee, Some Account

ofa, By Captain Hart 2nd Grena-

diers, (Bombay Army,) .... ..

Journal of a Trip through Kunawar,

Hungrung, and Spiti undertaken

in the year 1838, under the patron-

134

Page.

age of the Asiatic Society of Ben-

gal, for the purpose of determining

the geological formation of those

districts, By Lieut. Thomas Hut-

ton, 37th Regt. N. I. Assistant Sur-

veyor to the Agra Division 489 & 555

Law of Storms in India; being Re-

searches relating to the storm of the

19th to the 2lst September, at the

head of the Bay of Bengal ; to the

Great Hurricane at Coringa, on the

16th November 1839, and to another

off the Island of Preparis on the

22nd November, A second Me-

moir with reference to the, By

Henry Piddington, 107 & 397

Lepchas of Sikhim, with a Vocabula-

ry of their Language, Note on the,

By A. Campbell, Esq. Superinten-

dent of Darjeeling, sreeiene Peleleia

Limboos and other Hill Tribes hi-

therto undescribed, Note onthe, By

A. Campbell, Esq. Superintendent

of Darjeeling, .. oe soc0

Map of the Route to Hinglaj, Letter

from Captian Hart forwarding a, 615

Map attached to the Report of the Coal

Committee in the 98th number of

the Journal of the Asiatic Society,

Note on the, By Captain Macleod,

M.N.I. late in charge of Ava Re-

sidency, Bie duels sees cece

Meridian of the Observatory at Ma-

dras andthe Flag Staff of Fort Wil-

liam and of the Cantonment of Fut-

tehghur in the Doab, Memoran-

dum on the differences of the, By

Colonel J. A. Hodgson, late Sur-

veyor General of India, .... .. 70

Meteorological Table, .... 95 & 217

Mhow and Saugor, Second Paper

‘ ona March between, On the Huli

in Malwa. By Khan Ali,_.... 3ll

Proceedings of the Asiatic Society,

90, 215, 334, 336, 444, 552 & 624

Report of the Coal Committee .. .. 198

Tenasserim Provinces, considered as

a resort for Europeans, Fourth Re-

port on the, By John William

Helfer; M.D. <<. ite Seay

Wild Sheep of the Hindoo-koosh,

and a species of Cicada, Note on

the; By Captain Hay," >)... |.

Wool and Woollen Manufactures of

Khorassan By, Captain Hutton,

37th Regt. N. [..... an

Zoological Catalogue of the Museum

of the Asiatic Society. By J. T.

Pearson, Esq. sate nest OL

379

099

082

155

440

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JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Journal of a Mission from the Supreme Government of India to

the Court of Siam.—By Dr. Ricnarpson.!

January 22nd.—Long-song-noi, 4h. 50m., fifteen miles. Left

Fata-kan, and proceed in a south-west direction along the level

towards the hills near the foot of which the path lies till 9h. 35m.

when we ascend a rocky hill, and cross a small stream; pass

a large Kareen village, which seems a permanent residence of

a portion of that wandering tribe ; their houses were large, their

dress better, and the women were seated in the house more

clean and neat in their person than usual; they were the first

Kareens we had seen whose forefathers had been inhabitants of

this part of the country. The village which was surrounded

by high, abrupt rocky hills, consisted of seven or eight houses,

with their betel vines and jack fruit trees close round the

houses; from this we descend in a ravine till llh. 25m.

where we cross a second run of water; from this the coun-

try is more open (the valley of the May-nam-noi may be

three miles across) and rocky, the trees small and stunted,

with little or no foliage, affording no shade from the sun; the

latter part of the march was excessively hot. At 12h. 15m.

we crossed the small dry bed of a stream forming the boundary

between Tata-kan and Long-tsong ; these towns, if they may be

1 Continued from p. 1036, vou. vin.

No. 97. New Serizs, No. 18. ‘3

2 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 97.

dignified with the name, have only lately had any territory

assigned them, as the province of Dayiek formerly reached from

the Pon river, near Takanom, north, to a stream near Camboorie,

and form the district of Dwong-ka-dhot, or Moimg-Ontai, east,

to the three pagodas on the Tavoy frontier, west. At 12h. 25m.

pass a third small stream of water, and at lh. 20m. halt here

on the banks of another, in which the water is standing in small

pools in the deepest parts of the bed, with an underground

current through the sand. We are not more than two miles

from Long-tsong stockade, but to allow the elephants to come

up with day-light we were obliged to halt here. The path to-

day has upon the whole been good for a hill country, and the

water scarce, taking the same circumstance into consideration ;

but as this is the most precipitous side of the hills the larger

portion of the water probably finds its way by the Tenasserim

river into the Bay of Bengal. The number of Kareens who

pay tribute through Camboorie, mentioned yesterday, is, as I

suppose, exaggerated, Dayiek and Taung-ka-paung being the

places ; Mung-keik’s (present chief of the Talines in Siam) father

took up his abode on coming over from the Birmans, though

the largest number of that people dependant on them have

only about 100 each ; Tatakan has only thirty, and Pra-sao-one

seventy ; the average of these two would give fifty for the smaller

towns, or a total of about 550. Nine Kareens and fifteen

Talines are free from tax, as garrison, if I may call them so,

of each of the frontier posts along the river, but they have in

lieu to furnish guides and provisions to public officers passing

through the country. The elephants came up at 6h. 10m. and

it was dark before the tent was pitched.

January 23rd.—4h. 10m., thirteen miles. Start at 8 a. M.,

and at 8h. 50m. pass the road leading to Long-tsong, about a mile

from the river on which that post is situated; from hence we

had a cart road throughout the rest of the day, the jungle thin,

the trees stunted and scanty of foliage, the country sterile or

covered with strong rank grass, the sandstone work protruding

through the surface at intervals, without other mark of culti-

vation or sign of inhabitants, except the good level cart road by

which we travelled. 9h. We pass the stream of Long-tsong with

1840. ] Mission to the Court of Siam. 3

a run of water ancle-deep, soon after which we saw the first

sapan wood, the tree much resembling the Caouchouc tree in leaf

and appearance, and seldom reaching here (the N. W. limits of

its growth) a greater size than the thickest part of a man’s

arm. Our route lay occasionally near the eastern and occa-

sionally near the western range of hills. At 11h. 45m. we pass

another small stream (the May-ta-pan) in a sort of ravine,

and at 12h. 30m. halt opposite Moung-tseing (Lion’s town) a

ruined stockade on the eastern or north-eastern side of the river.

I find the Taline garrison in these stockades are more military than

I supposed them; they are not employed in collecting the duties

which are taken by the Kareens to Camboorie. The chief of

Moung-tseing receives sixty tickels a year from the king, and

fifty men are detailed for the duty of this post, but as there is

no muster roll forwarded to head quarters, those who choose to

remain with their families by paying twenty tickals to the

Myotsa are allowed to do so; a small part only of the detach-

ment find their way to the frontiers; at this part the force

is larger than usual, there are now fifteen men present, and the

Myotsa is at Bankok with a party of five. He (the Myotsa)

also levies an annual tax of ten pieces on each man, the king’s

people excepted, who cut sapan wood in his jurisdiction.

Their period of service on the frontier is six months; they

say they are allowed to bring their families, but do not do so

on account of the malaria, intermittent prevailing here in May

and October. Here also they are all Talines from the pro-

vince of Martaban. A part of their duty is to carry the

provisions which are sent up by the king to the gold washers

on the Belank, of whom I am here informed there were last

_ year 1500 employed, besides 60 men of the Myotsa of Dayiek

or May-nam-noi.

January 24th.—3h. 30m., 11 miles. At 8 left the modern

post Moung-tseing, and in |] minutes reach the crossing of the

river, which here runs east. Crossing in three small boats occu-

pied us 30 minutes, and in 20 minutes more reach the walls

of the old city of Moung-tseing (or Lion’s city) which must

have been long deserted; the walls though well defined, are,

as well as the whole interior of the place, quite overgrown

4 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 97.

with lofty forest trees; it had the form of a square, of a

mile in extent on each face, with a large tank and interior

town. ‘The people who accompanied us had no traditions res-

pecting it, except that in former days gold and silver were

very plentiful here. 15 minutes more brought us out at the

river face, from which it is distant a few yards. An hour

after leaving the town we met a party of two Siamese and

three Talines, with an order from the Myo-won of Cam-

boorie to the T’seetkay of Moung-tseing to accompany us to

Camboorie ; as we were however some miles from him he es-

caped the duty. So difficult is it to get, or so careless are the

people in giving information to be depended on, that one of the

two Shans told us they left Camboorie yesterday before day-

light, and the other at 11 in the forenoon. At 11h. 15m. pass the

small town of Moung-khiet, probably deserted about the same

time as Moung-tseing; the interior was a perfect level, cover-

ed with a long even grass, and high forest trees wide apart

from each other, and without underwood, giving it the ap-

pearance of a park. At 12h. 40m. halt here by a small puddle

of stinking green water, the only water except the river which

we left at Moung-tseing we have seen this march, and the

Siamese declare there’ is no other halting place for nearly

as far as we have come. We have had a good, perfectly level

cart road, though the plain has never been more than four

miles across (from information); the soil seems fertile, and

capable of affording subsistence to a large population ; but

with exception of the posts on the river, the country ap-

pears destitute of mhabitants, there being only one or two

Kareen villages of two or three houses, in the district of -

Moung-tseing.. The See-sa-wat which joins this river at Cam-

boorie is said to have fewer inhabitants than even this, and

the intermediate country is a wilderness. We have been much

exposed to the sun to-day, which is very powerful, our halt-

ing place a perfect level, open, and covered with short grass;

the people sleeping about in groups is exceedingly pictu-

resque by the clear moonlight. We have seen to-day hares,

partridges, and pea-fowls, and wild dogs are said to be numer-

ous here, larger, with longer hair than the common dog, but

1840. | Mission to the Court of Siam. 5

equally varying in colour. Buffaloes, bison, and wild cows

have long disappeared, but deer and wild hog are still plentiful.

January 25th.—Camboorie, 5h. 20m., fifteen miles. Thermr.

6 a.m. 66°, Noon 90°. Notwithstanding the repeated assurance

of our old Siamese guide, (hitherto they have been Talines,)

that the vile water we were drinking was the only water

within many miles, the elephant people, when looking for

their elephants this morning came on a beautiful stream with-

in 100 yards of us, just when it was too late to be of any use

tous. We started at8 a.m. and marching along a dead level

plain, averaging from two or three to six miles in breadth,

thinly covered with low trees, very little underwood, with strong

crop of coarse grass, the soil apparently good, reached in an

hour another stream of water a little N. W. of the road; the

march was of one uniform character throughout, and at no

great distance from the See-sa-wat river, between which and

the road runs a low range of hills, and another of greater

altitude, and more rugged and abrupt, between us and the May-

nam-noi; at 10h.30m. passed another small run of water spring-

ing out of some rocks in the plain, the water of which is

soft and unpleasant. Here we halted half an hour; from this

the grass is shorter, but still rank and coarse. At 12h. 45m.

we saw the first paddy fields since leaving Maulmain, near

which we march till lh. 25m. when we enter a_ plantation

of cotton, (which was high and flourishing) plantain, and _to-

bacco, close to the See-sa-wat, which we should have known

to belong to Chinese, even had we not seen them at work in the

fields, so incomparably superior are they in all their opera-

tions, agricultural or mechanical, to the indolent slovenly natives

of Indo-China. Along this our route lay till 1h.50m. when

we crossed the See-sa-wat, about three and a half or four feet at

the deepest, but of considerable width, perhaps 160 paces wide ;

after waiting an hour at a shed, about thirty feet wide and forty-

eight long, enclosed by a palasade of bamboos close to, and

partly in the river, and no notice being taken of us, I sent the

Siamese interpreter and writer to announce my arrival, and pur-

pose of my visit to the Myo-won, and request an interview to-

morrow. The great man was as usual reported to be asleep,

6 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 97.

but his writer promised to let him know when he awoke; and

almost as soon as my people, the writer made his appearance

with a present of ten or twelve trays of fruit, and a civil speech ;

a few minutes after he had taken his departure, he returned

again with three or four trays of sweetmeats and oranges,

sent by the Myo-won, with a civil message, and a request to

be excused seeing me to-morrow; I however repeated my re-

quest of an interview to-morrow, being hurried from delays on

the road hither, and have not heard his answer; in the mean-

time, as usual, the people are not allowed to go out, and

two people accompanied my grass cutter when he went for

grass. I am told we are still five days from Bankok, and that

it is impossible to take on the elephants by a shorter route

than twenty days, up the west side of the Nakoutchathee*

river and down the east, the small nullahs being under the

influence of the tide, and the mud consequently deep. My in-

formant is the Myotsa of Taung-ka-paung, a wily old Taline,

who came here in the great rising of 1876, (1816. a. D.)

January 26th.—Camboorie. About 10 o’clock the Myo-won’s

writer came out to say, the Won would be glad to see me in the

afternoon, as he was engaged now listening to the instructions

of some Poonghees of great sanctity, wha live the greater part

of the year in the jungle, sleeping under trees, with no fear of

wild beasts. He inquired what I was in the habit of eating,

as he wished to give me an entertainment; I told him I was

obliged by his kind intentions, but as I never eat but twice

a day begged him not to take any trouble on that account. I

had found this the best plea for not partaking of their unsavory

kindness, as abstinence is considered meritorious, and eating

only twice a day quite a virtue. At a little after lh. the same

person came to say the Myo-won was prepared to receive me, I

accordingly rode in taking with me a double barrelled gun, a flask

or two of powder, some caps, and a small carpet. On arrival at

a zayat on the bank of the river, ten minutes walk from my tent,

I found all the officers of the town assembled, one of whom met

* My informant did not appear to know, or at all events did not give

us to understand, that this river was a branch of the May-nam.

1840. | Mission to the Court of Siam... 7

me at the door, and pointed out my seat, a chair on one side of

the entrance, and the place for some of my people on the floor

immediately in front of me. The Won came in about five

minutes, and seated himself on a sort of platform at the other

end of the room or shed, which might be fifty feet long by

twenty-five broad ; his officers were in front of him, crouched

on their elbows. He asked the usual questions, when I left

Maulmain, the state of the road, how I had been treated and fur-

nished with provisions, &c. &c. I inquired when he heard from

Bankok, the health of the king, state of the country, war with

Cochin-China, his own health, &c. &c. and after some time

I asked him about the convicts escaped from the jail at Tavoy ;

he said there had twelve arrived some time ago, two of whom

had died; six others had been sent from May-nam-noi and

arrived the day before yesterday ; the ten remaining of the

first arrival, were now in irons in jail; the others were not yet

confined, but should be immediately. I had yesterday heard

(our people who came in the boats saw them) that the

officers for Maulmain and Tavoy had left this the day before

yesterday, and the Myo-won now confirmed this intelli-

gence. I had expressed my anxiety to see them, and get them

to take charge of these prisoners, to the Myotsa of May-

nam-noi, and have no doubt the boatmen mentioning this, was

the reason of their starting without seeing me, as they

would naturally otherwise have wished to do; I however still

urged him to send these men back with them. After much con-

versation, in which I pointed out to him the article in the

treaty on the subject, he refused to send them back without

an order from the ministers; as he declined giving them up, I

requested he would not allow them to escape, as I should re-

peat the request at Bankok; he said they were all in irons

except the last six; if I did not believe him, I might go and

see them. I of course assured him I had implicit confidence

in his word; at this juncture about 30 unfortunate Cochin-

Chinese prisoners were marched in, of whom there were 3000

at Camboorie ; I afterwards heard there were near 1000, pro-

bably 300 may be nearer the truth; he said six of these men

had made their escape, and begged me to apprehend and send

8 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 97.

them back, if I should see them at Maulmain. I told him the

people he mentioned I had seen at Maulmain, and on their

arrival had assisted them; that he quite mistook the ground

on which I demanded these natives of India; that they were

felons, condemned to imprisonment for life for murders of the

most aggravated kind, which I explained to him, and warned

him of their character. After some conversation on the Cochin-

Chinese war, he ordered in two or three and twenty small dishes

of sweetmeats, roast pork, roast fowls, and soup, all apparently —

Chinese cooking, of most uninviting appearance, for myself, and

different trays for all the people, who did more honour to his

hospitality than I could. He then pressed me to stop here for

four or five days, as he said was the custom ; I however declined

remaining more than one day more, and am to start on the 28th.

I had by a great deal of inquiry amongst the Talines here

learned that there is a good and much frequented road, as was

to be expected, from this to Bankok, by Nongkaw, in six days ;

and when the subject of my route was discussed, as all matters

are here, I intimated my intention of going by that route, with-

out allusion to the attempt made to deceive me yesterday. I

spoke of the goodness of the road with such confidence, that

no attempt was made to dispute the fact now, but a wish

expressed that I should go by boats, or if by land even, that I

must go to Rajapore or Pra-pree. This I also objected to

doing, as it is considerably out of the direct course to Bankok ;

that I had no business with the Myo-won of Rajapore or Pra-

pree; and had here waited on him, the Myo-won of Camboorie,

and stated the only object of my visit; he said-they had no

wish to put any restraint on me; that I might go by any road

I felt inclined, but the Myo-won of Pra-pree had made prepara-

tions to receive me, and would be disappointed if I did not visit

him. The subject was then dropped, and I took my leave, near

three o’clock; the sweetmeats, &c. were sent after me to the

tent, and about nine in the evening the Taung-ka-paung Myotsa

came to press again on me the necessity of going by Pra-pree ;

I again declined going by that route, as my business lay at Ban-

kok with the ministers; it was decidedly out of my way, and

when I got there, how was I to be assured the Myo-won of Pra-

1840. ] Mission to the Court of Siam. 9

pree would not send me off to some other place; I acknowledged

their kindness in wishing to entertain me, and requested him

to tell the Myo-won that I preferred going by the route I had

mentioned; he promised to do so, staid till near 11 o’clock

p.m. and took his departure. I had a visit also from the second

officer of the town, who being ill only stayed a few minutes.

On the whole they have been civil and attentive ; I cannot how-

ever make out the motive of the officers en route to Maulmain

avoiding me (which they certainly have pointedly done, unless

co avoid refusing to take back the Thugs) as it might have

influenced their reception there. The Myo-won here receives

from the royal bounty 600 tickels a year, besides youm fees.

January 27th.—Received from the Myo-won this morning

a present of fruit, &c., and had a long discussion with his writer

about the road; they appear determined to.take me round by

Pra-pree, at the same time to avoid the appearance of con-

straint. After dinner I called on the Myo-won, according to

my proposal of yesterday; he met me at the zayat where I

had seen him yesterday, and taking my hand led me to his

house just inside the fort. After a good deal of conversation

on different subjects, I remonstrated strongly against going

round by Rajapore, as I had no business whatever with the

chief of that town. I reminded him that the purpose of my

mission having last year been intimated to the court, that he

himself had been instructed not to detain me (of this I had

no doubt); I told him I had already exceeded by many days

the time I expected to be in Bankok, and further delay would

render it doubtful whether I should be able to return till after

the monsoon, &c. &c. &c. I naturally anticipate a stay of

some time in the capital, and fear I shall not be able to get

_down any number of cattle before the rains, as the route from

Bankok to Zimmay, should I be allowed to proceed there, will

occupy a full month. An attempt was made to convict me of

having said I would go by Rajapore, and the Myo-won said he had

written before my arrival to the chief of that town that I would

visit him. I said I did not see in what way the ends of my

mission were to be forwarded by the detour, nor that he should

have written without my concurrence to the effect he men-

10 Mission to the Court of Siam. [Noi.97.

tioned ; requested him to consider whether he was doing right

in endeavouring to place restraints on me, which we never

attempted with Siamese officers’ convoy to our provinces. I told

him unless I was positively prevented going by Nougkan I

should take that route; after a great deal of argument I have

been obliged to go by the route they wished. With the ex-

ception of this dragging me some days out of my way, my

reception here has been on the whole very friendly, though

the Myo-won’s manner was constrained, and the old writer,

whom I suspect is the principal obstacle to going direct to

Bankok, prompted him. We have been plentifully supplied

with provisions, and since my first visit to the Myo-won

the people have been allowed to move freely about. I re-

peated the application for the convicts, and mentioned that a

sum of 15 rupees each would be paid to cover their expenses

on their delivery at Tavoy ; he again declined giving them up,

as I was going to Bankok, without an order from thence. I

applied for a boat, which was furnished, and by putting the

heaviest of the things in it, we shall be enabled to make longer

marches; one or two of the people also are sick, and unable

to proceed by land. A number of dishes of meat and sweetmeats

were again served to me, and the people who accompanied me ;

and after remaining an hour and a half I returned home, where

the Youkabat (or Nakan) soon followed me with twenty-four

dancers and musicians, whom he told me were all of his own

household ; amongst whom there were eight unfortunate women,

Cochin-Chinese prisoners, of whose wretchedness and destitu-

tion I have heard a good deal to-day; they remained dancing

and singing in the clear moonlight night in front of the Tay

till eleven o’clock, when I gave each of the performers a rupee,

with which they were apparently well satisfied. Their song was

all to one air; though the voices frequently did not keep time,

it was rather pleasing; the dancing, if it could so be called, was

any thing but graceful; the words sometimes Cochin-Chinese,

sometimes Siamese. The town of Camboorie is situated opposite

the junction of the See-sa-wat and May-man-noi rivers, prin-

cipally along the bank of the former; it is a long, straggling

place, consisting of one long street along the banks of the river,

1840. | Mission to the Court of Siam. Il

containing in all 300 houses, and there may be 200 more in

the small streets running off, and in the fort. The See-sa-wat

is here 150 paces, perhaps 250 feet wide, and 34 feet deep;

from the water at its present height, to the point it reaches

in the rains, is nearly the same distance as the width of the

stream. There are lying here about 122 boats, of which thirty-

eight are canoes, the others are boats of considerable size. A

brick fort has lately been built here, of about 500 paces long by

300 broad, without defences, unless two semi-lunar breastworks

outside on the river face, with five old guns each, may be so

called ; the wall appears about sixteen or eighteen feet high,

and there are said to be twenty guns within the fort; three

gates on each side, and one at each end; there is no bazar in

the town, but a few stalls on the single bed of the river,

where the Chinese have a gambling shop, and where salted

eggs and gnapee are sold in small quantities. Upon the whole it

is rather a paltry place, considering the importance attached

to it by the Burmans, and that it is within six days of the

capital. Many of the Cochin-Chinese who can speak Siamese,

have been questioning our people as to the possibility of reach-

ing Maulmain, and the Talines are equally anxious that some

means for their deliverance could be arranged; I have however

checked all idea that my visit was connected with such an

object.

January 28th.—Small green pool, S. 36 E. 4h. 40m., fifteen

miles. Started at 9h. 15m. having been detained about half

an hour for the boat, and in giving a list of the things to be

put into it; ten minutes brought us to the end of the village or

city, and travelling along near the bank of the Camboorie river,

formed by the junction of the May-nam-noi and See-sa-wat,

_ we passed several large plantations of tobacco, and one or two

small fields of sugar cane, cultivated by the Chinese ; at 10h.

dom., cross the smaller branch of the river, about half-leg deep,

‘and passed along a sandy island, with a kind of short willow

on it; cross the larger branch by a boat, this however though

rather rapid is of no great depth; just after crossing the river,

_ we pass two small villages, since which we have seen no sign

of inhabitants. The road has been level throughout, and well

12 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 97.

travelled, jungle thin, water very scarce, and at this halting

place it is green and bad; our party has been increased at the

little villages we passed in the morning, and we are now ac-

companied by thirty men who bivouac at a little distance, but do

not however interfere with our arrangements. On starting this

morning, some of the Myo-won’s people met us with a few baskets

of rice and some meat opposite the gate of the town.

January 29th.—Bausong-roy, 4h. 20m., fourteen miles.

‘Started this morning at 8h. 50m., and marching along a level

road, through a thin jungle with long grass, a great deal of

which had however been burned, we passed one old plantation

of cotton and plantains, the cotton of a kind I have not seen

before, being now ready to gather ; the crop was small and scanty,

but the plants are now two or three years old, the cotton

fine and soft, but rather short in the staple. We are now fairly

in the alluvial plain at the head of the gulf; saw only one or

two small rocky hills to the westward; the water has been

scarcer and worse than yesterday, and we were nearly missing

this, which is a swamp, as it lies a little off the road, and the

people of the few houses near it, who are Talines, or Laos

prisoners from Wiang-tchong took fright at our appearance, taking

us for Siamese or Taline small officers. It appears that at

stated periods, the Talines are branded on the arm, as belonging

to the right or left wing of the army, and their name, number,

and officer’s company to which they belong, entered in the mus-

ter roll of Talines, from which time they are liable to all calls

for public duty, those only who have entered the priesthood

are excepted ; and such as can escape, by concealing themselves,

till the impress is over, do so. One old woman in her joy to

find who we were, abused the government of the country

roundly (though several Siamese of our thirty conductors were

present); she said the Siamese, bad as they were, were not so

bad as the low Talines who form the officers in army; she said

scarce a day passed without tears for the old country; now it

was quiet she prayed daily that her next transmigration might

be a bird to return there, as she had no hopes now of doing

so in this life. There are now about 5000 Talines, 1500 of

whom receive royal pay, such as it is; some as little as three

1840. | Mission to the Court of Siam. 13

or four tickels a year; all who have reached the height of two

cubits and a span, are branded, and they are numerous, as there

has been no impress for three years.

January 30th.—Rajapore, Oh. Kighteen miles. Started this

morning at 7h. 45m. and in twenty minutes passed through the

clearing in which we pitched our little camp last night ; from this,

till 9h. 35m. our route lay through a jungle, of the same scanty

stunted trees as we have had for the last few days, the soil

poor and sandy ; at 9h. 35m. pass a village of 15 or 20 houses,

and enter a plain covered with long reedy grass, near which we

saw the first black cattle we have met with in the route; at 9h.

55m. came on the banks of the Song-roy river, here about

sixty feet. wide, and apparently not more than ancle-deep, with

the tide coming in; and immediately after coming on the

river pass a large village, with a number of Chinamen about it.

Here the plain is about three and a half or four miles across, from

east to west, with the range of hills to westward, (along which

our route has been throughout at no great distance,) running

round to a few points east of south, broken and irregular, and the

highest probably not more than 6 or 700 feet ; we march along

the Song-roy till a little after eleven, when it tends away east, to

join the Camboorie river; the plain increases a little in breadth,

and contains three or four small shallow lagoons, all along the

borders of which the people, principally prisoners from Wiang-

tchong, were employed in planting out paddy. They have a

mode of irrigation here, I have not seen used except in

China, by means of a long spoon-shaped light trough, with

a long bamboo handle, slung in a high triangle of bamboos,

the person using which stands on a slight frame raised in the

_ water, and with a spoon in each hand, by means of the slings,

throws the water into the channel for conducting it over

the fields to a height of about three or four feet. At I1h. 25m.

we passed the village of Song-roy of 20 houses, generally of

very miserable description; from this, our route lay 8. 31 E.

to the town; the swampy nature of the ground in one

place, and a detour round one or two of the small lakes, kept

us till two o’clock before we reached it. The boats must have

been manned and waiting for us on the town side of the

14 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 97.

river, for there started to meet us the moment we halted

on the opposite bank, four handsome large boats with plat-

form in the middle, covered with a high roof on four very high

posts ; in mine there was a carpet and pillow. We pulled ra-

pidly down the river, about a quarter of a mile, and land-

ed at a neat, well finished (I may call it) house, with two

wharfs run out into the river, which ran a few feet from

the doors; here I found the Myo-won’s brother, the Tseetkay,

Nakans, and some other officers of the town, waiting to re-

ceive me, seated at the edge of the raised centre of the house ;

there were one or two small China tables and chairs, two

or three Calcutta made chairs; and a large old Dutch looking

high backed ornamented heavy one in the centre of the room,

on which I was requested to be seated. Conversation was

confined to a very few questions, when a party with at least

twenty trays of fruits, vegetables, and sweetmeats, from the

Myo-won, was presented by his brother. The people and my

servants were requested not to cook any thing, as every

thing ready dressed would be supplied us, and in a few

minutes my dinner was brought in, consisting of rice, roast pork,

fowls, ducks, and soup, curries of three or four kinds, and

some stews; as the curries were not the most inviting, I smug-

gled my own curry on the table, and managed to make my

dinner, after which the people were served in an equally

plentiful manner. Two officers (writers), were appointed to

attend to all my wishes, a band of eight singers and musicians

came by the Myo-won’s order to amuse me for an hour and

a half, all very well dressed, who remained till 10 o’clock p.m.

when our watch was set, and quiet obtained for the night.

The music was much less soft and pleasing than that I have been

accustomed to hear in Laos, called Siamese. By some ac-

cident one of the horses was drowned in crossing the river

to-day, he had in the last few years travelled with me up-

wards of two thousand miles, in the course of which he had

repeatedly crossed rivers of much greater width. The Myo-

won sent several messages expressive of his sorrow of the

accident, and an offer of two or three horses to replace

him.

1840. | Mission to the Court of Siam. 15

January 3\st.—This morning the Myo-won sent a plentiful

breakfast for my whole party, and at noon, just as I was pre-

paring to take an altitude of the sun, a number of officers

came to say he was waiting to receive me ; I accompanied them,

taking with me two fuzils, a flask of powder, two small carpets,

and a piece of Bengal handkerchief. I found a chair placed

for me in the centre of the room, the Myo-won seated with a

mat and richly embroidered pillow on a sort of wooden

couch, at the end of the room, his officers lying before him

on the floor, which was covered with small carpets ; the room

had been ornamented by a Chinese or Siamese artist with

beautiful yellow grass, brown trees, green rocks, and blue cows,

with houses stuck here and there in most extraordinary per-

spective on the rocks, anda ship and one or two junks full sail

amongst the trees. Some small old fashioned English prints,

China lamps and lanterns, with some spears and muskets, com-

pleted the furniture and ornaments of the hall, which was about

the size of the house erected for me The conversation was ex-

ceedingly constrained, no one joining except the Myo-won and

myself; the subject talked of, was of course the object of my

mission, which I told him was to convey to the ministers of

his Majesty the king of Siam, the assurance of the high

esteem and friendship in which they were held by the ministers

of the great ruler of India, to increase and strengthen the friend-

ship between the two countries, and an invitation on my part

to his people to be more frequent in their visits to Maulmain,

which was now a large and flourishing country. He begged

me to be perfectly at home, and said there was no restraint

on the people with me, who might go where they pleased, &c.

&c. &c. 1 asked him regarding the route, and intimated my

intention to go by land, as I had already been delayed longer

than I anticipated on leaving Maulmain; he wished me for my

own ease and comfort to go by water, and further urged the

impassible state of the road; I expressed my disinclination

to do so, as confinement in a boat affected my health; he said

he would send word to the Myo-won of Nakoutchathee that

he might be prepared to expect me, and the matter seemed

settled. JI remained about an hour and a half. The interview

16 _ Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 97.

was I think more stiff and constrained than I have had with any

of the numerous native chiefs I have visited in this country.

Soon after my return, his brother brought about thirty or forty

large trays of sweetmeats, and twelve or fourteen men loaded

with cocoanuts, jacks, and other fruits. I begged him to convey

my thanks to the Myo-won for his attention and hospitality,

and a request that the guides might be ready early to-morrow,

as I wished to start in the cool of the morning. The objections

to the land route were again raised, and as the only reason

assigned was that the Myo-won had written to the Myo-won of

May-klong that I would come that way, but that of course if

I wished to go by land, I should not be prevented; as I do not

know in what way I may be obliged to travel into Laos, I parti-

cularly wish to avoid being parted from my elephants, as the

state of the roads may be made an excuse for detaining them,

and their absence be pleaded at Bankok as a bar to going up

the country at the season when the water is at the lowest ; and

as I believe one object of some importance will be gained by

breaking down the ridiculous restriction to our intercourse with

this people, I assured him I asked for nothing we did not

readily accord to others; and drew his attention to the perfect

freedom from restraint of their officers at Tavoy and Maulmain,

and repeated my wish to goby land; pointed out to him that we

were here to the south of Bankok, and should now have to return

N. E. whereas had I been allowed to proceed, which I wished to

do directly, across the country from Camboorie, and which any

other person going to Bankok would have done, I should by to-

morrow have reached that city, &c., though making the acquain-

tance of the Myo-won of Pra-pree had rewarded me for coming

so far out of my way; but I now wished to take the nearest route.

He said he would take his brother’s orders, and went into the

town for that purpose. I requested him to say, as curiosity was

not my motive, if the Myo-won would say he did not wish me to

see that part of the country, I would go by any route he pleased.

As he had not returned at 11 o’clock I told the mahouts to

get the elephants early in the morning to start by land, as I had

agreed with the Myo-won personally in the forenoon. The town

of Rajapore, or as it is commonly called, Pra-pree, is of very

1840. | Mission to the Court of Siam. 17

considerable size, though I have been unable to obtain any

accurate information as to the number of people it contains,

from the excessive jealousy of the people on such subjects ; and

from its extent, have not been able to count the number of

houses, as-was roughly done at Camboorie. The greater number

of the inhabitants, as in that town, live about the banks of

the river, outside the fort, which has a brick wall of about eighteen

feet high, with an open parapet and ravelin at each corner,

two doors in the long faces, and one at the ends; it stands

east and west along the banks of the river, which here runs to

the eastward a distance of a few hundred paces, it is about

300 paces broad, and 7 or 800 long, with a large portion of

the ground waste inside; there were about 200 or 280 boats

in the river of a large size; the river is fordable a short way

above the town at low water, and the tide does not rise more

than four feet opposite the town at spring tides. I am told

the Myo-won receives from the king 600 tickels a year, and

has the law fees and presents besides. I do not believe, from

all I have heard, that any of the chiefs of towns receive so

large a sum.

February \st.—Bankiew, 4h. 50m., fifteen miles. Sent the

mahouts for the elephants at day-light ; they found them, contra-

ry to the promise of the people sent by the Myo-won to take

charge of them, tied up close to the town. When preparing to

start, a message was brought from the Myo-won to request me

not to hurry off, as breakfast was preparing for our party, to

which I returned an acknowledgment of his kindness, and

intimation of my readiness to wait. The interval was employed

by me in dispatching two boats I had been furnished with for the

sick and some of the royal presents, and by them in again

urging me to go by the river, now on the Myo-won’s account,

as the Myo-won of Camboorie would obtain credit with the

king for having prevailed on me to come here, whilst he could

not get me to go to May-klong ; they disclaimed any wish to

prevent my seeing that part of the country; I said I did not

think personal motives should have weight with us, that I did

not consult my own personal ease in labouring over the hot

plains, but that I had been sent by a great government to the

18 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 97.

ministers at Bankok, and that I wished to make the greatest

possible dispatch to where I was ordered, and should have done

so from Camboorie had I not been prevented ; and when I had

seen the ministers, I should be happy to comply with their

desire in visiting any towns they might wish. The breakfast was

brought in and discussed, and we started ; the guides were fortu-

nately not ready. We were conducted along the west and south

faces of the fort, and whilst halting for the guides at a small

zayat, half a mile from the town, met a party of labourers

coming in from the paddy fields, and on inquiry found that

they were just about to lead us amongst muddy nullahs and

inlets from the sea, influenced by the tide, against which we

had several times been warned to be on our guard by Burman

and Taline refugees. The labourers had just pointed out the

proper road, when the guides came up, and declared that no

road existed in the direction I now proposed to go; that, that

road, pointing along a road apparently leading to the salt grounds

at the head of the gulf, was the only one in existence ; I however

took the direction pointed out to us considerably more to the

northward, and inquiring of people on the road and at the

villages, all of whom assured me we were on the proper road,

reached this place at 3h. 35m. A few miles north of the town ~

runs a rather deep belt of palmyra trees with common jungle,

tending away a little to the northward of east, in which is the

high road to Bankok, with several villages along it ; also in the

jungle, between this belt and the head of the gulf, a distance of

about two days, is an alluvial plain, the lower edge intersected,

as already stated, and forming salt fields, the upper edge cul-

tivated to a considerable extent by the inhabitants of the villages

along the road, though this plain is said to be covered with

water in the rains, so that boats pass along it in all direc-

tions, but at this season is perfectly dry near the jungle, so

that we had no occasion to go on to the road, which ran a

mile or a mile and a half to the northward of our course.

Though there was no path, we took the direction pointed out

by the few people we met. We passed seven villages in the

day, the largest might contain thirty or forty houses, and at the

last a large herd of cattle and buffaloes, which sell here

1840. ] Mission to the Court of Siam. 19

the former at three or three and a half tickels, and the latter at

seven ; the best carriage bullocks, five tickels, or six and a half

Madras rupees; the low price is of course from the absence

of a demand, for they are very scarce, and indeed can be of

very little use in so swampy a country with a Boodist popu-

lation, though the Siamese no more than the Burmans object

to eat beef, and there are not wanting people to take on them-

selves the sin of killing the cattle. Our guides here in no way

interfered with us.

February 2nd.—Ban-ta-chang, 5h. fifteen miles (close to

Bankem). One small well of brackish water formed the whole sup-

ply for our party after an excessively hot day’s march ; yesterday

we were not sorry to leave our last halting place, which we

did at 7h. 40m. a.m. Our route has been exactly of the same

character as yesterday, sometimes across the country through the

paddy fields or reedy plains, sometimes along the main road,

in the jungle and palmyra forest which skirted it, all along

which are the villages of the cultivators, consisting of small

groups of five or six houses, and the population just along the

line of road is considerable. A small portion of the plain crossed

to-day is under cultivation, the largest patch we crossed at

9h. 50m. with a few hundred head of cattle and buffaloes graz-

ing about. At ten we cross a small jeel, and close to our pre-

sent halting place another long one, extending some miles

into the plains, and here three and a half feet deep with a mud-

dy bed and covered with floating grass; it did not seem influ-

enced by the tide, and is used by the people for domestic pur-

poses. We are still accompanied by the thirty men sent with

us from Pra-pree ; they have not to-day interfered in any way,

or been of the least service to us.

February 3rd—Nakoutchathee, 5h. 20m., seventeen miles four

furlongs. The people who have accompanied us from Pra-pree

left us last evening, (the lake being the boundary of their dis-

trict) without any apparent communication with the people of

this district, or stating to me their intention, and we had some

difficulty in procuring a guide to-day, who would not approach

this village, and returned as soon as we came in sight of it. We

started at 7h. 30m. and travelled along a road of the same charae-

20 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 97.

ter as the last two or three days, still at an average distance of

about two days from the sea. Cutting across the skirts of the

plain, by which we have saved a day, as it is two days by the high

road from Ban-ta-chang to Nakouchathee, we crossed in the

course of the day eight muddy lakes or long pools of water, with

mud, weeds, and water, varying from 2 or 3 to 6 or 8 feet deep ;

the worst one we crossed in a small boat just capable of holding

two persons ; we passed also seven straggling villages, but as they

were within the belt of trees, we had no opportunity of judging

of their extent, except by inference, as though there was a good

deal of cultivation it was perhaps less than the two previous

days, the cattle and buffaloes rather more numerous. We saw

two herds of perhaps 200, the others consisting of a few, say

four herds of 10 or 12. I was told by our guide to-day, that

the best buffaloes sell for 10 or 12 tickels, and good bullocks,

about the same price, though as much as 20 tickels is some-

time paid for a choice cart bullock, inferior at 6 or 7, as cattle

are cheaper near Camboorie, but not abundant in any of the

southern provinces. ‘There were a few people at work in the

paddy fields, but all their thrashing floors seem small, as if the

cultivation in the neighbouring villages was principally for

their own consumption; the largest floor we have seen is at

this place, where there is a stack of paddy ready to be trodden

out, which my agricultural people estimate at 1500 Burman

baskets, and I was told in crossing the fields to-day that it

sold at about 9 tickels for 664 Burman baskets, but their

measure seems arbitrary and uncertain. On arriving here

the first person we met in the village (for it does not contain

more than 200 houses) told us that the Myo-won was at

the north end of it, preparing the zayat for us; and on arriving

here we found by the chips and new thatch that it had been

new roofed yesterday. Just as my people were going in to the

Myo-won to report my arrival, the Tseetkay and town officers .

came out to inquire who I was, where I came from, and where

I was going ; though by their preparations they were certainly

aware of our coming. I satisfied them on these points, and asked

if the Myo-won of Pra-pree had not sent, as he had promised me

he would do, to the officers here, stating the purport of my —

1840. | Mission to the Court of Siam. 21

mission, and a request to furnish me with what I might require ;

they said they had not heard a word of my approach before the

moment of my arrival; they said it was impossible to take

elephants and horses by this route to Bankok, that indeed there

was no road even for foot passengers. They departed with the

information they had obtained to the Myo-won, who in about

an hour sent to say he would be glad to see me if I wished

to call on him, and I did so before dinner. After the usual topics

were discussed, he repeated with such earnestness and apparent

sincerity, appealing to his age (which may be about seventy-eight)

as a voucher for his veracity, that the road was impassable

between this and Bankok, in fact that no road existed, that it

was scarcely possible to resist conviction, particularly as I had

not had time to make any private inquiries amongst the people,

and had learned nothing about the road except the general

assertion of all we have asked about it, that it is good and

daily travelled. I was obliged to consent to his writing to the

ministers, and as I had no Siamese writer, I myself wrote to

Mr. Hunter—a British merchant who has resided at Bankok

many years, and has often been the channel of communication

with the ministers both from Singapore and Maulmain—stating

the fact of my arrival here, and begging him to intimate the same

to the ministers, with the reason of my not writing, and a

request not to be kept longer than necessary. I much fear it

will be impossible, in compliance with the terms of my instruc-

tions, to have any of the cattle in Maulmain by the beginning

of May. My previous information regarding the goodness of the

road has been confirmed by the people of the village and the

Pounghees, who also told my people that messengers from Pra-

pree arrived here yesterday with a communication regarding

me, the nature of which I have not learned.

February 4th—Have had communication with the people of

the village to-day. I endeavoured to send some of my Taline

people to a village of their countrymen on the opposite side

of the river to buy fowls, and inquire about the road, but a

boat was refused them, and the town officers offered to procure

any thing we wanted.

February Sth.—We have received from the town provisions

22 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No; 97:

for the people, and boughs for the elephants, which we are

obliged to tie up at night, as there is so much paddy ex-

posed at this season. This afternoon I had a request from

the Myo-won that I would call on him, with which I imme-

diately complied, and found that our boat had arrived at the

capital during the previous night, and the ministers had sent

an order to the chief here to furnish me with boats to proceed,

leaving the elephants and horse. I endeavoured, without suc-

cess, to take the latter, as I should want him; they made all

manner of excuses; said there were no boats large enough ; I

should have to wait a day, as they must send down the river

for one; I told them, I had seen several boats here sufficiently

large; they said they were unsteady and unsafe; I replied

the horse was accustomed to boating, that I had carried him

500 miles in a boat last year; they then shuffled from one

objection to another. I begged them to say at once if I would

be allowed to take him or not, as I had no intention to oppose

their wishes, but if not positively prevented, I wished to take

him’ with me as necessary to my comfort; though they would

not pointedly refuse, they would not allow me to take him. After

some conversation on matters of no interest I took my leave,

and they set about preparing our boats. I this morning sent a

Taline lad (the head mahout) to a village about a mile and a half

down the river; the only Taline there is (with his family) em-

ployed in making bricks for the Myo-won, to whom he is a

bonded debtor; he said that that was the commencement of

the road to Bankok, that buffaloes, people, and elephants travel it

every day; that about “a call”? inland from where they were,

the jungle terminated, being only a narrow strip by the river, and

from thence with a glass they might see three zayats on the

road at about equal distances, and from the last, from the back of

the elephants, they might see the village Quankalanai (Ta-

line king’s village) on the banks of the May-nam river ; that

the distance was easily done in half a day by an unencumbered

man ; that he himself came that way a short time ago, his re-

sidence being on this side of the May-nam, in little more than

half a day with a little boy of his, whom he pointed out. The

family were all familiar with the road, and some of the women

1840. | Mission to the Court of Siam. 23

made a sketch on the ground. A short way above the town is

the entrance of a canal; between this branch and the main river,

and on the banks of this canal the second of the three zayats

before mentioned is situated; from this the road runs along

its banks. If crossed at the first zayat there is another road

which comes on the river May-nam above Bankok. Had I been

possessed of this information yesterday I need not have lost

so much time here. This is rather a large straggling village,

along the banks of the river of the same name, containing

about 300 houses, and ten or twelve large Pounghee houses,

though there does not appear to be more than twenty priests.

The houses are here small and ruious in appearance, nearly all

built of bamboos, that of the Myo-won only a little larger than

the rest. He is said to receive from the king 200 tickels a year,

the Tseetkay and Ngakan 100 each. The river is about 160

or 200 feet wide, with soft muddy banks, and apparently of

considerable depth; the tide rises here four feet, and large

masses of weeds knit together by the root, growing vigorously,

some of them having a surface of sixty or eighty square

feet, float up and down with the tide. On asking the old

Myo-won to-day the distance from this to the sea, he said

he could not tell, never having been there; I learned how-

ever that it is about two days by the river.

February 6th.—Embarked in four boats, and started for

Bankok at 9 a.m. Proceeding south-easterly, passed at Qh.

30m. a small sugar factory with. two mills, with high coni-

cal thatched roofs, the roofs of the boiling houses of the same

material, and apparently very low, considering the large fires

that were burning in them. At 9h. 55m., passed the end

of the road leading across to Bankok; at 12h. 30m. halted

at a small village for the people to breakfast ; my servants’ boat

was overloaded, and did not come up till near three o’clock,

when I had breakfast and dinner in one, to prevent a second

halt. Started again at 3h. 45m. and continued pulling with the

stream till 9 p.m, when we halted for some hours. We passed

in the course of the day many small villages, almost entirely

occupied by Chinese employed in the manufacture of sugar, in all

eight small establishments, the largest with four mills drawn by

24 Mission to the Court -of Siam. [No. 97.

one or two buffaloes each for breaking the cane; the heaps of

firewood opposite each seemed disproportionally large. The banks

of the river are excessively low, but at the village where we

halted for breakfast, on proceeding about a gunshot in land,

you pass a belt of cocoanut trees, with a good deal of under-

wood, and come out on an extensive plain, which appeared

to reach to the May-nam, quite dry at this season, and covered

with paddy stubble. Here we were again assured of the existence

of a road, perfectly dry and good, and the fact of an elephant

(called white, but which only differed from the common ones

in having a reddish coloured head) having crossed lately to Ban-

kok.

February 7th—Started lh. 30m. a.m. with the moon ; the fog

which did not clear up till 8 o’clock was so thick that nothing

was to be seen. The east bank of the river, near which we kept,

was of the same character as yesterday, but fewer inhabitants ;

indeed, I did not see a village till we reached this place. We

halted at a custom house chokey from 5h. 15m. till 6 a.m.

just before reaching which we passed the cross branch lead-

ing to the May-klong, the banks of which are thickly peopled by

salt makers ; the sea water being evaporated, is repeated by fresh

artificial inundations into quillets like those of a paddy field ;

the salt is sold at three annas a basket, and pays one rupee eight

annas duty! Passing the chokey we leave the main branch of the

river, which runs away westerly to fall into the sea, and at 7h.

50m. enter the Maha-tshi Canal, which runs north-east to Ban-

kok; just above the bifurcation is situated Moung-tachin, an

uninhabited low square brick fort, and immediately below it

a village of Talines of nearly 100 houses, joining which is

the Siamese town of Moung-tachin. The water here being salt

they get their water from Bankok for six months in the year ;

the Chinese, who appear to monopolise the traffic of the coun-

try, bringing it down in jars, or in perfectly tight boats which

they fill; the price is sufficiently moderate. Here a tay had been

built for our reception, which we reached at 8h. 15m. having

been on the way about six hours. The Myo-won’s brother was

at the tay to receive me, and he himself soon afterwards came

out in a sort of Chinese monshell; he was dressed in China

1840. | Mission to the Court of Siam. 25

crape ; indeed the whole furniture and ornaments of their houses,

and most of their clothes, are borrowed from that people. He

was quite civil, and remained about an hour ; he told me it would

be expected I should remain here till the next day, against

which I in vain remonstrated. The people were all feasted, the

dinner placed on little tables in the Chinese manner, and an

abundance of pork and vegetables, fruit, sweetmeats, and tea,

&c. &c. &c. were brought out for me. The Myo-won told

me there were about 1500 Talines here, and I learned after-

wards from a brother of the Hloot-din writer at Maulmain, who

is a refugee and most anxious to get away, that there are

on the different branches of the river about eight or nine

hundred families of Talines, many of them employed in mak-

ing salt.

February 8th.—Bankok, 13h.30m. About 7 a.m. the Myo-

won came to the zayat, having previously sent out break-

fast for myself and the people, and said we had better now

start. He asked a number of questions regarding the objects

of my mission, which, having the orders of the ministers, and

boats sent by them to convey us to Bankok, he ought not

to have put ; as however I had no object in refusing, I answered

him in detail. He came to the end of the wharf to see me off, and

hoped to see me on my return. The boats which had arrived from

Bankok in the night were large, commodious paungs (long

boats with a house on them) sufficient to convey every body

with comfort, manned, the one by twenty Talines, the other by

twenty Cummins, or Cambodians ; the Talines were dressed in

blue shirts and trowsers, and black bamboo-work hats, and the

Cummins like Malays, whom they very much resemble in ap-

pearance. We started at 9 a.m. the tide turned against us

at 10, and our progress was consequently very slow ; at 4h. 45m.

we were obliged to halt from want of water, and remained

till past 10 pe. m. when we started at quarter flood. At Ih.

20m. P. M. we enter a cut made from the head of the Mahitchi

to the small stream which falls into the May-nam, which

completes the communication through the Nakoutchathee branch

between the May-nam and May-klong ; this we passed in seven

minutes, and in half an hour got into deep water on the Bankok

26 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 97.

side of the.cut. Since dark, the light in the boat prevented

us seeing any thing on the banks. At 4h. a.m. halted at

the British factory, on the side of the river opposite the fort

and city of Bankok, and found Peadadie, the port Captain, a

Benedito (who has received from the king the title of Peavitsit)

commandant of artillery, and Pascal, all native Christian Portu-

guese, waiting my arrival at a mat house, Mr. Hunter, under

orders from the ministers, had prepared for me just between his

own compound and the river. Mr. Hunter, who has a Siamese

title, and whom they consider in some degree as a Siamese

officer, also came down to receive me.

February 9th.—Bankok. About seven or eight o’clock a

message was brought from His Excellency the Praklang (minister

for foreign affairs, whose house is on this side of the river,

and close to the British factory) requesting to see Mr. Hunter,

who immediately waited on him ; after he had been gone some

minutes, he sent a note to say the Praklang wished to see

copies of the letters, if I had them, and had no objection

to send them (to which as I saw no objection) I forwarded

them by the person who brought the note. During Mr.

Hunter’s absence a son of the Praklang’s, an exceeding intelli-

gent young man, came to see me,* and a present was brought

me from the Praklang of fruits and sweetmeats; and Mr.

Hunter, on his return, said the Praklang was very much

pleased with the letters, and would be glad to see me in the

forenoon. About twelve o’clock boats were reported ready

to take us to the house of the minister, but just as we were

starting, a second message arrived to say the king was so

much inclined to be friends with the English, that though

the letters were not addressed to him, he would receive them

as though they had been, and that a boat would be sent for

them; and as the letters were to go to the king, the Pra-

klang begged us to defer our visit till the evening. In a few

minutes one of the royal state boats, with a roof of em-

broidered cloth of scarlet and gold, and rowed by about

*T afterwards doubted if he came on my account, and had good reason to

believe he did not.

Se i UO Ne es

PS et ee

1840. | Mission to the Court of Siam. 27

forty men in the royal livery (red jackets), and command-

ed by an officer, was announced, and a proper vessel for

the reception of the letters brought up, covered with a cloth

of gold embroidery ; on this I placed the letters both of the

secretary of the government of India and the commissioner,

and carried them myself (a Siamese officer covering them with

a red umbrella) down to the boat, where they were respect-

fully received, placed in the centre of it, and covered with an

umbrella. We departed attended with three other state boats.

Soon after dinner a message arrived from the Praklang to

say he had sent boats for our conveyance, and was ready to

receive us, I accordingly went; Mr. Hunter, Captain Browne,

Captain Hughes, Mr. Smith, and Mr. Hayes accompanied me.

Mr. Hunter, who kindly acted as interpreter, and myself went

in the state boat sent for me, and the other gentlemen in

Mr. Hunter’s boat, the Ghyne-Goung-Gyoup, a Burman officer

who accompanied me, and whom I begged Mr. Hunter to

mention to the Praklang, and some of my Burman followers

in a second government boat; we reached the Praklang’s in

about five minutes, and found him with the second Praklang

and several other officers of rank already assembled; chairs

were placed for us at the opposite side of the hall to where

the Siamese officers were crouched on their elbows, and coffee

was served to us in a handsome set of Dresden China. The

hall was a long and handsome room, entirely in the Chinese

style, and splendidly lighted up with English lamps and chanda-

liers. We walked at once up to the chairs; when seated |

saluted him by raising my hand up to my forehead; removing

our shoes was not once alluded to; indeed all the English

gentlemen always retain them when visiting His Majesty or

his ministers. Conversation was entirely between the Praklang

and myself, except for a few minutes, when he addressed

himself to the Goung-Gyoup through a Taline of his house-

hold. I explained the purpose of my visit to be to assure them of

the wish of the Indian Government to strengthen, if possible, the

already firm friendship for many years uninterrupted, and begged

them to receive the thanks of the commissioner for their kindness

to our traders, and for their prompt endeavours to discover and

28 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 97.

release Mrs. Breisley.* I expressed my sense of the friendly

act of the king in receiving the letters himself; the Praklang

replied that the Siamese government were equally anxious with

the English for the increase of existing friendship, and were

much obliged to the government of India and to the com-

missioner for sending, and to myself for coming through such a

desolate jungle as that I have crossed. I was asked the usual

questions as to the health of the Right Hon’ble. the Governor

General of India and other members of Government; how long

I had been on the road ; how I had been received ; and whether

all my people were well ; to which I returned the usual answers,

and expressed my thanks for the kindness which I had re-

ceived. I mentioned the deception practised by the governor

of Nakoutchathee ; he said it was all out of kindness and con-

sideration for my own comfort, and laughing heartily, he said

he could not conceive how any one could prefer travelling in

the sun to lying quietly on his back in a boat, and progressing

by the labour of other people. He then alluded to what I had

mentioned to him through Mr. Hunter in the morning; the

indignity they had offered in making the walls of the hall

they had prepared for me and my people of materials which

had been used in the funeral of the late queen, than which,

according to the superstitious notions of the Burmans, and of

course of the Siamese, no greater insult can be offered in Bur-

ma; no one but the Toobayazah (who with his whole family

are so degraded that no one will associate with them) will touch

any article which has been so defiled ; in fact, with the pecu-

liar notions of these people ; it was impossible for me to avoid

mentioning it ; he said they had no such feelings regarding these

* The wife of an English gentleman who left Mergui with his family

in the disturbance in 1829, with the intention of applying to the Penang

government for assistance. They were supposed to have been murdered

by their Malay boat’s crew as they had a good deal of property on board,

but as reports reached Penang and Maulmain, where some of the lady’s

friends reside, that she had been seen in some of the Siamese Malayan

states the commissioner in the Tenasserim provinces wrote to the min-

isters, who at once sent for the people described, they however turned

out to be Burmans who had accompanied some ship’s officers many years

ago, and had no wish to return.

1840. | Mission to the Court of Siam. 29

things in Siam, which I know is not true, and Mr. Hunter

had heard the people in passing making remarks on the ma-

terials, but was not aware of the feelings on the subject. The

Praklang offered if I wished to have it immediately taken down ;

I told him that of course I should be obliged by his doing so, as

I could not use the house until it was altered. The Praklang

seemed excessively annoyed that I had been told of it, and gave

orders to prevent the people communicating with my followers ; of

this I complained, and asked him to remove the restriction; he said

they have always been enemies with the Burmans, and could not

now feel otherwise ; but as they had come with me no restraint

should be put upon them, but they must tell the officer on duty

at their quarters when their friends came to see them. I

pointed out to him, that these people had no more to do with the

Burman government than the Siamese, and that I only wished

them to have the same liberty the Siamese had when they

came to Maulmain. He said such was their friendship for the

English, that they might go when and where they pleased.

He then asked me if I had served in the last war with Ava,

and whether it was likely we should go to war with that

country again. I explained the conduct of the present Burman

government towards Colonel Burney, the forbearance of the

government of India, and its wish to avoid a war, but that

fears were entertained that it would be impossible, from the

warlike preparations made by the present king, his refusal to

consider himself bound by the treaty of Yandaboo, or receive

the present resident. A good deal of conversation passed

on this subject ; he did not, however, proffer any assistance,

nor did I think it necessary at this meeting to make any re-

quest about the cattle. He asked me how and when I proposed

returning ; I said it was impossible for me to say; he assured

me I might go in any direction I chose, by land or by water,

and remain as long as I pleased; he requested me to wait a

couple of days, when I should be introduced to the king,

for which honour I expressed my thanks; we took our leave

and returned home. The Praklang is a fat, good tempered old

gentleman, about sixty, he received us with nothing on but the

cloth round his loins, seated on a raised platform or square couch.

30 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 97.

His manners are said to be much changed since his first arrival

at his present dignity; he was then haughty and imperious,

he is now friendly and affable, a great favourite of Mr. Hunter’s

and all Kuropeans frequenting the port. In the evening Coon-sit,

the son of the Praklang, who is intimate with Mr. Hunter,

and whom he meets on terms of perfect equality, came in for an

hour to our residence ; he is a modest and unassuming man, of

considerable intelligence ; he writes English pretty well, un-

derstands nearly all that is said to him, and speaks a little.

He has considerable mechanical talent, and has just finished —

a ship on an English model of about 400 or 500 tons ; he is

by some said to be an eaves-dropper, and to take advantage

of his intimacy with Mr. Hunter to listen to and report to

his father any inadvertent remark made by Europeans.

Memoranda respecting the existence of Copper in the territory

of Luz, near Bela. By Captain DE ua Hosts, Assistant

Quarter Master General, S. R. F.

[Communicated to the Society from the Political Department, Government of India. ]

During the absence on sick leave from the Sinde Reserve

Force, Captain George Boyd, of the second Grenadiers, perform-

ed my duties, and having heard that antimony was procurable

near a place called Shah Bellawl, he sent one of the guides to

survey the road to that village, and make inquiries on the sub-

ject of antimony being found there.

On the return of the guide (second guide Esso Rama) he

brought with him specimens of /ead as well as of antimony,

both of which were sent by Captain Boyd to Dr. Hedde, Assay

Master in the Mint, Bombay. Having shortly after arrived and

assumed charge of my appointment, it became my duty to

extract the route from the guide’s field book, when on ques-

tioning him respecting the place to which he had been (Hoja

Samote) I found he had been informed, that in former days

copper, silver, and gold had been found in the mountains near

that village. | Considering the report worthy of being inquired

into, I sent for the brother of Navillull, named Sukkaramdass,

and asked him if he had ever heard any thing of the report ;

he informed me that he had, and that a banian of Kurrachee

1840.| Hxistence of Copper in the territory of Luz. ol

had been near the town. of Bela, and brought away specimens

of copper ore, which he melted and sold at Kurrachee, making

a considerable profit; but that the Jam of Bela had heard of,

and prohibited his returning, having punished those who gave

him the ore. I requested Sukkaramdass to bring the man to

me, or his son, if the man himself was dead, as I feared he

was. On the 4th December Sukkaramdass brought the son of

the man who had been to Bela, and his statement is as follows.

Twenty years ago, the informant, a banian named Kattoo,

and his father Phuth, having dealings at Sonmianee, were in-

formed that tamba (copper) was procurable from a mountain

near Bela, they accordingly went to within four coss of the

mountain, and got about three maunds of ore from some

Belochees and Baboonies there ; they melted this, and it yielded

nearly half a maund of excellent copper; they took avery small

specimen of this, and went to the brother of the Jam of Bela (Kes-

ser Khan) and offered to work the ore under his protection ;

he at first seemed inclined to listen to the proposal, but an

old man, named Neroo, of Shikarpore, said, that if he agreed

or caused his brother Ali to agree, he would lose the country ;

on which both Kesser Khan and the Jam Ali desired the inform-

ant and his father to go; and told them if ever they again

came there, they would be buried alive. They left Bela, and

brought with them the copper they had concealed, which they

sold at Kurrachee, making a good profit. The following ques-

tions were put by me to the banian.

Question. How did you go to Bela?

Answer. By Sonmianee.

Q. Is there any other road to it?

A. Yes, by Shah Billawl, and the Kunnaraj river.

Q. How far is the Kunnaraj river from the place where cop-

per is found ?

A. I believe about 20 coss, but do not really know, never

having been that road.

Q. Where did you get the ore (muttee or phatur) from which

you extracted the copper ?

A. From a hill 12 coss south-east of Bela; some Belochees

brought it to us.

32 Existence of Copper in the territory of Luz. {No. 97.

Q. Do the people work the ore ?

A. No; they are ignorant Mahomedans, and think of nothing

but their cattle and thieving.

Q. Is it known to many that the ore exists ?

A. I do not know; but believe it is; the Jam is aware of

it, and some of his people.

Q. Of what description was the copper you brought ?

A, Of the best, equal to that sold in the bazar, which is sheet

copper, and comes from Velété (Europe).

Q. What average does the ore yield ?

A. Some will yield 4, others 4 or 4, but the average is a

little less than 4.

Q. How did you extract it ?

A. We simply melted it with wood in a mud furnace, and

the copper ran off like a stream of gold.

. At what cost ?

. At that of the firewood, which is mere nothing.

. What is the value of copper here (Kurrachee) ?

. Sixty rupees for 80 Ibs. the best.

Do you know the value of 80 Ibs. of copper in Bombay ?

. I believe, about 42 rupees.

Where is it brought from ?

. It is sheet copper, brought from Velété (Kurope.)

. What would be the cost of bringing 60 lbs. of copper

from the place you had the specimen you speak of ?

A. 1 could, I think, bring 60 Ibs. of copper to Kurrachee, and

sell it with profit for 30, or 28. rupees less if worked on the spot.

Q. Are any other metals found where the copper is pro-

OKROROROAO

cured ?

A. I cannot say; we searched by stealth, and were afraid of

being discovered ; but it is said that silver is found in these

mountains.

Q. Did you ever hear of a black substance like charcoal,

which burns well, being found ?

A. No, I never did ; but I have told you, how much afraid of

being found out we were. |

Q. Could you shew me the hill from which you got the

copper ?

1840.| Ewistence of Copper in the territory of Luz. 30

A. Certainly, I saw it plainly, and could point it out to you.

Q. Is there much of the ore?

A, Yes, it is a mountain, and you could get any quantity.

Q. Are lead and antimony found there, (Shisa ? Soorma ?)

A, Yes, in abundance, the latter is exported.

From the foregoing information, it appears to me, that no

doubt can exist respecting the existence of copper inthe vicinity

of the Kunnaraj river, and Bela. |

Firstly, Because the guide heard such a report at the spot from

the people of the place.

Secondly, Because it was known to the native Sukkaramdass.

Thirdly, Because I have conversed with a person who declares

he has been there, and because it is well known to more than

one person, that he had procured copper and sold it at

Kurrachee.

This statement is clear and distinct, and I think at least

worthy of notice and inquiry, if not of implicit belief.

P.S. I have been promised specimens of the ore, and that it

shall be melted in my presence ; when brought it is my inten-

tion to weigh the ore, and ascertain what proportion of copper it

yields.

Memoir on the Climate, Soil, Produce, and Husbandry of Afghan-~

ustan and the neighbouring Countries.—By Lieut. (rwi.!

PART IV.

Husbandry and Cultivation.

165. It was originally my intention to have attempted a

treatise of considerable length on this subject, in which would

have been mentioned all the cultivated products, as far as ascer-

tained, of all the districts. ‘To this would have been added an

account of the operations of agriculture in some of the most in-

teresting and best known of them, with some details of the life

of the poor. Various reasons now withhold me from this attempt,

and among them the chief is the want of time to execute it with

1 Continued from p. 1015. vol. vii.

34 Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. [No. 97.

tolerable accuracy. I have in consequence greatly restricted the

plan. The matter which is here to follow, relates to two heads ;

Ist, Some particulars of the husbandry of these countries in

general; 2nd, A review of the districts ; in which an attempt

will be made to estimate, or enable the reader himself to

estimate, their present degree of cultivation, the supplies they

yield, their population, and the distinction of their in-

dustry ; this is, as it were, the summing up of all. It is

much to be regretted, that it is the most difficult, as well as

the most important of the subjects attempted, and that in which

the conclusions drawn, will the oftenest be found vague, unsa-

tisfactory, and erroneous ; nor could it be otherwise, if we advert

to the natural difficulties of the subject, when it is necessary

to proceed on report merely. The witnesses, though numerous

for the elucidating other subjects, were few for the elucidating of

this, which requires many concurring testimonies, and much

minuteness of testimony. The local and national vanity of

informants, not to mention individual prejudices and hasty

judgments, forbid our relying on their opinions as judicious

and impartial; could they be relied on, still there is much diffi-

culty in ascertaining the exact force of those comparative terms,

which in all cases must be used, for they assume a different

meaning according to the standard to which the mind of the

speaker has been accustomed.

Section I.—Of Husbandry.

166. Lands in these countries are divided into irrigated and

not irrigated, or in the local Persian abee and lulm; this last

term I have for brevity’s sake retained. Lulm is itself of vari-

ous kinds; that which most strictly deserves the name is com-

monest in Chuch and the plain of the Mundurs, where the

quality of the soil is excellent ; the fields are merely ploughed in

the ordinary way, and not divided into partitions, nor is any other

contrivance used either for the retaining the rain which may fall

on the surface, or for receiving any supplies from other quarters.

But in general, lulm lands have some advantage in this particular,

natural or artificial. In hilly countries the hollows which ne-

1840. | Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. 35

cessarily receive part of the rain falling on the neighbouring

heights are cultivated in preference; others are so situated

that it is easy to turn on them the water of nullahs, and

these are not reckoned irrigated, but lulm, (see paragraph 78).

In Toorkistan, certain lands are distinguished into a class as

receiving in the spring a great deal of thaw water. There

are other lands, which depend entirely on the rain which

may fall on their own surface, but have been provided with a

high bank of earth which surrounds them and retains the water ;

such may be seen at Oormul, a village about 9 miles south-east of

Peshawur ; they are every year under crop from one generation to

another. There is still another species of lulm quite distinct

in its nature from all the preceding, being land moist in

itself, without requiring for the success of the crops raised

on it rain or any other supply; such is in Cabul called za,

and in that, and similar climates, is commonly in the state

of natural meadow. In Hindoostan are considerable tracts of

it, being the low banks of rivers subject to be under water

for a great part of the rainy season, and large spaces lying

under the great northern mountains. In Mooltan, where it is

considered as the most valuable species of land, it is called sew

or seo, that is literally border, because it lies near the rivers.

167. Irrigated lands too, may be divided into species whose

differences it is important to note. Some lands are only imper-

fectly irrigated. The Kamojoe Kafirs turn the water of springs

upon their fields, but the supply is so defective, that summer

showers are anxiously looked for. In most cases, rain in

the accustomed season is welcome to the owner of even well

urigated lands, as saving him the trouble and expense of

watering. Irrigated lands may be divided into those which

depend on springs and natural streams; secondly, those which

depend on wells; thirdly, those which depend on kahrezas ;

fourthly, those depending on dams. The first kind con-

tains several species. In the vallies of mountainous coun-

tries, and in plains under mountains, it is easy to conduct the

water of streams from a higher level upon the fields, and

this constitutes the first species; but in open and champaign

countries the difference of level is seldom so considerable as

36 Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. [No. 97.

to admit of this, it is therefore necessary in watering from the

rivers or the canals which are drawn from them, to raise

the water by machinery. I have heard that on the bank of

the little river Turee, which runs near Jumboo, and afterwards

falls into the Chunab, there is a machine for raising water

out of it, which is turned by the current of the river itself.

But I believe no other instance is known, where instead of

the force of the water a living force is not employed; this

species therefore approaches to the second kind, or that of

wells. In Mooltan and Sindh, the most common mode of

watering is by what are called jhulars, which are half wells

cut out of the edge of the channel within which the canal

runs. Jhulars are used by the Daoodzyes and Mihmudzyes,

and are not unknown on the banks of the Oxus, in the do-

minions of Bokhara; but in the whole of Toorkistan, the only

mode of irrigation worth attention is the first species, or that

in which streams are turned upon the fields.

168. Wells may be divided into three kinds; the Ist is the

cutch well, which in Hindoostan they call Dhenkulee, or rather

that name is applied to the pole, which in this species is used. 2d,

The Persian wheel, called in Persian, Churkh-Chah ; and in Hin-

doostan, Ruhut or Hurt. 3rd The bucket well. The first species

is proper only when the depth to the water is very small. In

the Punjab it is sometimes used in irrigation. In Cabul and

KKushmeer it is employed only in wells whose water is drawn

for domestic purposes. The Persian wheel is proper for mo-

derate depths; it brings up the water by means of pots, in

a manner already described by travellers in Egypt, in which

country it is very common. I believe it to be found in Me-

sopotamia, and in certain quarters of Persia, but in large spaces

of that kingdom it is utterly unknown, neither is it known in

Khoorasan, and it is barely known in Bactria and the west of

Toorkistan. It is this wheel which is worked in the jhulars of

that country. There was once a Persian wheel in Cabul, but

now there is none west of Jellalabad. In Peshawur, Chuch,

and Sindh, it is the chief kind used ; it even extends into See-

weestan, but in that country streams are partly used in irri-

gation, and for drinking they have another kind of well, to be

1840. | Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. 37

mentioned. Towards the quarter of India, we may trace the

wheel through parts of Chuch, Jodhpoor, Oodpoor, and Goojrat

as far as Bombay; in the north it extends to Loodhiana, in the

upper part of our Dooab, but it is lost as the traveller proceeds

thence towards Delhi. There is only one east of the Ganges.

There is no doubt that it might be adopted with great advantage

in all our provinces, especially where the water is at a medium

depth below the surface ; but where it is beyond fifty feet,

the weight of the pots is so great that the use of it will be

no longer economical; and instead, ought to be substituted the

bucket well, which is the third species enumerated. It has some

varieties, which need not here be adverted to, as only one is

well known in these countries. The bucket is of leather, and

is raised by a single rope which passes over a pulley, and is

drawn by cattle; this is the commonest well in Toorkistan

and Khoorasan, where however it is not used in irrigation

but only for the supply of water for men and cattle. The

pasturing tribes in the west of Toorkistan and north-west of

Khoorasan carry buckets with them, with which they draw

water. In India this species of wells is on the whole the

commonest ; in the desert and the arid tracts lying east of it,

the water is at too great a depth in the soil to admit of

any other.

169. The third species of irrigation is still more expen-

sive and operose. It is that by kahrezas, or aqueducts, by which

the water of a hill or rising ground is brought out at its foot in

a rivulet, to be disposed of at the pleasure of the farmer.

A kahrez is usually made in the following manner :—A well is

dug at the spot where it is intended the water shall issue ;

above it, in the acclivity, is dug another at the distance of from

- five to twenty yards, according to circumstances and the custom

of the place. It is said great skill is required to judge what

hills will yield a copious rivulet and in what line it is most ad-

visable to conduct the kahrez. The wells are continued at dis-

tances generally equal, until the owner thinks the quantity of

water will be sufficient, or until the depth of the wells (which

however does not increase at the same rate as the height of their

summits in the acclivity) becomes so great that the expense ex-

38 Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. [No. 97.

ceeds the advantage. In Ghaeen, Toorshish, and some other parts

of Khoorasan, the highest wells are sometimes 70 yards deep,

but in countries better supplied with water, they are much

shallower. All the wells are connected below by means of

an aqueduct through which water flows to the foot of the hill.

Kahrezas are known in almost all parts of Persia and Khoorasan,

in the west and middle of Bulochistan, in the country of the

Tureens and Bulochees, in the table land of Ghuznee, and

even Cabul, but they are not to be found east of that dis-

trict. There is at present not one in repair in the whole

of Toorkistan, but in the last generation a considerable num-

ber were dug by Koobad Khan Undijanee, lord of Koonduz,

with a view to the cultivation of hilly wastes called the Dushti

Jubulda, but they are now gone to ruin. Very good kahrezas

will turn a small mill of the country. The most famous

is that in the neighbourhood of Ghuznee, ascribed to Sultan

Mahmood. Including its branches it is asserted to be 12 koss,

but this is probably an exaggeration. Many kahrezas are

two miles long, and in some quarters a great one will cost

20,000 rupees. Such works do great honour to those nations,

and are one proof out of many of their industrious dispositions.

170. Wells are proper in level champaign countries and

plains, in which water is found throughout at a moderate depth ;

natural rills are chiefly useful within hills of considerable height,

or at their foot. Kahrezas are natural to a country when the

hills are low and unconnected, and consequently send out no

constant streams; but when there are found vallies among

such hills, which in the seasons of rain receive the water of

the neighbourhood, but are dry during the remainder of the year,

it may become advisable to retain that water (to be used

when in future most advantageous) by extending a dam across

the valley in a convenient situation ; these are the dams most

common, and which peculiarly deserve that name. The water of

a feeble stream is sometimes dammed up for future use; and

dams are often required in drawing a canal from a river, or

diverting the channel of a constant stream; but such fall under

the first species of irrigation. Rain water dams are common in

the Soolemanee hills, and in some quarters of Seeweestan. There

gt ae

1840. | Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. 39

are ruins of very magnificent dams within the Paraparnisan

mountains. Somewhat similar to dams, are tanks, very much used

in irrigation in some quarters of India, but very little in any

of those countries, and in most of them not at all. The method

of scooping water is probably unknown beyond the provinces

which border on India.

171. India has two harvests in the year, the products of

which are for the most part distinct, but not always. The rudbdee,

sown in autumn and the beginning of winter, is cut in the spring,

and consists chiefly of wheat, barley, chunna, musoor, peas,

and beans, most of which are raised in cold climates also. The

khureef, sown during the rains, or immediately before them, is

reaped in the autumn, which is the harvest time of the higher

latitudes; but the khureef products are seldom capable of

being cultivated to advantage in them, being rice, maize, jooaree,

bajra, moth, moong, oord, murhwa or baggy, and some others.

These two harvests thus distinguished, extend as far as Jellalabad

and Lughman, and generally to the cold climates; but these

last, and also the warmer ones beyond them, are com-

monly said to have the rubbee only; this is strictly true

of the very coldest,—such as the Tibets, the greater part of the

Huzara country, the upper parts of Budukhshan, and some

others ; but with respect to the more temperate, some cir-

cumstances may be stated in modification of it. It is of little

importance what phraseology we adopt, provided the facts be

kept in mind.

172. Even in Cabul many products of the khureef are

actually raised, and probably all might be raised. In the whole

of the west of Toorkistan beyond the Oxus, and of Bactria,

_jooaree is one of the greatest crops in the country, and does not

fall short of the Indian either in quantity or quality of produce.

We may trace it into the country of the Kuzzaks and Kirghizes.

Maize grows in all but the coldest countries, as well as in

India, except that there it is sooner ripe. It has been but lately

introduced into Cabul, Candahar, and most other of the neigh-

bouring countries. In those quarters it is raised not to be

ground into flour, but be eaten whole after being roasted. Mash,

which includes oord and moong, is acommon produce in Toorkis-

40 Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. [No. 97.

tan, parts of Khoorasan and Afghanistan. Rice is the chief

corn of Kushmeer, and is raised in all but the coldest countries,

provided there be a sufficient supply of water; it seems how-

ever to degenerate in quality in such countries. In the warmer

parts of Khoorasan, were there but summer rains as in India,

the khureef might be expected to be equivalent to the rub-

bee. Not only can we trace some of the products of the

khureef into the moderately cold climates, but we may mark

two harvests tolerably distinct in their seed times and their

products. This may be exemplified by a sketch of husbandry

of the valley of Cabul. The great seed time is the autumn,

in which are reaped wheat, barley, musoor, and peas; these

are reaped chiefly in the month of June, having lain under

the snow during winter and been protected by it. All of

them are sometimes sown in the spring, and this practice

is far commoner in Budukhshan and many other quarters,

but the spring-sown are cut nearly at the same time with

the autumn-sown. To this harvest belongs chunna, which

is very rarely sown in the autumn, but beans are sown about the

end of May and reaped in the end of September; the autumn-

sown products, together with chunna, may be said to form the

rubbee of Cabul, which is by far its greatest crop. There remains

however some considerable products which have different harvests.

Besides beans, which in India belong to the rubbee, we may

mention the two grains there called cheena and kungunee,

in Persian urzun and gal. In India they are scarcely considered

as belonging to any season, for by the help of water they may be

raised equally well in all. The cheena however is more common-

ly cultivated in the rubbee, or rather after it, and the kungunee

in the khureef. In Cabul they are raised sometimes for fodder

and sometimes for their grain. In the latter case they are sown

in the beginning of May and reaped in August. Maize and mash

are sown a few days later, and reaped in September. Rice,

a far more important product than maize, is sown in May

and June, and reaped the end of August and September.

173. It is even practicable in this valley, by good manage-

ment, to gather two crops within the year off the same ground.

In India the farmer usually contents himself with one crop in

1840. | Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. 4]

the year, and the rubbee and khureef lands are distinct. In

Cabul there is a similar distinction between spring lands

and autumn (buharee and teeramahee). A good farmer ploughs

his spring lands in autumn, and gives them a red winter

fallow; and his autumn lands in spring, giving them a red

summer fallow; but where plenty of manure is to be _ had,

he both gives more to his fields and exacts more from them.

After cutting his wheat, barley, and other rubbee products,

but especially after barley, he ploughs and sows other things

which come to their perfection in the autumn. Kungunee and

cheena intended to ripen, can scarcely, in Cabul, be raised

after wheat, but may be raised after barley, which is about

twenty days sooner. In Bulkh considerable quantities of these

grains are raised after barley, and sometimes after wheat, for

the harvest there is earlier. In Cabul they may be cultivated for

fodder even after wheat. The kungunee, when its ear is forming,

is eaten down by sheep or other animals ; the cheena is reaped in

the same state and given to stack. In Bulkh they sometimes

raise maize, mash, melons, and garden vegetables and greens,

after wheat and barley; but chiefly in Cabul, certain only of

| these can be raised to advantage in this manner, for the land

is there scarcer than in Bulkh, and the farmer studies to

_ draw the utmost from it ; the lateness of the harvest and coldness

_ of the autumn often defeat his intention.

_ 174. The grains and garden vegetables just mentioned are,

| in general, the same which are cultivated in England—carrots,

) turnips, radishes, cabbages, lettuce, cauliflower, onions, garlic,

_ &c.; to these are added some from India. The mothee of India

| gives but little produce in Cabul. The shukurkund, or sweet

_ potatoe, is not known even in Peshawur. Most garden vegetables

are cultivated in spring ground, some in ground lately under

rubbee. Melons are commonly raised in spring land. In Bulkh

it is customary after cutting barley, to plough, manure, and sow

a mixture of mash, musk melons, and water melons, which all

ripen in the autumn. In Candahar there is no difficulty in raising

the paliz (for that is the name given to a crop of melons or

cucumbers) after the rubbee. Great quantities of manure and

water must be given to the paliz. In certain places in the

42 Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. _|No. 97.

east of Bactria, however, it is lulm raised. Next to their fruits,

the natives dwell on the excellence of their paliz, and it forms

no inconsiderable object of attention to the farmer; it is

most abundant in the neighbourhood of cities ; in very re-

mote and rustic parts it is unknown, but they are few. Few

things that are cultivated, derive their qualities so much from

the soil as from some unknown circumstances. Futehabad,

on the road between Jellalabad and Cabul, is famous for the

excellence of its water melons; near this place Shujaool Moolk

was defeated in June 1809. All the products which have

been mentioned, including paliz, are, in Khoorasan, included

under the name subzbur, except wheat and barley, which are

called sufedbur. In Toorkistan, the terms kupood, burgee, and —

sufedburger are substituted. The distinction is recognized in —

the revenue system, and the rules of collection from each

are sometimes different.

175. The boast of the natives is their fruits. Those of —

Cabul are acknowledged to be good, even by the Persians,

whose country is celebrated for its fruit, and who are gene-

rally loth to commend any other. The Cabulees probably —

lavish too high praises on their fruits. Their pears at least —

are but ordinary ;. their apples are inferior to those of Kush-

meer, and even they, when brought to India, are not so good

as the English or American. It is but just to observe, that the —

most delicate and luscious varieties of the fruits are not capable —

of being preserved for exportation, and a foreigner cannot —

judge of their merits, without visiting the place. The following —

are the chief fruits of Cabul—the apple, pear, plumb, cherry, —

peach, apricot, quince, mulberry, pomegranate, almond, walnut, —

and grape. The fruit called Allo Bokhara, is not here raised ; it is

quite unknown at Bokhara. The greatest quantities are raised —

in the district of Ghuznee, whence it is exported, but some —

are produced in particular places of Khoorasan. The mulberry —

has been already mentioned, and appears to be a most important —

object of culture in certain parts of the country; the walnut is —

cultivated in the neighbourhood of Cabul, but on the whole, it —

ranks rather as an uncultivated, than a cultivated product. In the —

valley the season of fruit begins about the time that the —

1840. | Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. 43

barley is reaping. The earliest species are certain kinds of

mulberry, the plumb, and a kind of apple called Jaurisigurma.

The latest fruit are certain kinds of apple, which ripen in

the end of September and beginning of October. The apricot

is very abundant in Ghorbund. ‘The grapes of Cabul are much

celebrated, and comprehend many varieties and degrees of esti-

mation ; the earliest are ripe in the last days of August. The

fruit gardens of Cabul on the whole, occupy a considerable part

of the valley, and furnish one of the greatest exports of the

country. In Khoorasan the fruit is good, but it does not form

a prominent object of culture. The pomegranates of Canda-

har are large and good; some are exported. The natives of 'Toor-

kistan boast of the goodness of their fruits, and probably with

justice, but little reaches India. The quince of Peshawur is

said to excel all others. The place produces no other fruit of

remarkable goodness.

176. Hay is known in most of these countries, but not

in all places of them. We have already seen that most of

the pastoral nations trust the subsistence of their stock during

the winter to the withered grass still remaining in the pasturing

grounds, even though it have been buried to a considerable

depth under snow. I have already mentioned the custom of

the Hazard Ymaks, and others, of reaping the natural grass

of their pastures, to serve as fodder during the winter. With

respect to the provinces towards India, and formerly part of

it, their customs, in this respect, are the same as those of that

country. No natural grass is reaped for hay; the only ex-

ception I am acquainted with in the whole of those wide

countries, is the custom in the countries east of the great

Indian desert of cutting grass at the end of the rains. A

provision of grass is reckoned necessary to enable a town to

stand a siege. The cultivation of artificial grasses is (I believe)

quite unknown in India, but it is very common to sow certain

of the khureef products, such as jooaree and moth, with a view

to cut them before ripening for the stock. When so intended,

they are always sown thicker than usual, and called churee ;

part is given green, but more is reserved to be dry food

during the cold season. The same custom prevails in Cabul

44 Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afyhanistan. [No. 97.

with respect to cheena and kungunee, as already mentioned,

(see paragraph 172); but what corresponds to our clover and

hay is the rishka and shufteer. These plants are found in

a wild state in many parts of these countries, as has already been

mentioned (see paragraph 124). The shufteer is an annual, or

at least is cultivated for only one year from the same seed ;

it is generally sown in the autumn. The first reaping is, in

Cabul, about the 30th of April, and it may be cut again twice

or thrice during the course of the summer and autumn. It

is little cultivated in Khoorasan. In the district of Hirat, it is

sometimes ploughed in, without having been once cut, to serve as

a preparation for rice. It is scarcely cultivated in Toorkistan,

where it is very commonly wild. Rishka seems to be a much su-

perior plant. It is represented as a perennial, and is in fact

allowed to remain on the ground ten years, sometimes fifteen.

It is cultivated in Cabul and all the countries west of it, but

both rishka and shufteer are unknown in Peshawur; they re-

quire much watering. Rishka is generally sown in the spring.

177. A custom little known in India is, that of cutting what

are called khuseels. By this is meant the cutting out the

leaves of wheat or barley, before the stalk has risen, to be given

to horses or cattle. . In Peshawur it is thought that barley may

be thus cut twice, or even thrice, with little or no injury to it ;

but wheat is more delicate in this respect, and many condemn

the cutting even one khuseel of it. In Cabul no khuseels are

cut, and perhaps the custom is pernicious in that climate. It is

very common to eat down by cattle, the young leaves of the

wheat and barley in the autumn or beginning of winter. In the

Kuchhee of Mohummud Khan, both customs prevail, and the

cutting of khuseel is common in most parts of the Sikh country.

When a crop is likely, in the Punjab or Peshawur, to turn out

an indifferent one, or when danger is apprehended from military

violence, the farmer sometimes thinks it advisable to cut it

down, even when the ear is formed, as a khuseel, and instead

of it to sow some other product. Khuseels, in the sense first ex-

plained, are cut in all provinces of Persia; they are thought to

be a good food for animals.

178. The rubbee of India and of the warm provinces of the

1840. | Lieut. Irwin's Memoir of Afghanistan. 45

Afghan monarchy as far as the hills to the west, is almost

invariably autumn-sown. In our upper provinces, the month

of October is the best month for sowing, and that in which most

is sown. Moderate rain before sowing, or in lieu of it, one

watering, is favourable to the future crops, but not reckoned

indispensable. In the neighbourhood of Peshawur, the owners

of lands capable of irrigation never fail to give one water before

sowing wheat or barley. This is called in the local dialect

tleap, and is not considered as included in the number of waters

commonly said to be given to these crops. Beyond Jellalabad

there is not the same uniformity of practice with respect to

seed time as formerly observed ; all the products of the rubbee

are, in Cabul, occasionally sown in the spring, and cheena is

always so treated. In Ghobund the whole of the barley is

spring. In the district of Ghuznee there is on the whole more

spring corn than winter. In Budukshan the barley is generally

spring, as well as a part of the wheat. In the whole of Toorkis-

tan and the greater part of Khoorasan, the whole of the cheena

is spring. In Candahar it is true most of it is winter, and

spring corn is but little known in that district; but in the

country of the Hazaras, except the most temperate parts, all the

crops are spring; the same is true of the most lofty parts of

Budukhsan, Durwaz, Keerategin and Wukheeha, the Pamer, a

considerable part at least of Kashkar, and all the Tibets. From

the last, the custom has spread to Kushmeer, but the rubbee

there is inconsiderable. It will be found in most cases true, that

the greater the cold of the place, the less of winter crops ; ano-

ther rule usually ‘holds, that where the lands are irrigated,

there is more winter corn, and vice versa. The chief reason as-

signed is, that lulm crops sown in the autumn are subject to

be hurt by the frost ; but the owner of irrigated lands can pro-

tect his young crops from its rigour, by watering them. This

water is therefore called yukhab, in Persian. In Keerategin

alone, the rule is reversed under peculiar circumstances.

179. In our upper provinces, the harvest of wheat and barley

is in March and April. It is observed that the south-east is

earlier than the north-west; but the difference is not consider-

able. The rule however holds good in our further progress to

46 Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. [N é 97.

Peshawur, and between the harvest of that place and of Delhi

there is at least one month. On the 20th May, there was wheat

still uncut in the valley of Peshawur; Bajour, Koonur, Jellala-

bad and Lughman are somewhat later. It is a common saying

in the country, that the rubbee comes from the east (that is,

begins soonest in that quarter) and the khureef from the west.

The latter fact it is not difficult to explain, for the khureef

here meant, is the Huramee khureef (so called in the country)

which is sown in the end of May, or earlier, and is artificially

watered. The causes of the former fact deserve our attention.

They seem to be the following. Ist, As we proceed north-west,

the heat of climate declines, and crops ripen a little more

tardily. 2nd, To the west the periodical summer rains be-

come later and later, and hence the seed time, and as depending

upon it the harvest of the khureef, is retarded, which has a

natural tendency to retard the seed time and harvest of the

rubbee. 3rd, A great proportion of the rubbee is sown on

low lands (see paragaph 166). ‘The consequence is, that the

seed time must be deferred until these lands become capable

of tillage, by losing a portion of the moisture they have gained

during the flood of the rivers and the periodical rains. In

the second place, crops sown on such lands are later in ripening

than the crops of higher lands.

180. All parts of the valley of Cabul are not of the same

temperature, and in the ripening of crops on soil and exposure,

June on the whole is the harvest month. Ghuznee is some

days later than Cabul, and the Hazara country considerably

later than Ghuznee. In Seatsung of the’ Hazaras the har-

vest is in October, and snow sometimes falls before it is gathered.

Candahar is a little later than Peshawur. Bokhara seems equal

with Cabul, and the harvest of other places may be calculated

with tolerable exactness, from the temperature. The Pamer

however is very early. The Kirghizes during their visits to it in

the summer, cultivate some wheat, barley, and cheena. There

wheat though later sown than the little spring wheat sown in

the dominions of Bokhara, is sooner ready. We may here notice

a curious circumstance with respect to the corn of the highest

countries. The wheat of Tibet, the Pamer, and the Hazaras, is

1840. | Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghamstan. 47

bearded like that of India, but the barley (especially of Tibet)

is unbearded. Not less singular is that species of barley well

known in Persia, in Mushhud, Goonabad and some other parts of

Persian Khoorasan, under the name of jouitoorshee. That part

which is intended for seed is given to horses, with such pre-

cautions as prevent its being triturated, and thus losing its

vegetative power in the body of the animal; when afterwards

sown in the spring it comes to perfection in sixty days.

181. The scythe is unknown, and crops are reaped by the

sickle. Wheat and barley are, in Toorkistan and most other

quarters, separated from their straw on the field. In Cabul

the straw is reckoned equal in value to the grain, and to prevent

its dissipation, most farmers carry the crop after reaping and

drying to the farmstead and there separate them. In these

countries, as in India, the rubbee crops are trod out by animals,

not thrashed ; to these there are few exceptions. In Kushmeer

the labour of men is cheap, and there all crops are separated

from their straw by being beaten with sticks. I recollect to

have heard of the flail being somewhere used. The methods

of preserving corn are various. In Toorkistan the most com-

mon practice is to lodge it in guts, which locally they call wells,

but in Tashkund Week-kheeha, and Keerategin, kundoos are

commoner. These are well known in Hindustan, and are made

above ground of mud and straw. In such are lodged a great

part of the grain of Cabul, Ghuznee, and Khoorasan, but in

cities, granaries belonging to individuals are upon a much greater

scale. Many of the Dooranees have considerable stores of former

years lodged in their houses. This resource secures that country

from even the chance of a famine; and famines are rare in any

part of the countries in question; the most common cause is

_ the devastations of locusts.

SEcTION II.—A Review of the Districts.

182. In the following review of the districts, I shall alto-

gether omit some considerable spaces of country which have

been mentioned under preceding subjects. The late embassy

in Sindh must have procured information respecting the Tal-

48 Lieut. Irwin’?s Memoir of Afghanistan. [ No. 97.

pooree dominions, much preferable to any I can offer. During

our inquiries we have always experienced great difficulties

in gaining just and consistent accounts of Bulochistan, and

I have learnt that government have lately received some

information respecting that country ; on both accounts I intend

passing most of it in silence. To the south we begin with

Keharapoor, and the line between it and the neighbourhood of

Candahar. In my opinion there is no other line with which it so

much behoves us to be well acquainted, and I therefore feel the

greater regret, that the information yet obtained regarding it is so

unsatisfactory. The country immediately north of it, constituting

the southern part of Afghanistan, is still more obscure, and there

are certain places, the routes between which we have never been

able to obtain. In the account of Candahar, something will

be said of the Doorranee country and Seestan. With respect to

Persian Khoorasan, it will also be mentioned, though very

briefly. We have to regret that our information is often the

most scanty concerning those countries whose position and

other circumstances render them most interesting in a public

view. To the north I shall omit the Punjab as far as the

river Hydaspes, as being little different from many provinces

of India, and because of information already obtained of it.

Four Tuppas of Cabul.

183. The rubbee is the greatest crop, and according to our

way of speaking, the only one (see paragraphs 171—3.) Wheat

is the chief product, and after it barley. The poorest classes

consume a considerable proportion of barley and peas in their

food. There are none so poor, but that they occasionally in-

dulge in animal food, and the rich in a great measure subsist

on it. Corn is imported even from the environs of Ghuznee.

Rice is brought from upper Bungush, Jellalabad, Lughman,

and even Koomer; in a dear year, corn is sometimes brought

from Bamean in small quantities; on the whole however the

quantity of corn annually imported into the valley does not

bear a great proportion to that produced in it, and provisions

are seldom dear. The chief supply of ghee is from Bamean,

the Hazara country, and the Ghigies, who pasture their flocks

1840. | Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. 49

in the southern parts of the valley and its skirts; some is

brought from the extremities of the Hazara country. From

-Toorkistan are brought sheep, but seldom either ghee or lambs.

From the Hazara country come considerable numbers of

sheep. In the spring, lambs are had from the Ghiljies. Horses

and ponies are imported from Toorkistan, but some are fed

up in the valley. The people drink from streams, but those of

the city in part use wells. Fuel is brought to the city chiefly from

the south ; the chief supply of timber is from the mountain Kul-

kucha, three days to the east of Cabul. In the valley itself there

is a good deal of cultivated wood, being that of fruit trees, willows,

and sycamores. In Kohistan there is abundance of natural

timber, but it is not required. The orchards of this valley,

which are very numerous, are chiefly in the Kohdamun, and in it

the valley of Irtalif is much celebrated for the excellence and

_ profusion of its fruits, and also for its picturesque beauties ; still

the most interesting object to the people is tillage. The chief

_ pasturage is in Logur and the south, as also towards Ghorbund.

The Tuppa of Bootkehak is that in which agriculture is most

| pursued. In the whole valley the watered lands much exceed

| the unwatered, but in the southern skirts there are some small

| spaces in which the reverse is true. Fodder is scarce and dear in

Cabul, and most parts of the valley ; artificial grasses constitute

_a considerable part of it in those quarters where pasturage

is much pursued. A part of the population live under tents,

in summer but otherwise houses are used, and the most com-

mon kind is the flat, roofed» In Cabul, which is a close built

town, house rent and ground rent are very dear. The chief live

stock is in cows, except where pasturage is followed, and

there sheep are a more important object. A considerable trade

is carried on by the Cabulese, especially with Toorkistan and

Hindoostan ; the late distractions have thrown obstacles in

the way of trade, but otherwise little affected the prosperity

of this city and district. The population of the city may be

zuessed at 60,000 souls ; the villages are various sized, and on an

average may contain 150 families; they are not fortified, but in-

variably contain small castles or private forts, of very contempti-

dle strength. There are few wastes or spaces ill supplied with

50 Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. [No. 97.

water in this district ; such as do exist are towards the southern

and north-western limits. With respect to carriage, bullocks

are chiefly used within the valley; those who trade to Koora-

san employ a majority of camels; goods taken into the Hazara

country are carried on mules and ponies; the Ghiljies who

trade to Toorkistan by the road of Bameean use camels. In

the trade to the eastward, including all quarters, equal use

is probably made of camels on the one hand, and mules and

ponies on the other.

Ghorbund.

184. This is but a small district, and on the borders are

large tracts which are merely pastured; but except the waste

called Regrawan (see paragraph 99) there is no considerable

space where the water of springs or streams is not to be had.

A great part of the district is hilly, and though the hills be —

often of a tame character, some of them yield pine. The houses

of the district are flat-roofed. In the summer a part of the

population live under black tents. The pasturage is very im-

portant, but still the chief subsistence of the people is from

agriculture. There are very numerous orchards, and the chief

fruits are apricots, almonds, and grapes. Raisins are brought

from Ghorbund to Hindoostan. The chief cultivation is along

the stream of Ghorbund, and of course the proportion of lulm is

very inconsiderable. The chief product is wheat, and after it

rice, notwithstanding the coldness of the climate; after rice

is barley, which is chiefly spring sown; there is little palez

or maize, nor are pease much raised. Wheat, sheep, the ghee

of milk, and that of doomba fat, are exported to Cabul, and |

of course provisions are cheap. The people, who are not very —

numerous, live much at their ease, and the climate is healthy. The —

Kheshkees, a small tribe of Afghans who reside here, carry on —

some trade between Cabul and Toorkistan. Grass in the summer

is very abundant. Some rishka is also cultivated for the wants —

of winter. The chief live stock is sheep, but their cows are —

in a considerable proportion. The pasturing people breed some —

horses, chiefly of a small size. Within the district the chief —

carriage is probably on ponies. For fuel they burn shrubs and —

1840. | Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanstan. ol

sometimes the branches of trees, and they drink the water

of streams and springs. The chief village of the district, which

is called Ufzul Khan, may have 200 houses, all the others are

much smaller.

Kohistan of Cabul.

185. The term Kohistan, when used by the Cabulese es-

pecially, is seldomer applicable to a hilly country in general

than to that mountainous space which lies north of the valley

of Cabul; every valley in it has its stream, and there are many

springs among the mountains; timber too is plentiful, and

in the summer, grass. The inhabitants chiefly subsist on mul-

berries, and after them perhaps their grain and their live stock

are of equal importance. 1 know not that any of the tame

animals can be said to be the favourite stock. Of grain, wheat

is most cultivated, and after it kungunee and barley. Some

grain is imported, especially from the Kohdamun, and the re-

turns are made in cheese, which is here very good, and cotton, a

product we would not have expected in a country so cold. On

the whole, however, there is but little trade internal or external,

and the people live much to themselves. The country is

strong, and at times refuses revenue. The people live in flat-

roofed houses, and those who attend the live stock to the

mountains in summer do not use tents. The villages are small

but numerous; and though the surface under the plough be

little, the population is not inconsiderable. Wheat and barley,

with very few exceptions, are autumn-sown and watered.

Jellalabad.

186. This district is very diversified, and many of the fol-

lowing observations are not true when applied to certain parts

of it. It may be said to begin in the eastern quarters, near

Umburkhara, in the vicinity of the Markoh or Bedoulut, to ex-

tend west to Nimla Kuja, a town of the Khogeeanus, a tribe of

Afghans, is. within the revenue division, and being situated

nearly on the crown of the range of 34°, which is here

moderately high, is a cold place. The other towns and villages,

with but few exceptions, are in a warm climate, and there are

52 Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. (No. 97.

two crops in the year, as there are in Kuja also. The chief

subsistence of the people is from tillage, but they have con-

siderable herds of cows and buffaloes.

It may be observed, however, that in these countries

the keeping of both these animals depends, or is supposed to

depend, on agriculture. In the winter great flocks of sheep

pasture in certain parts, but they do not belong to the in-

habitants of this country, but to the Ghiljies to the west. The

khureef is the greater crop, and in it, rice; but the quantity

of maize is also considerable. The wheat, barley, and maize are

nearly equal. A part of the wheat and barley are raised lulm,

and some is spring sown; all the khureef is irrigated expect

it be some jooaree, which is raised for green food; that

plant is not cultivated for its grain in any of the districts north

of the range of 34°, and bajra is not to be seen. In Jellalabad

the quantity of chuna is very small. For watering their lands

they use living streams, and in certain parts rills from springs.

There are no kahrezas, or dams, but in some quarters khwurs

are turned to account. Wheat is imported from Bajour into

the town of Jellalabad, which may contain 10 or 12,000 in-

habitants. To Cabul is exported sugar and cotton, some apricots

and pomegranates; the pomegranates of Kuja are much esteem-

ed. Cabul returns chiefly dried fruits. Jellalabad lying on the

road from the east to the west, certain of the inhabitants of its

villages subsist by the hire of mules and other animals; and

the supplying of provisions to travellers of all descriptions is

an important object. Fodder is in general but moderately

plentiful. For fuel they burn dung, shrubs, and those along

the river, drift wood. The chief supply of timber is from the

white mountain, and others connected with it. The houses

are flat-roofed. In the villages they drink from streams or

springs. In the town there are also some draw wells. There

is little fruit compared with the countries to the west; and if

we subtract the transit. trade, the district carries on but little

traffic. The inhabitants are few who use tents in any season of

the year. Their villages are small, and there are consider-

able tracts, both hill and plain, without cultivation, and some of

these without water. Bullocks are the chief carriage within

1840. | Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. ad

the district, and in its intercourse with others, perhaps mules are

most used.

Gundumuk—Ishpan—K hingul—Tugao, &c.

187. By means of these names it is intended to designate

that space of country which lies between Cabul and Kohistan

to the west, and Jellalabad and Lughman to the east, being

itself bounded to the north and south by two great ranges of

mountains or their branches. It is very diversified, and its

importance is not sufficient to justify the lengthened details

requisite for fully explaining the nature of its various parts.

A very great part of it, or its borders, is uncultivated pasture,

chiefly hilly; there are few considerable spaces destitute of

water. The villages are generally small, but there are some

large ones. The population of a given surface is greatest

in Tugao; Khingul and Tugao belong to the Safees, a tribe

of Afghans formerly more numerous than now, and lie to the

north. South of them, in the present tract, are Ghiljies and

some Khogeeanus. With the exception of Tugao, the khureef

is the greater crop in this tract, and of it, rice and mash; and

quantities of these are exported to Cabul. The rubbee har-

vest being here earlier than in Cabul, a portion of the crop is

sold in that city to great advantage immediately before the

harvest commences in the valley. With respect to the fixed

inhabitants, agriculture is more important to them than pas-

turage, and cows are their chief live stock; but as the wan-

dering Ghiljies from the west pasture their flocks here during

a part of the year, it is a matter of doubt whether the district

is to be called an agricultural or pastoral one. The numerous

flocks of the Ghiljies consuming the grass, fodder bears a

considerable price, especially in the cold part of the year; but

in Tugao it is cheap. The natives live in houses which are flat-

roofed, and timber is easily procurable in most situations, as

is fuel from shrubs or branches of trees; and they drink from

the numerous springs and streams. Provisions are cheap, but it

is to be remembered that the population is small. Some sheep

are bought from the Ghiljies. Besides provisions some pome-

granates and other fruits are sent to Cabul before they come in

54 Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. [No. 97.

season there, and this district is distinguished by making a

little silk. The crops are irrigated with few exceptions, and

the quantity of rubbee, which is spring-sown, is but little.

Within the district bullocks are the chief carriage. The cli-

mate is different in various places, but on an average is a tem-

perate one.

Lughman.

188. Nature has divided Lughman into two districts,—the

hilly, inhabited by Ghiljies, and the plain, inhabited by Lugh-

manees, a race of Indian descent. In both however there is

abundance of water, timber, and fuel. The houses are flat-roof-

ed, and the people drink from streams, or in the hilly tract from

springs. Among the hills, black tents are used by some of

the shepherds in summer. The temperature is much milder

than in the Kohistan of Cabul; the country does not appear

to be strong. The term Kohistan without the addition of

any other to explain it, is not applicable to the hilly part

of Lughman. Both there and in the plain the khureef is

the chief crop, and rice the chief product. Among the hills

maize is the next important to rice, but very little is

raised in the plain, where, in its stead are raised sugar and

cotton. In either quarter the quantity of wheat is but little,

and barley is scarcely raised at all, rice straw being the

chief food of the horses. Their horses are not numerous,

and they have no camels. Within the district the chief car-

riage is by bullocks; among the hills the chief stock is per-

haps goats, and after them cows, but in the plains the chief

stock is buffaloes. Almost all the lands are watered, and chiefly

_ from streams; the climate of the plains is accordingly moist,

and agues common. The little rubbee raised is almost in-

variably autumn-sown. The cultivation and population are consi-

derable. ‘To the west however is an extensive waste, being

a plain with small hills, and yielding little water ; it is called the

plain or desert of Shytan-goom. There are some large villages

which may have 800 houses, but in general they are small. —

There is little fruit, and the chief trade is in rude produce.

Wheat is imported from Bajour; ghee and sheep are brought

— 1840.) Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanstan. 58

from the Ghiljies during their annual visits to the low coun-

try, when some of them pasture on the skirts of this country, and

others pass through it. Sugar, cotton, and rice are exported to

Cabul.

Koonur.

189. Koonur is an agricultural country, though there are

certain dependencies of it to the north-west which are perhaps

pastural, but they are of little account. The chief crop is the

khureef, and the chief produce rice, part of which they export

to Cabul, the country of the Upper Mihmunds, which lies east

and south, and some other quarters. The population is con-

siderable along the banks of the river. The capital, which is

called Pushut, is equal to Jellalabad, and there are some large

villages; but generally speaking the villages are not so large

as in the plain of Peshawur. Into Pushut they import some

wheat from Bajour. Ghee is brought from Deogul, and other

hilly dependencies to the west of the river; sheep and goats

from Bajour; but provisions in general are sufficiently cheap.

In the valley cows are the chief stock, and after them

buffaloes ; the chief carriage is by asses. Fuel, fodder, and

water are plentiful, and timber is procured in abundance from

the west side of the river. There is also some pine in that

part of the Upper Mihmund country which borders on Koonur,

and in which the Syyaed of Koonur has influence. The people

live in flat-roofed houses, and never use tents. Their fields

are almost all irrigated, and their wheat and their barley, which

are not great crops, are autumn-sown. The wood of the olive is

much burned.

Bajour.

190. This also is an agricultural country, and cows the most

important live stock ; yet the pasturage, and number of sheep

and goats is considerable. There are no black tents used;

in many cases however the shepherds pass the summer under

what are called koodies, which are made of mats supported

by wood. These are erected at what the Afghans call bandas,

which are pasturing stations remote from the village, and at them

56 Lieut. Irwin’?s Memoir of Afghanistan. — [{No. 97.

is sometimes a few acres of cultivated ground, but no inhabitants

in winter. This however is not the only meaning of the term.

The fields of this country are generally lulm, though the quantity

of irrigated is still considerable; part of the lulm has the advantage

of water from khwurs. Wheat is a chief product, and in ordinary

years more than a maund and a half of Delhi may be had for

a rupee, and the exportation is considerable. The northern part

however does little more than supply itself. It does not appear

that any sort of provisions is imported into the country. The

quantity of sugar raised is very small, and that article is import-

ed chiefly from Jellalabad in return for wheat. Fuel, timber,

and fodder are sufficiently plentiful, especially in the hilly

parts, and water is every where near, the people drinking from

springs and from streams; there are few wells. A certain shrub,

by the Afghans called zirkh, is the chief fuel. Nawangee is perhaps

the largest town, Bajour itself being much declined, and the

former may be equal in population to one-half of Pushut. The

villages in general are small or ordinary. On some of the fron-

tiers are considerable spaces without fixed inhabitants, and the

centre of the country is not so well peopled as the plain of

Peshawur. Bullocks and asses are most used in carriage, and

there are not many horses in the country. The wheat, ghee,

and honey are good, and iron is one of the exports from the

northern parts.

Kafirs.

191. This people live in a very rugged country, with numer-

ous streams and springs ; from the latter they drink, and also

water their fields, which however are of little account. They derive

their subsistence from their flocks of goats, which seem to be of

a species superior to others known in these countries. Their

cows and sheep are perhaps in equal numbers ; wheat far exceeds

all the other grains they cultivate ; it is sown in the spring, and

watered. Fuel and timber are plentiful, and their houses are con-

structed of wood. Some of their villages are large, containing

3,000 inhabitants, and on an average they are of an ordinary

size; they are not fortified, but are situated in places difficult of

access. They do not use tents in any season of the year, but

1840. ] Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. 57

sometimes shelter themselves in caves. Within the country there

is no traffic, but they exchange their ghee, cheese, goats, and

vinegar for rice, cloths of various kinds, axes, but chiefly salt.

Every thing is carried by men, and there is no camel, buffalo,

mule, or ass in the country. They make wines and vinegars,

both much esteemed, from the grapes of their own country,

which are partly wild and partly cultivated ; and uncultivated

walnuts are abundant. This country can neither furnish sup-

plies, nor be crossed by troops, except with the utmost hazard.

Punjkora.

192. The people subsist by tillage; their chief crop is the

rubbee, and the greatest product, wheat ; after which, barley. A

small quantity of grain is imported from the valley of Buroul,

which is in the northern part of the country of Bajour, but has

its own chief, who is a Turkulanee. In Punjkora the lulm and

irrigated lands are perhaps equal. The latter depends on

springs and streams. But little wheat and barley are sown in the

spring. Cows are the chief stock, but according to others,. buffa-

loes ; goats too are numerous, but sheep very few. The chief

carriage is by bullocks and asses. The trade between Peshawur

and Yarkund for the most part passes through this country, and

Kasin Khan, the chief of Deer, which is. the capital of it, and

may have 500 houses, levies taxes on the merchants. The other

villages are generally small, and some hamlets among the moun-

tains have but five houses, or less. The mountains yield pines,

which serve for timber and fuel, and also for torches. The

mountainous parts are very thinly peopled, but that part of

Punjkora towards the Ootman Khel and lower Swad is very

populous. Tents are not used in any season of the year.

Fodder is plentiful. There are few horses in the country.

Upper Mihmunds.

193. This is a hilly country, and its hills though not high,

are often very rugged. Some of them yield pines, but more

commonly they are covered with shrubs. The houses are some-

times thatched. The natives in general live in houses, but

some tribes have black tents, and the same use is made of

58 Lieut. Irwiw’s Memoir of Afghanistan. [No. 97.

koodies as in Bajour, and to a greater extent. On the whole

this is an agricultural country. In some places sheep, in others —

goats, are the chief stock. Asses are numerous, and are the chief —

carriage, next to which are bullocks. In many villages a horse, —

mule, buffalo, or camel is not to be found. Timber on the whole —

is scarce, but fuel is plentiful, and there is no want of fodder. —

Some corn is imported from Bajour, Koonur, and the Dooab —

of Peshawur. The chief return made is in mats, which the

natives manufacture from the Putha shrub (see paragraph 129.) |

From certain parts good ghee is exported to Peshawur. The —

fields are generally lulm, and the chief product wheat. The two —

crops are nearly equal, but perhaps the rubbee is the greater. —

The natives drink from tanks, streams, and springs. There is —

much hilly waste, of no use but as pasture for goats, and insome ~

cases water is scarce. With very few exceptions the villages are

small, and the population on a given surface cannot be great.

Ootman Khel.

194. This country is more difficult than even the preceding,

which however it resembles in many particulars. It has more

timber, its hills producing pine, and water is more plentiful.

The chief subsistence is probably from the keeping of goats, and

wheat the chief product. The villages are small, but if we —

believe the received accounts, the population is not incon- —

siderable, for this tribe is never rated lower than 10,000 families. —

They have never paid revenue, and have little amicable inter-

course with their neighbours.

Khybur.

195. This is a rugged and unproductive tract, lying between

Jellalabad and Peshawur. The natives live by tillage, the keep-

ing of goats, and robbery. Water in many places is scarce,

and no pines grow on the hills, which are nearly of the same

temperature as those of the Upper Mihmunds. Fuel is plentiful,

and there is sufficiency of grass, fresh or withered.

Teera.

196. This is an agrieultural country, though goats be very —

numerous. The two crops are nearly equal; and on the whole, —

1840. } Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. a9

the production is equal to the consumption. The houses are flat-

roofed, and built partly of stone and partly of mud; no tents are

used at any season of the year. The inhabitants are of the Af-

reedee tribe. West of them are the Shinwarees, in whose

flocks are a greater proportion of sheep than among the Af-

reedees, and some of them live at times under black tents.

Teera yields considerable quantities of good honey. The villages

are small. The Afreedee tribe may be conjectured to be 55,000

souls; part of them live in Khybur, and that subdivision which

is called Adum Khel live towards Kohat; and the northern

Khutuks inhabit the continuation of their hills. Their country

answers in most particulars to the description already given

of that of the Upper Mihmunds.

Peshawur.

197. The plain of Peshawur is an agricultural country, and

no space of the same extent in the Cabul dominions is equally

cultivated or peopled. | Upon the whole the khureef is the chief

crop. In the plain of the Mundars the rubbee is the chief, and

the like is true of that portion of the valley which the Khutuks

possess. Perhaps maize is the chief crop, and it certainly

is so in the vicinity of the city. The flour of maize is generally

cheaper than that of wheat, in the proportion of at least three

to two, and a certain mixture of it in the latter is supposed

to improve it. The maize of Peshawur is remarkably white,

and much esteemed. The rice of certain villages is exported

to great distances, but the consumption of this article in that

part of the valley which is subject to the king, is partly supplied

from Lower Swad. In the same manner great quantities of

wheat and some other articles of provision are brought from the

country of the Mundars. The valley generally considered, does

not support its own population, for the exports are inconsider-

able, compared with the imports from Bajour, Chuch, Pothwar,

and Kohat, especially the two former. Contrary to what is gene-

rally true of India, the khureef is commonly watered, and

the rubbee commonly lulm. The watered lands depend on

streams much more than wells. Jhulars are used in part

by the Daoodzyes and Mihmundzyes. <A severe drought is

60 Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. _[No. 97.

inconvenient even to the holders of irrigated lands, as the

Bard dries up unless showers fall from time to time, and

a level lower than ordinary in the rivers, subjects the farmer

to extraordinary labours. In the memory of people living there

have been two severe dearths occasioned by the failure of

the spring rains, and the calamity was increased by the resort

of people from Chuch, whose dependence is on the spring

or rubbee crop, cultivated lulm. The quantity of rice and wheat

does not fall greatly short of that of maize. Chuna is raised

in only one village, and horses here receive barley. Several

grains well known in our provinces, among which the raggee,

are not here to be seen. Jooaree is cultivated only to be cut

green for the use of animals. Provisions are dearer than in

Cabul, but fodder and fuel are cheaper. Lodging is very cheap

in the town. On the whole, an army could be more easily

maintained here than in Cabul. In the city they drink from

wells, but in the valley in general they drink more from streams. —

Some of the Mihmunds and Khutuks have tanks, and near the

foot of hills the natives use springs. Although the valley produces

little timber, abundance is floated down from various quarters by

water, and the wood work in the city is of pine. The city

may contain 70,000 inhabitants, and is considerable. Of late

it has declined, which has been owing rather to tyrannical

proceedings, than to the decline of the government. The few

wastes in this province are chiefly in the south-eastern part.

Generally speaking, it is equal in cultivation to the good parts

in India. The villages are about the same size as in the

valley of Cabul. For carriage various animals are used, and

the chief live stock is cows and buffaloes. In some places

they burn cow-dung, in others, shrubs and the branches of

trees, among which the olive is one.

Swad.

198 The lower part of Swad is included in the valley of

Peshawur. It is a rice-bearing, well-watered, and well-peopled

country. Upper Swad is mountainous, but yet tolerably well

peopled, and there too the chief product is rice. Fuel, timber,

especially that of the pine, and fodder, are abundant. The

1840. | Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. 61

chief stock is cows and buffaloes. The khureef is the chief crop,

and tillage the chief source of subsistence. Cows, buffaloes,

ghee, and rice are exported in return for indigo, coarse cloths,

and manufactures.

Bhooner.

199. This too is an agricultural country, but grain is import-

ed from other quarters, and the populousness is less than in

Swad. The chief grain is raised to be kunganee, and lulm is

more common than irrigated land. Many of the villages are large,

but there are extensive tracts among the mountains without

inhabitants. The mountains produce pine in abundance, and

of course timber and fuel are easily procurable, but their natural

verdure is said to be inferior to that of Upper Swad. This

country is seldom visited, and the natives are very rude.

Pukhlee.

200. In Pukhlee agriculture is more important than pastur-

age, and the khureef is the chief crop. Rice is the chief pro-

duct, and after it wheat. The produce seems to be about equal

to the consumption. Most of the lands are irrigated from

streams. The natives generally drink from springs, and live in

flat-roofed houses. Timber, fuel, and fodder, are sufficiently

plentiful, and ghee is very cheap. The chief stock is cows and

buffaloes. Their sheep are of the light-tailed kind. The popu-

lation is considerable, and the villages are of various sizes.

There are certain districts individually of small account, com-

monly included in the revenue divisions, of which the above

observations may not always be true.

Chuch.

201. This is an agricultural country, and of remarkable

fertility. The khureef crop is of very little account. The rub-

bee is almost all lulm, and the chief thing cultivated is wheat,

of which great quantities are exported to Peshawur, besides

some other provisions also supplied. The few fields that are

irrigated depend on wells, but the farmers are seldom at this

expense except for raising tobacco, sugar, and other products

of great value. They drink from wells, and some from tanks,

62 Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. [No. 97.

or the river Indus. Timber is rather dear, and therefore part

of their houses are thatched. Their chief fuel is dung. The

largest villages may have 350 houses; the others are much

smaller, but they are numerous, and the population is con-

siderable. Cows are the chief stock, and bullocks the chief

carriage within the district; but for external trade mules are

more used. The trade from Kushmeer to the west passes

through this district, which also lies in the great road from

Hindoostan to Peshawur and Cabul.

Huzara.

202. This is a small district, unworthy of much mention.

Tillage is the chief subsistence, and the chief products are said

to be wheat, barley, and mash. It has some streams from hills,

and the amount of irrigated lands is equal to the lulm. Sheep

are perhaps the chief stock. Provisions are not so cheap as

in Chuch, and there are more wastes. The villages on an

average have 80 houses. The natives drink from springs, rills,

and tanks, and their chief fuel is shrubs.

Moozuffurabad.

203. Concerning this district, I have gathered but little,

nor is it of much importance either from its produce or position.

The cultivation is but little, and is irrigated. A little wheat

is imported, and a little rice exported. Timber, fuel, and grass

are easily procurable. The live stock is various, and the chief

carriage, at least to Kushmeer, is on the backs of men. The

pasturage is important.

Kushmeer.

204. This celebrated valley is admirably watered by streams

and rills, which seldom fall below a convenient level. The

quality of the soil is excellent, and adapted for the culture of rice,

a grain which supports a great population ; and the inhabitants

are industrious and frugal. Very little of the produce is expended

in the support of animals. There are few countries of the same

extent so populous as Kushmeer. The capital cannot have less:

than 100,000 inhabitants, and is decidedly the largest city

1840. | Lieut. Irwin?s Memoir of Afghanistan. 63

in the Cabul dominions. On the mountains are fed numerous

flocks of sheep, which are here a very valuable stock, yet are

cows, on the whole, kept to a greater value. There are no

buffaloes or camels. The chief carriage within the valley is by

boats, and with most of the neighbouring districts by the labour

of men. The quantity of rice produced far exceeds all the

other grains and articles of food. A Kushmeeree eats wheat

as a curiosity. That, like all other things, is sown in the spring.

Saffron is cultivated lulm, and some of the gardens receive

no water. The fruits and the palez are inferior in quality to

those of Cabul, and the rice is of a coarse kind, but productive.

Flesh is dear, timber and fuel cheap. The produce seems to be

equal to the consumption and no more, nor could Kushmeer

be easily made to yield supplies to an army not quartered in it,

for the access is difficult, and carriage expensive. Fodder is plen-

tiful, and especially rice straw, with which many of the poor

thatch their houses ; but in general the tops as well as the walls

of the houses are of wood. ‘The natives are proverbially un-

clean. The trade of Kushmeer is great, and already well known

in Kurope.

Rajwer, &c.

205. The southern dependencies of Kushmeer are well

watered vallies, of which the chief produce is rice and maize, and

the chief live stock cows and buffaloes. Wood and fuel are

abundant, and the houses, whether of stone or wood, flat-roofed

with timber. Provisions are cheap. The villages are small,

but numerous in the bottoms, though there be much uninhabited

Space among the mountains.

Pothwar, &c.

206. Pothwar has a sandy soil of very poor quality, but a

portion of all the three rains. Wastes are to be found, some-

times stony, sometimes broken ground, but on the whole

the quantity of ground cultivated may excite surprize. The

chief crop is the khureef, and bajra the bread corn of the

people. The grain gives but a small produce on a given

surface. There are some towns, but villages are small. Wood

is dear, and part of the houses are thatched, part flat-

64 Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. [No. 97.

roofed. Some horses are bred here, and the number of live

stock is considerable, so that fodder is dear. Grain is suffi-

ciently cheap, and a small quantity is exported to Peshawur, |

to which they also send ghee. They and their live stock often

drink from the same tanks. The number of small tanks is very

great, and there are some wells in low situations for drinking.

The few lands that are irrigated are chiefly watered from wells

in hollow places, and are under tobacco, garden vegetables, and

other valuable cultivation. Rice, sugar, maize, and chuna are

scarcely cultivated, and more barley is raised than wheat. The — |

chief fuel is cow dung, and the chief carriage, bullocks and

mules. Though I have little detailed information concerning

the remainder of this Dooab, to the south as far as the domini-

ons of Mahmood Khan, I conceive that it answers in most

particulars to the character now given of Pothwar.

Ghuznee, &c.

207. In this country the chief subsistence is from tillage.

At the same time the pasturage is important, and being more

mentioned in the neighbouring districts, the inquirer at first

is led to suppose that it is the chief object. On the whole sheep

are certainly the chief stock, but in some well cultivated parts

cows are kept to a greater value. There are no buffaloes. The

chief carriage is by camels. The quantity of khureef raised is

very inconsiderable, and by far the greatest product is wheat,

which is exported to Cabul; after wheat is barley, which in ge-

neral is sown in the spring, in the coldest situations, for example,

Khurwar. The wheat also, and indeed every thing cultivated

is spring-sown. The quantity of irrigated lands exceeds the

lulm, which itself has often the advantage of khwurs; the iri-

gated lands have water from streams and kharezas, never from

wells. The quantity of palez is not very great, and there is

but little fruit except in the environs of Ghuznee. The

natives drink from springs, rills, and kharezas. Near Ghuznee

is a dam still in good preservation made by order of Shah

Mahmood Ghuznuwee; it is filled partly by rain, partly by

springs and rills, and its water is used in irrigation. For

fuel the natives use shrubs, the dung of cows, or that of

vwitl b> ays

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THINSETUMBAAae Tey

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Huthydemus. Baemean

————————————————————————————

T Black, tsiadec Lith hs Fees. Pre

1840. | Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. 65

sheep, according to circumstances. Timber is exceedingly

scarce, and hence the houses are generally of the vaulted

kind. A part of the population is in summer under tents, and

in winter they flit to warmer climates. Fodder is moderately

abundant. There are considerable spaces without cultivation,

and the population on a given surface is much inferior to

that in the valley of Cabul.

Jajee.

208. This is a narrow valley, and its climate is cold; the

stream ultimately joins the Koom. The stream natives main-

ly subsist by tillage, and the chief products in their order

are wheat, barley, rice, and pease. The lands are watered.

The chief stock is goats. Timber, fuel, and fodder are abundant,

and some provisions are exported to Cabul, to which they also

send some planks of pine, about six or seven feet long. The

carriage is on mules, for the nearest road to Cabul (with

which they have most intercourse) is not practicable for a

bullock or camel, it is called the road Goubund. The natives

live in flat-roofed houses, and have no tents. The population is

but small, and there is no large village.

Notice of an inscription in Behar, communicated by Mr. Ra-

VENSHAW, as published in the May number of the Journal, 1839.

The Editors of the Journal noted (vol. viii. page 347,) in

announcing the communication by Mr. Ravenshaw of certain

impressions of very ancient inscriptions from Behar, that “ the

most important and interesting of these impressions were so

imperfect, and confused, as to baffle the attempts of the Pundit

Kamala Kanta, who aided Mr. James Prinsep in his valuable

discoveries. We allude particularly to the inscriptions on the

inverted column in the Fort of Behar.”

I have now the pleasure of laying before the readers of the

Journal a rendering of one of these inscriptions as decyphered

by Pundit Kamala Kanta Vidyalanka, and Baboo Hurrinboo-

nath. They succeeded in giving this interpretation after a

great expense of time and labour. The characters are of a class

66 Mr. Ravenshaw’s Behar Inscription. | No. 97.

not hitherto met with, and I confess I cannot submit this first

attempt to interpret them without considerable diffidence. The

inscription is unfortunately destitute of both name and date ;

and does not, moreover, afford any clue by which the period of its

record can be traced. It is however a very singular relic in

itself, and the formation of an alphabet from the characters

which compose it, may have important results, in leading to

the easy perusal of other similar inscriptions, which I am

not without hope a more diligent search may bring to light.

The ancient history of Magadha and Mithela may come to be

tested by evidence the most valid in the prosecution of such

research, unpromising though the first fruits be, historically

speaking, of what has been as yet attempted.

I may here, to save the trouble of reference, remind the

readers of the Journal, that Mr. Ravenshaw reports the in-

scription to have been found on a broken stone pillar, situated in

a reversed position a little to the west of the northern gate

of the old Fort of Behar: its original site was according to

tradition, in front of the gate. The following is the translation

of the inscription, facsimile of which is given opposite page 65.

- Be patient when angry.

- Perform religious sacrifices as prescribed.

- Be liberal in religious performances.

. Be charitable to the weak and needy.

. Riches should be spent in the celebration of rites in

honour of Siva and Parvati.

6. The weak and destitute pilgrims should be supplied with

the expenses of their journey.

7. Remove difficulties in the way of pilgrimage.

8. [Exercise no oppression in any acquired (conquered) king-

dom.

9. Encourage the officers of the state.*

10. Punish the oppressor of the (people), high or low.

op N=

The above affords little matter for speculation, save as regards

* The Pundit is doubtful as to the interpretation of this phrase.

1840. | Mr. Ravenshaw’s Behar Inscription. 67

the creed of the person who caused it to be inscribed, who

was evidently not a Boodhist.*

Nos. | and 2 (duplicates) of the Behar inscriptions have been

for the most part read by Pundit Kamala Kanta, but he is as

yet unable to make out their full meaning. The character is

not the same with that of No. 3, now published. As hopes

are entertained of the arrival of that excellent orientalist, and

able antiquary, the Honorable George Turnour, Secretary to

Government in Ceylon, at this Presidency before the close of

the present year, and as it is believed that he will make a

tour through Behar and elsewhere, for the purpose of exploring

still further the interesting subject of Boodhist antiquity, I trust

to see these remains critically considered by a scholar in

every way competent to pronounce upon their era.

In the mean while, it is our duty to make the most of im-

perfect opportunities, in order to publish (submitting it to the

judgment of abler critics) whatsoever casual research has put

us in possession of.

I may here remark, that circumstances appear hitherto to

have conspired to prevent more than a very cursory inspection

of the remains of Hindoo monarchy in Magadha (Behar) and

Mithela, (Tirhoot and Sarun.) Indeed Mr. Hodgson’s brief,

but interesting note of Simrown in the Turaee (vol. iv. Asiatic

Society’s Journal, p. 121) is the only description we possess

of that ancient city, while the Behar inscriptions, one of which

Mr. Ravenshaw’s discoveries have enabled me to publish, have

been copied in some instances with more haste than was con-

sistent with correctness ; and by the specimen now afforded,

seem rather valuable as tending to excite further investigation,

than as rewarding the search already undertaken. An ample

and untried field is opened for inquiry in these regions, and it

is sincerely to be hoped that no opportunity may be neglected

of engaging in it.

* The injunction No. 8, with its allusion to a conquered, and acquired ter-

ritory, might by conjecture be assumed to point to Jara Sandha, who having

subdued the whole of Prachi “(the eastern region) as we read in the

puranas, fixed his residence at Bali putra.” (Wilford, As, Res. vol. v. p. 281.)

68 Mr. Ravenshaw’s Behar Inscription. [No. 97.

In the month of February last, Captain Burt of the Engineers,

obligingly supplied the officiating Secretary with the fac-simile

of an inscription taken by him at Pinjore; it was discovered

there on the side of a well. The character is, as Captain

Burt observes, different in many letters from all the alphabets

given by Mr. James Prinsep; Kamala Kanta has therefore

prepared an alphabet from it (No 4) and enabled me to give

the accompanying translation.

<The monarch of Shonder Desh, who resembles Kamdeo in

beauty and renown, having again in this manner fully enjoy-

ed, will become ruler of other countries.”

The meaning of the rest is not clear. I have endeavoured

to trace the Shonder Desh herein mentioned, but ineffectu-

ally. The inscription therefore is, like the one above noted,

valuable only philologically speaking. The neighbourhood of

Pinjore to Phanesur might induce the belief that the region —

in which it was anciently included would not escape unnoticed

in the Maha Bharat. xy

Account of Coins found at Bameean.—By Captain Hay, \st

Kuropean Regiment, Commanding 5th. Regt. H. M.S. S. M.

Infantry.

Bameean, April 7th, 1840.

SIR,

A doubt having been expressed whether “ Demetrius”? ever

reigned in Bactria, the fact of one of his coins having been dis-

covered in digging some trenches at Bameean, may be consi-

dered as likely to strengthen the opinion that he did: and as

this coin I believe differs from the only one of his reign that is

said to have been hitherto discovered, I take the liberty to for-

ward you a sketch of it, in case you may consider it worthy of

notice. The first “ Demetrius” discovered was I think of gold,

having upon the reverse the two horsemen so common and

beautifully executed on the coins of Eukratides. I take these

figures to represent Castor and Pollux, who were entitled, as

Hercules is, to divine honours. My coin, which is of copper,

1840. | Coins found at Bameean. 69

has been well executed, having on the obverse an elephant’s

head, with a bell round his neck, and without any legend : the

reverse has what I take to represent a sceptre and BAZIAEQ>

AHMHTPIY. This Demetrius (called the handsome) son of

Euthydemus, married a daughter of Antiochus the Great ; fixed

by Bayer 205 s. c.

I have also found at Bameean this winter a coin of Euthyde-

mus, the father of Demetrius; but altogether so inferior in ap-

pearance to those handsome medals figured in Burnes’s work,

that it is evident mine must have been struck at a provincial

mint, and represents Euthydemus merely as Soter, not Basileus.

The letters are badly executed, and it will be observed that the

Epsilon is used reversed where in Burnes’s coin an Eta is substi-

tuted, and the H is used instead of 98. Thus EYHTAXMOY

The reverse has Hercules and a Pehlevi legend, which is not

sufficiently clear to distinguish. These are the only true Bac-

trian coins that have been discovered since our sojourn at

Bameean, and both are in my possession.

As the coins of Antimachus do not appear common, and I

do not remember seeing one figured, | send an impression of a

very perfect silver coin which I procured from a cafila on its

way from Balkh: from the same cafila I was fortunate enough

to procure a large and very perfect silver Eukratides, which I

think has been described in a former number of the Asiatic

Society’s Journal. | have many other coins of Apollodotus,

Menander, Pantaleon, Lysius, Ermaios, Spalirisces, Azos, also.

coins of the Indo-Sythic series, Kadphices and Kanerkas, but I

fancy all these appear in Masson’s list of discoveries, and are by

this time I hope under the able description of H. Wilson.

I remain, with respect,

Your obedient servant,

WILLIAM HAY.

70 Note on the Bameean Coins. [ No. 97.

Note on the above—By the Officiating Secretary.

The discovery of the copper Demetrius at Bameean is valuable, as

throwing (if the evidence may be taken as sufficiently strong) a new

light upon the history of that prince. Mr. Schlegel (Asiatic Journal,

vol. ii. p. 408,) in his Epitome of the history of the later Bactrian kings

has adopted the opinion that, “Demetrius did not succeed Euthydemus

in Bactria.” He holds that Demetrius governed the provinces situated

along the lower Indus after their subjugation by his father Euthyde-

mus: the title given him by Justin “King of India,” favours the

supposition. Professor Lassen of Bonn, however, in his “ Chronological

Table’* of Bactrian monarchs, notes as follows, “Demetrius succeeds

his father in Bactria about (s. c.) 185,” and he assigns the usurpation of

Bactria by Eukratides, and the consequent retirement to Arachosia of

Demetrius to the year 175, 8. c., thus placing this occurrence six years

after the period noted for it by Bayer (s.c. 181.) The discovery of a

coin of Demetrius at Bameean would appear to bear out the Professor’s

position, viz., that this prince actually exercised regal authority in

Bactria in succession to his father.

I venture to point out this (apparent) proof to those valued contribu-

tors to the Journal, who are now in Afghanistan, and to request that

they will turn their attention to the elucidation of what has been

well termed “one of the darkest parts of Bactrian history” for further

investigation of the value of what has now been advanced. The coins

of Demetrius are very rare; I do not indeed believe that more than five

have been hitherto found, and all, (acknowledged as his) but Capt.

Hay’s, have been silver, similar in device to that figured in the Asiatic

Journal, vol. iv. P, XXV. On this copper Demetrius I am inclined to

risk a theory as regards a very interesting and hitherto obscure coin,

noted (Asiatic Journal, vol. iv. P. XXV. Fig. 4.) as the coin of “ Ma-

yus,” a supposed monarch, two of whose coins exist in the Ventura col-

lection. “This,” says Mr. James Prinsep, “is an entirely new name ;

nor can it be read as a Greek word in its present shape, although the

characters are perfectly distinct on the coin, and the style of engraving

Norr.—The chronological table, with some extracts from Professor Lassen’s work, were translated

for the Honble Mr. H. T. Prinsep by Mr. Piddington. I have made arrangements with a gentleman

(Dr. Roer,) fully competent to the task, for a translation of the whole work, to be published in the

Journal of the Society. It will be highly useful to Indian numismatologists, and as the work, even in

the original language is not procurable in this country, I know no better method of making it public,

than by translation in the pages of that Journal, which under our Secretary’s able management sup-

plied the Professor with some of the most valuable material for his work.

1840. | Note on the Bameean Cows. (i

corresponds with the early, and pure Greek types.” He goes on to sug-

gest that could “ Mayus,” be read with the third letter as a gamma it

might denote the union of the office of chief priest with that of king,

and identify the holder of the title with Menander, or Demetrius, on the

authority of the elephant’s head found on the coins of both those

monarchs, and prominently exhibited on the one under consideration.

The exact similarity of the upper Demetrius in the possession of Capt.

Hay to this coin of a supposed, “ Mayus,” in all except the name of

the monarch, inclines me strongly to believe that MAYOY, which

in the first-found coin holds the place of the AEMHTPIOY of

Capt. Hay’s, is merely a synonym, a title, or attributive epithet,

whereby the prince was so particularly distinguished as to induce his con-

temporaries to mention him, and even allow his coin to be struck, under

that appellation alone.

Under the strong impression of this idea, I turned to examine the

opinion of critics of more authority, and found (Journal des Savans,

Mai, 1836,) that my own conception had been anticipated in favour of

another Bactrian prince, Apollodotus, by Mons. de Raoul Rochette, in a

singularly ingenious paper on this “ Mayus” coin.

“ All,” says this able critic, “is extraordinary, and all new as regards

this medal; another specimen of which I know not the existence of,

nor at least do I know that it has been noted, described, or published.

The workmanship is quite peculiar, and belongs to a Greek era of some

remoteness: the form and proportion of the letters indeed unite in

assigning to it a manufacture at least contemporary with the reign of

Apollodotus. Zhe elephant’s head, being a symbol used on the coin of

Menander and Apollodotus, suits the assumption well enough, and in

this instance, I observe that the bell, which may be seen suspended from

the elephant’s head is a peculiarity presented to us also by the little

bronze of Menander, published by me, but (which peculiarity) I omitted

observing on it. In making up for this omission, I would say, that the

bell is always seen, even on Roman denarii, hung to the elephant’s head,

which forms one of the symbols of the Cecilia family, nor need I except

the similar head, serving as ornament to the Macedonian buckler-symbol

on the coins of Metallus Macedonicus. This peculiarity which escaped

Eckhel, has been carefully brought to notice by M. Cavedoni.

“But the circumstance of most importance offered by our medal, one

which makes it a sort of numismatic problem, is the legend, the name

of the king Mayus, of a form so foreign to the Grecian language in-

scribed on so purely Greek a relic,---a name elsewhere so completely

unknown, the place of which we know not how to establish by the aid of

72 Note on the Bameean Coins. [No. 97.

any reference furnished by history, in its proper order in the series of

kings of Bactria. Perhaps even one might almost doubt whether this

medal does form a part of Bactrian numismatics, as the symbol of the

elephant, found on the coins of the kings of Syria, does not afford of

itself means for determining the matter, and that conjecture, when

the subject be but one or two medals, is a still more insufficient index.

The absence of a Bactrian inscription on one of these medals, almost

all bilingual, would be again a reason sound enough to doubt its

belonging to the same numismatic family. In spite of this, I think I

recognize a Bactrian medal here by a characteristic mark, which seems

to me decisive, in the monogram found on the square drachma of

Apollodotus, and which, added to the symbol of the elephant’s head, used

on the little bronze of Menander, appear to guarantee this coin as the

produce of a Bactrian mint. As regards the prince whose name our

medal bears, whose existence and whose reign it alone, among the

ancient relics which remain to us, reveals, it would be superfluous to

give oneself up to conjecture, which can rest on no solid base. How-

ever, I cannot help remarking that this name affords very nearly a

transcript of both the Zend and Sanscrit words signifying moon, Mao,

with the sign of the Greek genitivee MAYOY. To bear out this

observation, I may call to mind that the Bactrian medals of the Indo-

Scythic series, belonging to the reign of Kanerkes, present us ordinarily

on the reverse of the figure of the standing prince, a personage, the head

surrounded by a radiated halo, designated at times by the Greek word

HAIO®, Sun, at other times, and most frequently, by the Zend words

MIOPO or MAO, sun or Moon indiscriminately. These medals, lately

published by the Asiatic Society of Bengal, with learned observations on

them by Mr. James Prinsep, are found also in almost all their varieties in

the collection we owe to General Allard; and the notion which we thence

derive of a personification of some deity of the Bactrian mythology, answer-

ing at once to both the male and female of light, and designable either by

the term Mithro, or by that of Mao, according as the male and female prin-

ciple of this androgyne deity prevailed in its representation, appears sus-

ceptible of no sort of doubt. This is the same idea which produced the

figure of a god Lunus, so common on the Greeco-Asiatic coins, in the like-

ness in which he is most commonly represented as a young man, crowned

with a radiated tiara, with a loose robe on his shoulders, and mounted on

a horse, an animal consecrated in all ancient religions to the Sun ; and the

god Lunus must have answered to the lunar genius Maho, of the Zendish

works. This same idea is it, which is again found under another form in

the goddess of Comana, a goddess equally androgyne, the worship of whom,

1840. | Note on the Bameean Coins. 72

established in Pontus from of old, may be traced indisputably to an Asia-

tic origin, and whose real name Mag, as given by Strabo himself, a native

of those regions, is precisely the Sanscrit name of the Moon. This being

established, it might not be impossible that the name MAYOY, joined

to the word BASITAEQS, on our Bactrian coin, might be an equivalent

for the name Apollodotus, suggested perhaps by the same motive which

had caused the choice of the figure of Apollo as type of the coin of Apollo-

dotus. Under this hypothesis, the various numismatic indices which made me

assign our medal to the epoch of that prince, would be fully borne out as

true by gaining thus their full force. This is however no more than a

conjecture, which I submit most deferentially to our philologists in the

tongues of India, through whom alone, one may hope for the solution of

this curious problem.”

I confess this does not seem to me to be a question referable for

decision to a philological test, of the nature above specified. The word

MAYOY may indeed be derived in the manner suggested by Mons.

de Raoul Rochette in the above ingenious paper, but with the Caduceus

on the coi, the application of it would I think be more readily made

to Mercury, than to the ‘“androgyne deity,” or ‘Deus Lunus,” whom

the writer points to as affording in the analogous shape of Apollo, an

equivalent to Apollodotus. The Caduceus is too remarkable an em-

blem to be mistaken as regards its reference: it has been found on the

coins of this series, only in juxtaposition with the name of Demetrius, and

with the mysterious word, Mayus; this coincidence enables me to suggest a

direct mythological meaning to the unknown term, without attempting

to interfere with the philological exposition of Mons. de Raoul Rochette.

Mercury, whose parentage is (Sophocles Electra, ** watac mae” Eurip. Rhe-

sus, and Helen, ** wavadoc TOKOC ) ordinarily noted with direct reference by

Greek poets to his mother, is named by a purely classic author (Eurip.

Medea v.759) as 0 paiac avaé, a poetic license, in which however may be

found an approximation to a masculine matronymic, applicable to the

deity, and corrupted in after years, under the impure dialect of a distant

military colony into the word before us. Thus allowing the philological

theory, I am inclined to find in MAO the original of Maia, the fabled

mother of Mercury, and to detect in this masculine adaptation of her

name, not an androgyne deity, but the

«—._ A lme

Filius Maiz —

74 Note on the Bameean Coins. [No. 97.

himself, especially as the peculiar emblem of the god occupies the reverse

on which the legend MAYOY appears. There are, I think, sufficient

reasons against admitting the application to Apollodotus of this attributive

epithet, independently of any force which may attach to what has been above

stated, in as much as we already know Apollodotus by two distinct peculiar

cognomina, assigned to him in a form, which as Mr. J. Prinsep observes,

affords in its emphatic singularity a sort of phenomenon in numismatics,

I mean, in the use of the conjunction Kat between the words in the legend

ATIOAAOAOTOY BASIAEOS SOTHPOS KAI ®IAOTIA

TOPOS. (Vide vol. ui. As. Jour. p. 406.) Now it is possible that instances

may be adduced in which a number of different attributive epithets are to

be found applied to some distinguished personage in Grecian history, but

the course of ordinary experience is against this; and one may reasonably

conclude (even supposing no other argument existed to disprove the claim

of Apollodotus to the title) that MAYOY would not be assigned to

him on any coin in addition to his other designations, (vide vol. ii. Asiatic

Society’s Journal, Pl. VIII. vol. iv. Pl. XXV.) I would on the above grounds

then, deny the conjecture of ‘‘king Mayus” being identifiable with Apol-

lodotus, though I will again avail myself of part of the argument of the

able conjecturist to assign the title to its real owner.

In the extract from the Journal des Savans, above translated, very sufficient

reasons have been assigned for considering the Mayus coin as contempora-

neous in its manufacture with Apollodotus; but, not being a coin of

Apollodotus, the fact of its having been struck at an epoch almost identified

with his own, gives me a stronger right to assign the coin to one, whom

Mr. James Prinsep, (vol. 1. Asiatic Society’s Journal, p. 410,) conceives may

have been the elder brother of Apollodotus, Demetrius in fact, whose name

we have impressed upon a coin precisely similar in all but the presence

of that name, to the Mayus medal, on which so much ingenious conjecture

has been expended. The elephant’s head with the bell, is common to both,

the circular ornament, the monogram, and, lastly, the remarkable type

of the Caduceus, are found exhibited in exact fac-simile, leading to the

natural conclusion, that the BASITAEQS> MAYOY of the one is the

BASIAEQS AHMHTPIOY of the other. The title, or synonyme

rather, may very probably have been with Demetrius as with Mercury, a

matronymic, and bestowed perhaps in adulation or in fondness on the

princely offspring of some mortal Maize.

Suppose this fairly proved, and another clue is found to the authentica-

tion of the history of Demetrius; since, the Mayus coins having been

1840. | Note on the Bameean Coins. 75

found in Bactria Proper, stronger grounds are elicited for believing that

he did succeed Euthydemus in his hereditary possession of the integral

kingdom. ‘The rare occurrence of the Mayus or of the Demetrius coins,

seems to suggest that he was very shortly after his succession ejected by

Eucratides. Mr. Schlegal, who assumes that he did not succeed his father

in Bactria, but who acknowledges his ejection from his paternal dominions,

and his retirement into Arachosia, must allow that to be ejected, he must

have once possessed.

As governor during his father’s life time, of provinces along the Indus,

the elephant’s head would be an appropriate type for the coin struck by

Demetrius. The bell, which appears to have attracted so much attention in

Paris, is in shape and proportion similar to the large bells now in com-

mon use with native chieftains in Upper India, saving with a rope on either

side the elephant, instead of about his neck, as in the coin. The object of

the modern custom is to regulate the pace of the animal by the alternate

sound of the swinging bell; the ancient practice originated, perhaps, in

some similar fancy.

Should any of our contributors see reason to think that these observa-

tions have really made out the point they are intended to establish, may

I hope that the idea of further success in elucidating fact as regards a very

interesting, but most obscure epoch, will encourage them to make public

the fruits of their research? I have requested Captain Hay to favour me

with drawings of the most remarkable coins in his collection, and am

most sorry to say that I have been as yet unable to have lithographs taken

from the impressions in sealing wax which he has sent me. ee

Memorandum on the differences of the Meridian of the Obser-

vatory at Madras and the Flag-Staff of Fort William and of

the Cantonment of Futtehghur in the Doab.—By Colonel J. A.

Honeson, late Surveyor-General of India.

I purpose in the following remarks, to give an account of

the above differences, as deduced from eclipses of the first

satellite of Jupiter, made by myself, and to add some notices

regarding the modes of determining the longitudes, and la-

titudes, of places in Asia, which may be found useful to the

officers of this army, now serving in places far distant from

each other.

The Indian Government has for upwards of fifty years

maintained an Observatory at Madras, but until 1829, it was

76 Differences of Meridian at Madras, [No. 97.

on a small scale, with an astronomer and a few native assistants ;

since that time, the establishment has been improved, and valu-

able instruments erected, of which most important use has

been made by Mr. Taylor, the present astronomer to the

Honorable East India Company.

In Bengal, we have not had any regular astronomical esta-

blishment, but many valuable observations have at different

times been taken by the officers of the Bengal Army, employed

on geographical and other duties, as well as by gentlemen

of the civil service, in different parts of the country, for their

own satisfaction.

With regard to the longitude of the Madras Observatory,

it was very assiduously investigated for many years, by the late

astronomer Mr. Goldingham, as may be seen by the Madras

Observatory papers, and others published by him, and in his

Memoir laid before the Royal Society, in which he has recorded

the observations made of the eclipses of the satellites of Jupiter.

Until the year 1817, the meridian of the Observatory was

accounted to be 5h. 21m. 14s. East ; but afterwards Mr. Gold-

ingham had reason, by correcting his numerous and valuable

observations, by the errors of the tables, and from some

emersions and immersions of the Ist and 2nd _ satellites cor-

respondent with observations made at Greenwich, to estimate his

Observatory to be 5h. 21m. 9s.°4.

In the Ist. volume of the Madras Observatory Papers, Mr

Taylor gives for his meridian,

m. s.

By Jupiter’s first satellite ...... 5 21 1:00

By transits of moon and stars. . .. 3°77

Mean. 5 21 2°38

but in the 2nd. volume (page 113) the astronomer, from more

numerous transits, compared with those made at the Cambridge

Observatory, finds.—By 14 transits of 8 m. Ss.

first ‘limb, and statejqis a5 5 5 20 30°56

2nd ditto, 2nd. ditto, 33°60

These reduced to Greenwich, give

for Madras Observatory, es els tae

1840. | Fort Wilktam, and Futtehghur. 7/7

which Mr. Taylor thinks may be 8 or 10 seconds in defect. Mr.

Taylor, who has now, I believe, gone to England, will no doubt

find there, numerous observations with which he can compare

the above, and the subsequent observations he has made, and

will be able to put to the test, the value of the lunar transits,

when he has the comparisons from the Ist. and 2nd limbs

of the moon in equal and greater numbers ; he will also get

correspondents for his numerous sights of Jupiter’s satellites :

we shall then see, how far the two modes, by the transits

and by the satellites, agree with each other. It is an inquiry of

interest, but in the interval, I think we may fairly take the

mean of what I have above stated, thus—

h. m.

Mr. Goldingham’s Ist. and 2nd_ satellites, D9 2] . 9-40

Mr. Taylor’s Ist. satellite and lunar transits af

Ditto, 2nd. satellite of ditto, ditto, 5 20 55:62

Mean Madras Obsy. 5 21 02:98

The following series of nine immersions, and eight emersions of

the first satellite is selected from my notes, as having been made

under the circumstances most favourable to accuracy. Those

circumstances are, that the immersions and emersions be equal

in number ; these are nearly so—it is proper that they should be

taken with telescopes of the same description, at either place ;

these were so taken, the telescopes being those of Dollond, of

45 inches focal length, aperture 2 inches *7 and power 70 to 75 ;—

that the same person observe at each place; I myself did so at

the Surveyor-General’s House at Chowringhee, Calcutta ; and the

same individual, I believed, took the eclipses at the Madras

Observatory—the satellite was the first, which by reason of its

quicker motion, gives the best results. The circumstances of

climate, and altitude of the planet, did not very materially differ

at Calcutta and Madras. When these conditions are attended to,

a moderate number of corresponding sights will give a better

difference than a far greater number would under other cir-

cumstances. I have the dates and particulars of all these

eclipses, but it would take too much space to insert them here ;

they were taken in 1821, 1826, 1827. The differences in time,

reduced to the Flag-Staff, are—

78 Differences of Meridian at Madras, | No. 97.

Emersions. Immersions.

mM. Ss. ' m. Ss.

32. 123° 40 ol 57-90

32 38:30 31 52-70

32 27-00 31 28-00

32 08-00 32 08-29

32 12-70 32 09°51

32 27-10 31 56-09

32 51:50 32 11-76

32 26-10 32 08-91

32 17-70

mM. Se

Mean of 9emersions, .. .. .. .. 32 25°79

Ditto of 8 imamersionsiyee.) ae. ua ae 31 59°08

Mean of emersions and immersions

of the Ist. satellite, .. .. 32 12°4

The mean before stated for the Madras h.

Observatorys) 4. iii. ai.) eas. a2) 29

5 63-153

Longitude of Flag-Staff, Fort William, 88° 18’ 45"

I must mention, that I should have taken a greater number

of eclipses of the satellites in Calcutta, had I not been absent

from it on duty, in the North-west provinces, from 1822 to

the rains of 1826. To several of my observations of eclipses

in 1821, I found correspondents, in the series taken by the

late Colonel Beaufoy, at Bushey Heath ; they give for the Flag-

Staff 5h. 53m. 10s.3. I sent to the excellent astronomer

at the Cape of Good Hope, the late Rev. Fearon Fallows,

the particulars of my observations, requesting him to give me

correspondents, if he had any. I may here most convenient-

ly make an extract from his reply (dated Ist September, 1823) to

my letter. He says, “‘ Amongst the very few eclipses which

“had been taken, I could not find any corresponding to the date

“of your observations, which I am happy to say bear the stamp

‘“‘of being taken with great accuracy. As the calculations of

“these eclipses are not made from the most approved tables,

‘* (De Lambre’s,) and as you may be desirous of seeing your result

—

1840. | Fort William, and Futtehghur. 19

“ compared with those tables, I shall take the liberty of selecting

“those which appear to me to have been taken by the same

“person, and with the same telescope. The longitude of the

«© Surveyor-General’s Office at Calcutta, from comparison of obser-

“ vations, made of Jupiter’s Ist satellite, with De Lambre’s tables.

Date. Emersions. | Date. Immersions.

h. m. s. h. m.s.

182] Nov. 22! 5 53 16 | 1822 Oct.10 | 5 53 6-4

Dec. 8 123) (= Oct.24 | 5 52 55°4

1822 Jan. 7 (| 26 | 5 53 12:0

ge. 16 57 |——— |, ——— 31 6°5

Nov. 27 10:2 Nov. 18 1:0

oo! = CDec 13 | «5 O52 561 Mpa as Daten baal

———__- 5 53 4:26

——_. 5 de Do

—E— 5 538 426

Mean 5 53 5:00

“The mean is about twelve seconds of time less than you

“make it by the Nautical Almanac, yet the accordance between

“the means of the emersions and immersions, is truly sur-

“prising.” These observations, with particulars of the transit

of Mercury, Mr. Fallows sent to the Admiralty. Though the

result deduced by him is not from corresponding sights, yet the

corrections made by so skilful an astronomer, and his opinion

of their value, may be thought to render them worthy of some

notice. In 1821 and 1822 the Surveyor General’s Office was

at No. 8, Russell Street, Chowringhee. The reduction to the

Fort Flag-Staff is four seconds of time, it will therefore, by

these observations, be in 5h. 53m. 3s.1 = 88° 15’ 15".

If the above eclipses were in sufficient number to entitle them

to a place on the mean, it would give for the Madras Obser-

vatory, 5h. 20m. 59s'34.

Another mode by which I endeavoured to find the meridian

of Fort William, was by the transits of the moon’s limbs

over the meridian, compared with those of stars differing little

from her in right ascension and declination ; for this purpose,

80 Differences of Meridian at Madras, [No. 97.

on my return to Calcutta in 1826, I instituted a series of

these observations in the small temporary observatory on

the roof of my house, No. 37, Park Street, Chowringhee. The

transit telescope, of thirty-four inches focus, had five wires,

though not large, was good, and firmly mounted, and the clock

and other astronomical apparatus, were of the best kind. The

transits were taken by the native assistant, the Syud, Mhir

Mhosin, a most respectable man and steady observer ; the calcu-

lations were made in my office, immediately after the transits

were taken, by the computer, Mr. Vincent Rees, aided by the

young men, apprentices, in the Survey Department.

The whole of these calculations in detail, were inserted in

lithographic forms, and were forwarded by the Government

to the Royal Astronomical Society of London. They are con-

tained in two large folio volumes. I need here only mention

the results.

From 19th Nov. 1826, to 13th Dec. 1827.

hs ... (it. peesenee

eo - 3

82 transits of stars and moon’s . 53 come

preceding damb.7 5.0.4...

82 transits do. do. following limb .. 5 53 12°89

Mean reduced to Flag-Staff 5 53 21:16

These results, it is to be remarked, are deduced from the data

in the Nautical Almanac, and not from comparisons with ob-

servations made at Greenwich, -from which a better determi-

nation would be obtained, if so great a number of transits

had been taken at Greenwich or Cambridge ; but that is not likely

to have been done in so short a space of time, in the cloudy

climate of England ; because, results from those transits, though

very numerous, are only merely from calculation from the Nau-

tical Almanac. I have thought it better, not to allow them a

place in the general mean; though I did so in some obser-

vations I gave to the Marine Surveyor General, Captain Ross,

and which, with observations he had taken, gave for the Flag-

Staff 5h. 53m. 20s°7. as he has mentioned, in the notice pub-

lished by him in 1829. It seems, I think, likely, from the

1840. | Fort William, and Futtehghur. 81

tendency of Mr. Taylor’s subsequent operations at Madras,

that the meridian of Fort William Flag-Staff will prove to be

less than the above.

This method of determining longitudes, or rather differences

of longitude, has been much recommended of late by astrono-

mers; and doubtless it is as capable of great accuracy, when a

long series of corresponding sights can be taken in fixed obser-

vatories ; but to those to whose lot it falls, for the most part,

to determine new positions,—to military and maritime officers,

and to scientific travellers,—it will not I fear be found so ge-

nerally convenient, as it may appear to be. It is requisite, that

the transit instrument be good, and well and firmly fixed, and

that the sights be most carefully made, for an error of only two-

tenths of a second of time, on the observation of the transit of

the moon’s limb, will on her mean motion cause an error of six

seconds of time in the longitude. To duly estimate a small

part of time requires much practice, and it is difficult to be sure

of the precise instant when the moon’s preceding limb touches

the wires, it is perhaps rather less so of the following limb lea-

ving the wire, but a mean must be taken; add to this, that

except to those, whose sole occupation is in a fixed observa-

tory, it would be very irksome to get through a long series

of lunar transits, at the varying periods of three quarters of

an hour’s difference of time, every night. On these accounts,

I hope the satellites of Jupiter (especially the first) will meet

with more favour than has been allowed to them lately, in some

notices on practical astronomy. I believe that by their means,

the meridian of more distant places have been nearly settled, and

more useful additions, in that particular, made to Geography,

than by any other mode; and from long experience, I find that

great dependence is to be placed on the results, provided the

requisite conditions, which I have mentioned, are attended to.

In this extensive country, we little need insist on the import-

ant consequences of well determined differences of longitude.

Moderate distances, can be best laid down from survey, and

referred to some known meridian; but it frequently happens in

the emergency of service, that officers even on a survey, are

detached to a great distance from their field of operations, with

82 Differences of Meridian at Madras, [No. 97.

which their new positions cannot be connected, except by astro-

nomical means. This was particularly the case, when the

revenue surveyors in the North-western provinces were suddenly

ordered to join the armies on the eastern frontiers, in the

Burmese war. I was at that time the Revenue Surveyor-Gene-

ral. With those officers, though they were withdrawn from my

superintendence, I continued to keep private correspondence,

and I particularly requested them to make as many observations

of the satellites as they could, that I might compare them

with those I made at Futtehghur ; and to the skill and zeal of

Majors Bedford and Wilcox, in Assam, to Major Pemberton, in

Munnipour, of Major Fisher, in Sylhet, Capt. Wroughton in

Arracan, and the late Capt. Grant, at Prome, (all officers of the

Bengal Native Infantry Regiments,) 1 am indebted for many

data, by which the geography of the eastern frontiers has been so

much improved. It may serve to give an idea of the extended

field of their operations, merely to mention that the observed

difference of longitude taken by me at Futtehghur, and Major

Wilcox at Suddia in Assam, by the Ist satellite, was in time,

lh. 4m. 15s., or 964 miles of longitude.

When places like Suddia, Munnipour, and others at such great

distances, and to which there had been no opportunity of

extending geodesic surveys, can have their positions assigned

to them exactly in latitude, and within perhaps two to three miles,

or indeed I think within less, by a few correspondent observa-

tions of the satellites, they serve as starting points, from which

to originate more detailed and local surveys, in those new

countries. As an example,

I will now give the differences of meridian of Futtehghur and

Madras Observatory. My house at Futtehghur was on the high

right bank of the Ganges, and nearly in the rear of the left of

the Native Infantry lines, and in latitude 27° 21’ 37”.

1840. | Fort William, and Futtehghur. 83

Date. Set. | Im. or Em. Madras time. |Futtehghur ae Difference.

eS. Hew Se me ise

1824 Dec. 21 1 Immersion TIP S6wAl eras PP 33 56003) 2) 44058

seotal — 9 _ Do. 139029 548 4 13.09% 038 8 2 54 ‘9

1925 — Do. 17 16 46 74 17,13 32 3 SS Et

1825 Jan. 10 1 Do. 10 00 35 6 9 5V 14, 33 3h

ese es —— 26 1 Do. 8 15 28 6 Si AS 13h i Wail 3}

5 Immersions Mean 2 53 “3

Jobe Biol, WSs hs mes

1825 Mar. 22 1 Emersion. te OS 7, (f We 8D a DO Su ee

be} leat Do 9 11 32 5 | 9 09 20 | 2° 12°55

——. April 5 1 Do 11 06 23 07 11 04 19 -0 2 04 0

ee —— 21 1 Do. 9 25 07 “4 9 22 59 -0 2 08 “4

—=- —— 28 1 Do. ll 20 15 ‘6 11 18 03 :0 2 12 6

5 Emersions. Mean, De AA! 2

Mean of Immersions and Emersions. ... Be ZOO)

Madras Observatory. ... SY | SoS tery woe ee ee)

Futtehghur. cic or : ae Sco OS S0ip eo

The above were all taken with Troughton’s 46-inch telescope,

power 64, and by myself, except one immersion on the 9th

December, which was observed by Mr. William Rix James, one

of my best sub-assistants. At the same time observations were

taken by several young men, apprentices in the Revenue Survey

Department, in my presence ; but I did not allow of any com-

munication between them,—each gave to me, on the spot, sepa-

rately and silently, the time at which he noted the phenomenon.

The following are the differences given by numerous immer-

sions and emersions of Ist satellite. ma. a

Dollond’s 64-inch telescope, power 100... 2 28 °7

Troughton’s 46 Do. Do. power GH US 25 25a -2

Dollond’s 45 Do. Do. $s. Jae) hi BBY

Mean; ins on Baad jot

Madras Observatory, .. 5 21 2 ‘9

Futtehghur, Do. ... .. .8 I8 32 38

84 Differences of Meridian at Madras, [No. 97.

These were the best telescopes, and used by the steadiest

observers, but not always the same instrument, by the same

person. The mean of these, with that of my individual sights,

give 2m. 31s. ‘40 for the difference, which must be near the

truth, and for my station 5h. 18m. 32s. °37, or 79° 38’, that

is, if the meridian of Madras be correctly settled.

I may further mention, that I took and compared with the

Nautical Almanac six immersions, and an egual number of

emersions of the Ist satellite—they give, h. m...8.

Gimmersionsy....(, eco LA aa ihc Mae ee

G_emersions,...... s)he bine. 9. See

Mean, .. 5 18 35 °5

All taken with Troughton’s 46-inch telescope, power 64, and

by the same person.

I have extended these remarks to a far greater length

than I intended, but perhaps some notice of another mode of

investigating the longitude, may be useful to the officers

of the Bengal army, who are serving with our regiments

from Afghanistan to China. This is the well known mode

of lunar distances from the sun and stars, which has «not

been so much used on land, as it might be, and with

very great advantage, in the clear atmosphere of Asia; fre-

quent opportunities of seeing the moon and stars and sun

occur ; the mode of operating is not difficult, and the instru-_

ments required are easy of carriage, and do not require any

fixed supports. The calculation is rendered simple, and the

results satisfactory, by means of the correct data in the

Nautical Almanac; with these, and that most excellent of all

instruments, Troughton’s reflecting circle, any officer may, with

a little practice, do good service to geography. I wish it to

be understood, that it is not by the sextant that we are to

look for such results, it being only a second best instrument,

but from the circle, which is, though a little heavier, equally,

nay, more convenient, in use, than that imperfect part of

a circle, the sextant; which should never be used on land,

nor at sea either, if satisfactory longitudes are hoped for; and

where are they more required ?

1840. | Fort Wiliam, and Futtehghur. 85

As Troughton’s directions for using his circle are not uni-

versally known, I will here extract from them a few lines, in

which he plainly states its advantages, when compared with

the sextant ; they are chiefly these :—

“The observations for finding the index error, are ren-

* dered useless; all knowledge of that, being put out of the

** question, by observations both forwards and backwards. By

‘the same means the errors of the dark glasses are also cor-

“rected, for if they increase the angle one way, they must

“diminish it the other, by the same quantity. This also

** perfectly corrects the error of the horizon glass, and those

** of the index glass, very nearly. But what is of still more

“* importance, the error of the centre is perfectly connected,

“by reading the three branches of the index, while this

“* property, combined with that of observing both ways, proba-

“bly reduces the errors of dividing, to one-sixth part of

“their simple value. Moreover, angles can be measured as

“far as one hundred and fifty degrees, consequently the sun’s

** double altitude may be observed, when his distance from

“the zenith is not less than fifteen degrees, at which alti-

“‘ tude the head of the observer begins to intercept the rays of

“light, incident on the artificial horizon, and of course if a

““ greater angle could be measured, it would be of no use

“in this respect.”

Mr. Troughton has not noticed a farther great advantage,

in there being no need to take the index error of the circle,

as there is with the sextant; the finding this error with the

latter, as it is generally done by measuring the sun’s diameter,

on each side of the zero, is well known in these hot coun-

tries to be a most painful, as well as a tedious and uncer-

tain operation, and we measure only on a small part of the

arc the glaring disk of the sun, through the stained glasses,

which we see under a very different degree of brightness,

from that under which we take the contact of the moon

and sun or stars, and this index error ought, with the very

best sextant, to be rigorously examined at each observation.

With the circle the correction for the zero point is included

in the observed distances on both arcs, and given on six parts of

86 Differences of Meridian at Madras, [ No. 97.

the circumference ; and what is of great consequence, the obser-

ved objects have the same, or very nearly the same, degree

of light, so that the eye has not to change its focus and

condition; besides, if the reading of the three indexes take

up more time, it is a very little more than the reading of

one, it is amply repaid by the time gained, in not being

obliged to take the index error.

In Mr. Troughton’s paper, he, in his usual clear manner,

explained the adjustments and mode of using his circle. I

give one more extract from it, to shew the opinion of him,

allowed to be the best artist in Europe, of its value ; he says—

“The greatest error, to which dividing by a good engine

“is liable, may be taken at about twenty seconds; the six

“readings required in a double observation on different parts

“of the circumference, will probably reduce that error to

‘** within five seconds, where the reflecting glasses and _ teles-

“copes are good, and power considerable (about twelve) a

“mean of contacts will come out within this quantity, and

“‘ where every other source of error is corrected by the prin-

“ ciples of the instrument, we are of opinion, that a series of

““ lunar observations will give the longitude on land, nearly,

“if not quite, as accurately, as can be obtained from an occul-

** tation of a star, by the moon, when observed with a powerful

“* telescope.”

It is well known that Mr. Troughton made more and

better sextants than any other artist, and of course derived much

profit by their sale, yet such was his disinterested desire that

his circle should come into general use, that he made the

price only one guinea more than that of his best sextants,

though the real difference of cost in material and workmanship

is considerable. On the same terms, and with the same ex-

cellence of execution, Troughton’s reflecting circles are now

supplied and constructed by his worthy successor, Mr. William

Simms, F.R.S., an artist whom Mr. Troughton selected as best

worthy to sustain his great reputation.

The chief reason why the circle has not come into more

general use at sea, is its greater weight than the sextant, and

the partiality men feel for instruments they have been used to;

1840. | Fort Willtam, and Futtehghur. 87

but the difference of weight is not much, and after being ac-

customed to it, it feels steadier in the hand than the sextant.

It may indeed happen when a ship has much motion, that in

one position of the circle, the right hand being further from the

eye than it is with a sextant, a degree of inconvenience is felt,

but it is soon surmounted, and is moreover balanced by the

convenience of having two handles to the circle, so that the

face is never held downwards, as the sextant must frequently be.

There is indeed a little longer time required to read off the

three verniers than the single one of the sextant, and this may

sometimes make the assisting observers of the sun and moon’s

altitude impatient, or less attentive. For my part, I think that

lunar observations are most satisfactorily taken without an assist-

ant, except one to note the watch, (and one may be dispensed

with) all that is required, is to have, say, a sextant and a good

quadrant. Then proceed to take one altitude of the moon, and

lay the sextant down ;—that done, take one of the sun, with

the quadrant, and lay it down ;—then take two or three sets

of distances with the circle on both arcs, and then observe the

altitudes of sun and moon, noting all the times.

All these things, with a little pre-arrangement, may be soon

and calmly done, which is the chief thing, and readily reduced

to the mean of times and distances; but if two instruments

are not available, the altitudes may be taken with the circle.

On shore the altitudes of sun or star and moon may be taken

with a well adjusted theodolite, or sextant, or the circle, and

if the observer has not an assistant, the seconds of time may be

conveniently noted by the beat of a metronome, but a prac-

tised observer will himself count the seconds correctly. Or if the

latitude and time are correctly known, as they can be on land,

_ altitudes of the sun, moon, or stars, may be calculated. In in-

vestigating longitudes on shore, the time should always be

determined by equal altitudes of the sun or stars, which may be

taken by two or three sextants with the artificial horizon, or

by meridian passages of stars made with a portable transit

telescope. Lithographic forms are useful, in which to fill

up all the figures of calculations, and these should always be

preserved.

88 Differences of Meridian at Madras, [No. 97.

In determining J/atitudes, the reflecting circle is most useful

to the geographical surveyor and navigator. By no instru-

ment can so many good observations be taken in so short

a time, the meridian altitudes of the sun and stars, one day

or night, taken by the readings of the three branches of one

arc are corrected by those of the next; but by a still more

rapid, and equally accurate process in one day, a sufficient

number of circummeridional altitudes of the sun can be taken,

and reduced to the meridian. During ten minutes on each side

of noon, ten or twelve double altitudes may be well taken

from the artificial horizon, marking the horary angles by the chro-

nometer, and at night, many stars may in like manner be

calmly and well observed. They are best selected on both sides

of the zenith, and the time from noon may be extended in

proportion to the slowness of the star’s motion; with the

pole star to a great extent at sea, but on land, in geodesic

operations, it may be extended to half an hour on each side of

the meridian. Of course, as in a lunar distance, the observations

must be.taken on the right and left arcs alternately, or on

equal numbers before and after the meridian passage. A stand

is sometimes used with the circle, but I always found I could

work quicker and better without. In oblique distances a support

for the elbow is desirable, but in taking altitudes, the best

way is to sit on the ground, the back being supported by a

Hindostanee morah, or some such thing; ¢his posture gives

to the hands perfect command over the instrument ; also re-

member that when the glass roof is used over the mer-

cury it should be reversed at each contact. Circumstances

may prevent observations with the circle being obtained on

both the arcs, in such cases the instrument may be used

in the manner of a sextant, and the index error applied,

with this advantage over the sextant, that the index error,

as well as the observed angle which it is to correct, is read

on three verniers instead of on one, as with the sextant; also

the index error may be taken on two small stars, or other

well defined objects, subtending a greater angle than the sun’s

diameter, and the usual painful operation of measuring it

avoided altogether. With the circle also, which is called at sea

1840. | Fort William, and Futtehghur. 89

the back observation, for the altitude of the sun or a star

may be taken.

To conclude, I can from long experience of its excellent

properties, very confidently recommend to my brother officers

of the Indian Army, the use of Troughton’s reflecting circle, and

also of a small theodolite, which I will describe, as it was

lately constructed under the following circumstances. When

I was in England, my opinion was demanded at the Kast India

House as to the best construction of theodolites required for the

revenue surveys, in the North-west provinces. I well knew the

defects of the instruments hitherto supplied to the government,

which were unsteady and top-heavy. I accordingly consulted

Mr. Simms, and we agreed on the construction of the instru-

ment, I will now describe.

This theodolite, though small, being only five inches in diame-

ter, is of a stout firm make, the azimuthal circle has three verni-

ers, and by it horizontal angles can be taken with much exact-

ness, by taking them on both arcs, in the same manner as in

the reflecting circle, each angle being from the result of six

‘readings. When more exactness is required, several observa-

‘tions should of course be taken, and as a further check, the an-

| gles may be repeated on different parts of the limb, due atten-

| tion being always paid to the lower, or watching telescope. The

vertical angles are taken on a complete circle, which being capa-

ble of reversion has many advantages as to correct observations

and means of adjustment. Altitudes and depressions are to be

taken with the face of the vertical circle in one direction, it is

then to be reversed in azimuth, and the operation repeated, there

being room for the telescope to be turned over, as is done with

astronomical circular instruments, and the vertical angles repeat-

‘ed. There are two levels as usual, but the correction of the

line of collimation is best effected by taking the direct alti-

tude of a stationary object, and its reflected image by depression

on quicksilver. By this last mode of observing, also, a desirable

degree of approximation to the latitude may be had when re-

flecting instruments are not at hand, or cannot be used.

__ A good sized magnetic compass is part of this theodolite, and

can be applied above it, when required.

90 Differences of Meridian at Madras, &c. No. 97.

The instrument is mounted on a brass tripod, which may be

commodiously placed on a wall, or other situation, when the

usual wooden stand (which it also has) cannot be used.

This theodolite being so portable and strong, would be found

most useful to the military surveyor or scientific traveller.

Mr. Simms speedily completed an extensive order for these

instruments; they were sent to the India House, and I sup-

pose to India.

Those officers who have the requisite opportunities and in-

struments, may also avail themselves of some other modes of

determining differences of meridians.

These modes (which are noticed in the account of the survey

of the Himalya Mountains, in the 14th vol. of the Asiatic Re-

searches, page 189) consist in chronometrical observations, the

sudden ignition of gunpowder at distant stations, and the

observation of the horizontal angles subtended by any two or

three of the well defined snowy peaks, the positions of which in

latitude and longitude have been determined by the survey ;

these peaks, it is well known, are visible as well in the moun-

tains as in the plains, at very great distances.

Jaks HT.

Teetaghur, May, 1840.

Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

Wednesday Evening, \st April, 1840.

The Hon’ble H. T. Prinsep, Esa. Vice-President, in the chair.

The Proceedings of the last Meeting were read.

The Rev. Professor StREET and Rajah KisHtonatua Raya, proposed at the last

Meeting, were balloted for, and duly elected members of the Society.

Library.

Read a letter from T. H. Mappock, Esa., Secretary to the Government of India,

forwarding for inspection the following works—

Illustrations of Indian Botany, No. 13.

Figures of Indian plants, No. 13 and 14. By Dr. Wicur.

Read a letter from Col. J. Stuart, Secretary to the Government of India, Military

Department, forwarding copy of a work containing the result of Astronomical

observations at the Observatory of the Madras Presidency, during the years 1838

and 1839.

Literary and Antiquities.

Read a letter from H. Torrens, Esa. late Officiating Secretary to the Govern-

ment of India, General Department, transmitting three books, being a Political and

=), Sy abel

+) .

1840. | Asiatic Society. 91

Historical account of the British setthements in the Straits of Malacca, from the

year 1785 to July 1839, by Capt. James Low.

Resolved that they be referred to the Committee of Papers.

Physical.

Read a letter from Mr. Woprnouse, Acting Colonial Secretary at Colombo,

forwarding a copy of the Tide Register kept at Trincomalee during the year 1839.

Read a letter from Lieut. Col. Hopason, presenting a stuffed Albatross.

Skin of a Cat and and also a specimen of the glue root, were presented by

Dr. H. H. Spry.

The Annual Report of the past year was then read.

Secretaries’ Annual Report.

On areview of the proceedings of the Society, for the year 1839, we submit to you

this Report.

Your Society has been stationary during the past year. 12 ordinary Members have

been admitted, and 13 have been lost by death and departure for Europe. Those who

have died, are Mr. G. A. Prinsep, Dr. Bain, Mr.W. K. Ewart, Captain J. TayLor,

and Mr. ©. Brown tow, an associate Member. Those who have quitted India are

HisExcellency Sir H. Fane, the Hon. Col. Morrison, Mr. C. G. MansELL, Dr. G.

Evans, Mr. W. Cracrort, Dr. J. Martin, Lieut. Col. Low, and Mr. D. Ross.

Of your honorary Members, we regret to notice the death of two distinguished Ori-

entalists, Baron Dre Sacy and M. De Tassy. The reputation of Dr Sacy, and his

valuable labours in the field of Oriental Literature, need no eulogium. Our feeble

praise could add nothing to his well deserved fame. ‘

Publications.

We noticed in our last report the completion of the 4th vol. of the Mahabharat, and

the defect of plates which rendered the Sharria Vidya, the Sanscrit Version of Hooper’s

Anatomy, incomplete. Fifty pounds have been remitted to Englandon account, and we

hope that in the course of the year, we shall receive from Europe well executed plates,

which will render the translation of that useful work subservient to the extension of

sound Medical knowledge amongst the Hindu classical cultivators of the science.

The Sharay-ul-Islam, noticed in our last report, has been completed, and we trust

this publication, which treats on the civil law of the Arabs, according to the doctrine

of the juris-consults of the Shea sect, will be found to supply a want which we believe

was sensibly felt.

We bring also to your notice, that Part ii. of the x1x Vol. of your Physical Resear-

ches has since our last report been published.

Museum.

We here introduce the following interesting report of your Curator, in regard to this

branch of your Institution.

“The donations to the Museum are communicated monthly with the proceedings

of the Society. The only donation omitted in the usual place, is that of a collection

of several fishes from Mr. R. J. Ross, in spirits supplied for ‘the purpose. This

little collection, consisting of ten or fifteen species, includes two or three kinds of

eels, which Mr. Rose states are very destructive to the embankments so essential

92 Asiatic Society. [No. 97.

to the safety of the low districts at the head of the Bay, from their habits of burrowing,

a curious fact not before known, I believe, of this family.

“¢ Our own establishment in the Museum have added considerably to our collection

of fishes during the past year; and in a short time it may be hoped that we shall

possess examples of most of the commoner species in Bengal. Our collection of

skeletons has received three interesting additions, besides that made to it by the king

of Oude, already acknowledged in the monthly proceedings, particularly that of a

marsupial animal. The others are, a skeleton of a turtle, and of a gooial, the former

commenced by Dr. Evans.

‘“‘Of birds, several interesting collections have been added to that of the Society

during the same period, but as they have all been acknowledged in the monthly

proceedings, it is unnecessary to specify them again in this place. For the safer

preservation of objects in this department, the whole of the Ornithological cabinets

ought to be removed before the ensuing rains, to the new room upstairs, on the

west side of the house.

‘‘Of minerals, we have received from Dr. Spry, on the part of Captain JENKINS,

Agent to the Governor General, 58 specimens from Cornwall, on condition that

a similar collection of Indian specimens be presented by this Society to the Royal

Geological Society of Cornwall.

«‘ The delay that has taken place in the supply of cabinets for the Society’s minerals,

has prevented, as yet, any return being made for this donation, in as much as our

own collection must be first arranged before we can know what duplicates we have to

offer in exchange, and the necessary examination of the collection cannot be

made until the cabinets that have been ordered are supplied. J. M‘CLELLAND.

7th January, 1840.

«*P.S.—The number of animals set up in the Museum during the last year (1839, ) is

three hundred and seventy-seven (377,) including nine mammalia, two hundred and

nineteen birds, and one hundred and twenty-nine fishes.’ J. M.

Antiquities.

We cannot report results and communications in this branch, so important as those

referred to in our last. In the past year many valuable contributors have been with-

drawn from their studies to the camp, to perform the active duties of their profession

But we may indulge in the hope that many, even in the busy scenes in which they

have engaged, may have collected valuable materials, which future leisure may enable

them to elaborate. The readers, however, of the Asiatic Journal will have observed

several antique inscriptions, which may be pronounced interesting, and might have

even been characterised as important, had not the exciting result of Mr. Jamzs

PRINSEP’S researches raised our estimate of importance.

Library.

The accessions to the Library may be thus classified :— Vols.

English, .. es oe ee - a oe

French, .. on oe oe si ay ate de xe 74

Latin, Se ed ame ‘a ae ave ee ate ate 8

German, .. e8 “a a2 ae we wld. 0 Mints a 10

Arabic, .. ole * ae ae bee a - af 6

Sanscrit, .. b. ih bh ae re us ae a 3

Hindustani, Ay AS wie is ote Ste de om 3

1840. | Asiatic Society. 93

Finances.

The useful additions, and thorough repair which your premises have received have

much swelled the expenditure of the two past years. The outlay, however, has,

we are happy to say, rendered the house commodious, and well adapted for the

various objects you encourage. The following table shews your financial state.

[The account current will be found at the end.]

Memorandum of the Books received into the Library in 1839.

The Number of all the Books, large and small, in different Languages, on the stated

subjects, amounts to 336.

English. Vols.Pam, No.

Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia. Literary and Scientific Men. .. so MD OO

——_— S§s- ———-_ ————_ Literary Men of France. 46 soheliee O7n0

——$<— ss ——— __- ————_ Statesmen. ae ie on Soh eee Oe O

Probabilities. .. ne Ae senate Oragii@

——_ —_——-_ ————._ Biiography,—English Poets. .. someind: FeO 2G)

—_—_ Ss-§ ——_ ——__ History.—Denmark. .. oe Sere de POLO

— Ss ——-S — England... sie i 0O 0O

—=—- ——————- So Greece. aie ae 1.0.0

———_ _ ——-_ Natural History,—Geology. .. Say ietewie On)

——_ - -—_ - ——_ Fish. 65 seetjd iO

Transactions. ee ae ae bie ae fe es CON ag

Reports. Sc a5 oe oe “ Ls, eoniee

Proceedings. ar ve or ee ae oe Shahi se OTe

Journals. .. Bs Be bie Ae a5 oe Peco, 4

History. .. te Be ne 3 46 ae 4 ll 0O

Naturalist’s Library. fe an °°

Accounts. ate oe ae oe ore < aye Le Or aKO

Philosophy. 5 ae be oe oe ° piipitind Ove O Jara (0)

Mathematics. e be om ae eo ele On

Observations. ae be on ae os sore Oa O

List of Members of Societies. Bie os 56 mia ty EE |

Maps. ee xe Se ee as = °° ae ea. 6 70

Botany. ae oe a6 8 ae ae ae Serer kG

Illustrations. af oe oe ROTH 9:

Catalogues. = 5 50 aie nc Bee 30

Treatises. ie ae Sc es : Ow rhe 0

Voyages. ore or POT

Memoirs. oe == a te 2 ONO

Documents, ata as €s : 1 OU

State Papers. ae oS es oe a oe lene. LOD .O

Analysis, (Mackenzie’s Collections, by Wilson). ae -- Copies, O 50 0O

Descriptions. ae ate . ° ° ° EO 0

Miscellaneous. .. sip ae . TAOS Til

94 Asiatic Society. [No. 97.

Brought over. ee os ee oe oe wie -- 43 32 66

French.

Researches. ote as ae

Reports. os ar ee os

Bulletin. a on 5 ate

Natural History, ..

Notices. cio Mies ers “5

Collections. ne ae ex

Grammar, (French and Armenian). oe

Miscellaneous. ..

—

e\coowocdc.v

woerew cCOr ©

State Papers. .. ce os

Miscellaneous. .. ae

Periodicals. we a5 we 4

Natural History. 4c 46 1

Treatises. aie ee ate oe ae ocala

Biography. es se 4

Miscellaneous. .. we 0

Arabic.

Dictionary, (Arabic and Latin).

Arabian Nights. .. ee

Sanscrit.

Poetical Works. ed os Se bg ae

Psalms of David. an we et se : hae |

The Ramayana, 1

Hindustani.

The New Testament. .. as | 1

Miscellaneous. ave ie os te oe Copies. 2

ee eo ee ee

ee eee

Total, i 26 47.99 90

eee SS

As1aTic Society’s House. ALEX. CSOMA,

2nd. January, 1840. Librarian, Asiatic Society.

Note.—For the Books received in the month of January, see Journal Asiatic

Society, No. 3, new Series for March 1839.

—

‘

. Apri 5

Meteorological Register, hept at the Surveyor-General's Office, Caleutta, for the Month of April, 1840. 95

Minimum Temperature observed 7 ~Wexiouan Pi Fremure obverved 7 Observations made at apparent Noon

at sunrise, at i, 50 a1. es

5 of \Temperature, | Wind, : *

2 F Wind. Fj omperature, i : #

Z/3 5 § g ele ; Z

Si ; FS § lz, 4 2

aate z Aly Hi z 3 ioe] : :

Es % 36] 5 lap i iss E 4

a |s 2 Sere Sa Hse Je pL eae eee, Ee

6 29, 966) 92,0) N.bW|Clear

F st ps] at ‘930] 82 HUW. ..|Cloar

7\¢e@ BAY) 888) 87, 4) W. ..|Clear.

3 8,7 san 8. =) Cloar

i 17983) 36,5) S, 1. Clear,

é Cala, |G Ey ‘706) 85,0) |ssiw “= |Cloar,

; ia 0,0) 8] 3 1730) 55,0 last {Light Clouds,

8 2] 04 {7972 83, 8. ../A few detached Clouds,

4 8,0) 88,9) 1820) 8,0 8. ¢./Clear.

5,8] 59,5] Bd) 89, 8. :1|Clear

,2| 90,0) 43) #05) 8... |Cloar,

87; 89,0) 83, 59,0) S. ..|Cloar

86,5} 1,9) Bi, 510) S. W,/C

86,3) 94,8) 83, 2) 9,0) WwW.

Gloudy, 3,0] 92,0] 8d, 89,5 w

{)Cloudy. 4,9] 99,0] 83, 77| 9). S

{|Gonerally Clear Fs

Cloudy partially, K 8? gents of

Generally Cleat, wy) 80) ‘Cumuli detached,

Cirro Cummuli interspd, 89, a} 87, Cloudy,

Cirrostrati. BR ««|'To the east oir,-at. &afow cumult

+ |Light Mists, 1) BGye) 920 82318. <:\Curnate, & Cum, zenith clear,

A fow detached Clouds, 91,0 83,0 Clear.

Gonorally Clear, ).0) 81,218, Cunuli.

Detached Clouds, ; Shigh|Cu Detached Clouds (Moating.)

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JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Note of Discoveries of Gems from Kandahar.—By Lieutenant

Cono_ty.

My DEAR Sir, Kandahar, October 24, 1839.

In default of something more interesting, you will perhaps

not think the enclosed facsimiles of gems unworthy of place

in your Journal. They are sent rather, it must be confessed,

with the desire of gaining information, than a hope of being

able to impart it. The number of the Journal which contains

the Pehlevi Alphabet not being procurable here, we are unable

to read the inscriptions. Our harvest of antiquities has as

yet been most unpromising. This is partly owing to the

disturbed state of the country, but also in a great measure

to our researches having been confined to the southern pro-

vinces of Afghanistan, to which the Greek rule and civiliza-

tion would seem only very partially to have extended. From

Shikarpore to Herat or Seistan there is hardly one stone

edifice, and not one of antiquity. Pure Bactrian coins are very

rare, and the only description found in any quantity, are coins

having some connection with the Azos series; the most com-

mon being copper coins, with a head and illegible inscription

on the obverse, with the Unadpherros reverse. Seistan, which

we hoped would prove an Eldorado, furnishes, or has as yet

furnished, nothing but these, together with numerous Sassanian

and Arsakian coins. Of the Sassanian, the most common is a

Species not noticed in the Journal, but probably to be recog-

nized in some of your numismatological works. Obverse, two

heads, one with the usual Sassanian high cap and long beard,

the other facing it smaller.

No. 98. New Serizs, No. 14. O

98 Gems from Kandahar. [No. 98.

But leaving coins to a future opportunity, I proceed to lay

before you the history of the gems forwarded.

1. A Buddhist (?) monogram on an agate, found at Kandahar.

2. A female with child, and a hawk in her hand. The

figures on the margin, which might be mistaken for letters,

seem rather to be birds; seals with this impression seem not to

be uncommon ; they have been found at Herat and Kandahar.

The inclosed is from an agate.

3. <A Victory: agate. Kandahar.

4. A do. with fillet and palm branch, do.

5. A seated figure. Rudely executed Pehlevi character ?

These are all of the collection of Colonel Stacy.

Major Leech allows me to send you the following :-—

6. Similar to No. 2, Pehlevi letters distinct. Ruby.

7. Horse and rider ; inscription indistinct.

8. Bacchus or Silenus ?

9. <A doubtful specimen, probably modern, representing a

love scene from some of the innumerable tales, such as Wamik

and Oosra, (a work which in spite of Van Hammer’s boasted

discovery, is common in Europe) Adam and Door Khan, &c. &c.

10. ‘The most perfect and curious specimen of the collection

was dug out of the ruins of the ancient Boonaka, upon which is

now erected Nadali, the Mokum of one of the four chiefs of

Seistan. This place affords innumerable relics of antiquity.

Climbing up the old mound with two or three attendants, we

found three copper coins in as many minutes. It is an agate

seal with three faces, bored through so as to admit of its being

worn round the neck. I will not venture a conjecture on the

subject of the engravings. The head would seem to be Sas-

sanian, while the peculiar position of the five fingers argue

something mystical and Buddhistic.

1]. Has perhaps some relation to the punja in the above;

it belongs to Colonel Stacy.

The next five are also from the ruins of Boonaka, nearly

the only place in Seistan which has as yet yielded antiquities.

When the rain turns up the earth, the idlers hasten to the

“‘ Dujhulgurdi,” as they call the rummaging of these old relics,

and find large numbers of gems, small copper images of birds

1840. | Gems from Kandahar 99

and beasts, and copper, silver, and a few gold coins ; the former

chiefly Caliphate and Sassanian. A potful just dug up, was

brought to us from Peeshawroon, but they were every one

entirely destroyed by rust; we did not get one gold coin.

12. The Trisul, with a half-moon.

13. <A very rude Buddhist sitting figure.

14. Brought on the same string with No. 10. Sculpture

very rude. Obverse, apparently the Buddhist figure of the 00

series of coins; the other face, unless it be meant for two birds,

I can make nothing of. Figures of birds and beasts on agate,

cut on copper seals and imaged in copper, are found in such

quantities in every old town all over Afghanistan, and so exactly

similar, that they alone, if no other proof were at hand, would

suffice to shew the former universality of the Buddhist creed.

Animals of all descriptions are found.

15 and 16. Two copper seals have, the first, a griffin; the

other a Brahmunee bull.

17. Is from a copper ring, which resembles in some points

the circles of animals found in Ceylon, at Behat, &c. On it may

be perceived the hog, cat, two cocks, &c. &c. It was probably

dug up from the Kimak hills above Herat, which besides nu-

merous small idols of stone and metal, furnish cylinders like

those of Babylon,* with arrow-headed inscriptions. I regret to

have at present none to send you. The reverse of 17 seems to

represent flying figures.

18. Isaseal. Are the letters Cufic ?

The next paper on the subject of the antiquities, will I hope

be better worth your attention; just now I have nothing of

interest to forward, and am much pressed for time, being here

a mere traveller en route to Caubul. Yours sincerely,

KHAN ALI.

* Nore.---One of these cylinders was with the permission of the owner,

Major Pottinger, laid before the Society at the last meeting with a collec-

tion of gems and coins from Herat: I trust to have it in my power to com-

pare it with a Babylonish cylinder. Drawings of it and some of the gems

are under preparation by Lieut. Kittoe, who has with his usual kindness

undertaken to enable me to insert them in the Journal.

100

Note on Kandahar Gems.

It is extremely mortifying to be obliged to submit these very smgular

relics to the readers of the Journal without any thing beyond a conjectu-

ral comment upon them. The gems themselves must be, many of them,

extremely well executed, arguing the existence of a high state of civilizati-

on among the people, with whom they were in use. The drawings, taken from

the impressions in sealing wax with which Lieut. Conolly has furnished me

give, I should say, with one or two trifling exceptions, a very faithful, and

accurate idea of the gems they are intended to represent. The figure of the

Victory (No 4) might well compete im grace and spirit with the ordinary

similar figures found on the ancient gems of Italy, or Greece. As the

comparison by juxtaposition of one of such gems with the Victory

might be thought interesting, I have mserted immediately below it

a Jupiter (A) found at Civita Vecchia.* It is an agate, and the draw-

ing has been taken from an impression in sealing wax, in order to put

the European on exact par with the Asiatic antique. The result of the

comparison is not, I think, to the disadvantage of the latter; and as the

Jupiter has been, its possessor informs me, looked upon by competent

judges in such gems as a good specimen, we may in a sort of vague

manner assign a period to our Victory as having been produced under

the purely Grecian dynasty of Bactria, when the arts of their fatherland

were still cherished in something of their original beauty by the soldier-

monarchs, whose arms constituted their right of empire.

The figures (as Nos. 2 and 6) belong evidently to a very different

era, were even the execution alone the test by which to judge of them.

The gem No. 10, again, is of a higher order of art, although bearing

a barbarian legend: the head on one of the sides is cleverly cut, the

hand on another well proportioned, and the characters of the inscrip-

tion executed with much neatness. All speculation however on the

style of workmanship as a test of the date of production of such gems

is, for the present, idle. I have merely touched upon it, as believing

that it may hereafter become a useful agent of verification, or even of

discovery, when time, patience, and a larger experience in the varieties

of these relics shall have given a clue to the assignment, or an approxima-

tion of the assignment, of their periods. That we may hope for this on

sound grounds, I shall explain further on.

The monogram on No.1, I had at one time thought to have proved

to be, as Lieut. Conolly suggests, Boodhist; it is still under examination.

* Note.—It is the property of Lieut. George Reid, Ist Cavalry, to whose kindness the Society is

indebted for the drawings of the gems published in this number, and without whose aid I could

not have submitted a copy at length of the characters on them.

1840. | Note on Kandahar Gems. 101

The figure No. 2, with the child, seems to me to hold not “a hawk,” but a

parrot, on her hand. The frequent occurrence of a similar gem gives

room to hope that the personage represented (mythological in all pro-

bability) may be identified; and I the more incline to think this, because

among the figures which Lieut. Conolly supposes to be rude representa-

tions of birds, I detect two distinct characters of the Pehlevi. May I

beg the attention of our readers to this, and to the other inscrip-

tions on these gems, and their aid in attempting to decypher them

by means of the alphabets compiled (As. Jour. vol. iv. p. 360) with such

care and accuracy by our late Secretary?

I may here mention, that we have now in Afghanistan the advantage of

an invaluable assistant in such researches, I mean Major Rawlinson, whose

recent discoveries at Persepolis, communicated to the Royal Asiatic Society,

must rank among the most important historical acquisitions of this coun-

try. Major Rawlinson’s patience, enterprise, and ingenuity, have been

rewarded by complete success in decyphering the well known inscriptions

at that ancient city, the records contained in which go to verify the ac-

curacy of Herodotus with regard to a portion of the work in which the

Father of History has been hitherto (from want of corroborative testimony, )

supposed to be most open to doubt and obj ection. The exact correspondence

is said to be such that it might not be a wild supposition, were one to

entertain the idea, that these very inscriptions had been the sources of

his information. Having achieved so much, there is ample reason to

conclude that the same spirit of inquiry will be as ably directed in

researches into the present mysteries of Pehlevi, as of late into what was

the sealed book of Zend. I have indeed the gratifying assurance of know-

ing that Major Rawlinson is already engaged in applying his information

to his present field of action, as Iam now keeping back a most interesting

paper on Seistan, by Lieut. Conolly, im order to have the advantage of

notes and translations added to it by the accomplished scholar above-

named. Under these circumstances I am justified in renewing my earnest

request for information on all and every poimt of antiquarian interest

beyond the Indus, in the deep conviction, that there do there exist the

- means of unfolding another page in the great book of the history of na-

tions, with regard to countries, the “ officina gentium,” from of old to India.

What of discovery as to the origin of the mixed tribes, and many peoples

that inhabit the Peninsula, may not be elicited by a perseverance in re-

search in this new and most interesting field !

Nos. 3 and 4 and 5, I need not notice; as regards No. 6 it is as well to

observe that the figure there given, is not exactly similar to No. 2, as sug-

gested by Lieut. Conolly. The child is held here on the opposite arm, and

102 Note on Kandahar Gems. [No 98.

the right hand is raised in a monitory attitude instead of supporting

a hawk, or parrot. The legend I have given in the lithograph accom-

panying this paper (No. 2.)

No. 9, I cannot make out the meaning of; the figures of the goat and

bullock are spirited and natural, while the human sitting figure, and

another half-seen personage who appears to be offering a glass or cup, are

so rude as to lead one to suppose they were purposely caricatured. The

material on which this is cut is not noted.

The three-faced gem, No. 10, is indeed an exceedingly curious relic.

The legend I have given at length to facilitate reference, as they do not

show distinctly in the lithograph of the gem. As to the meaning of the

figures and symbols, after exhausting all the inquiry and conjecture my

limited opportunities will allow me to engage in, I would decidedly consider

them to be Boodhist. The head might be (?) Boodh; the extension of

the lobe of the ear in the figure, and the nature of the symbols appended

on the other faces of the gem, might warrant the assumption. It is un-

fortunate that Mr. Csoma de Koros’ excessive dislike for conjectural com-

ments of this kind deprives me, as it invariably did our late Secretary, of

his assistance upon the points now under consideration. But in the

absence of other aid, I had recourse to the assistance of a very intelli-

gent Jotee, or Jain priest, at present resident in Calcutta. He was ori-

ginally from Dehli, has resided long at Lucknow, and has been about six

years here. I was fortunate enough to find him out while making inqui-

ries through certain Jains of respectability, who chanced to have him for

their Gooroo. On showing him the impression of the head, and inquir-

ing whether there was any ground for venturing to suppose that

Boodh might be represented as with the beard, he decidedly negatived

the supposition, and insisted that, though the other signs were Boodhistic,

the head was not what I had suggested. Having however pointed

out the elongated lobe of the ear, which had escaped his observation

at first, he was struck with the circumstance, and after some fur-

ther examination made the remarkable discovery of the supposed beard

being the cloth wrapper which his sect place before the mouth, letting it

fall over the lower part of the face when engaged in religious discussion,

in holy rites, or in teaching on points connected with their doctrine. He

appeared to be much surprised, and elated at this discovery, and did not

entertain a doubt as to the identity of the head with Boodh. The sup-

posed beard was in fact, until explained with reference to its proper repre-

sentation, an almost insurmountable argument against the head’s being

what I would have fain supposed it. Captain Macleod, (ofthe Political De-

partment) so long resident among a Boodhist population, had already in-

ee a a a

1840. | Note on Kandahar Gems. 103

formed me of the impossibility of reconciling the bearded face with that of

Boodh. I have again, and again, pored over the impression, and have

examined it through a strong magnifier, with the hope, as may well be ima-

gined, of being able to convince myself of the justness of the Jotee’s sup-

position, but I must honestly confess, that I am by no means able to

satisfy myself that he is right, though the line across the check may be

taken as the edge of the cloth, which, when so worn, is fastened immedi-

ately behind the ear, in a straight line from the upper lip. My belief

is, that the real explanation of the head is yet to be made.

The hand holds the position of what more than one very com-

petent native informant, (among them Pandit Kamalakanta Vidya-

lanka), has described to me as a Moodra, or emblematic sign, com-

mon among Brahminical teachers. It is called the Totwa Moodra, and is

used by the Gooroo while inculcating some doctrinal point, or explaining

one of the mysteries of his religion to his disciple. Many of the readers

of the Journal may doubtless have seen it used, and most of those at all

conversant with the faith and habits of the Hindoos, will remember that

Rama is ordinarily represented with the hand in this position. It is, in

short, the sign of a religious teacher, or preacher.

It is also termed Vyakhyana, and among professors of the Brahminical

doctrines is adopted on the authority of the following Sloka from the

Tantra Sara.

aPmRy wer alacteca Hates | Slat ARTETA at

Staiy Gas 1) Asians Hea cejaritar AWTS [1

This is translated literally, ‘‘ The junction of the tips of the right thumb

and forefinger, when disjoined from the other fingers, which are in a close and

curved position, is called the Vyakhyana Moodrika. Know that this (moodra)

is always an object, or source of pleasure to Sree Rama, and Saraswati,

(Goddess of science and thearts.)” The Moodra is not less Boodhistic than

Brahminical. With the Jains it is termed Oopdesh, or Unyoog Moodra, all the

terms in use with the professors of these creeds, having one reference to the

instruction in, and inculcation of, essential truth. Indeed the Jotee directly he

commenced giving me information on the points discussed at our meeting,

as if by involuntary motion, put his right hand into the shape represented

on the gem, covering his mouth with the left hand, so as immediately to

recall by the mere action the conviction that the veiled mouth (?) and

curved hand of the gem could belong to no set of types, but that of

which a living example was before me. The triple-poited symbol I had

from the first considered Boodhistic, and some authorities which I had

consulted, induced me to believe that the lower part of it was the trikon,

104 Note on Kandahar Gems. [No. 98.

or triangle representing the earth, and the three points, the pinnacle

of Meru, forming with the Sux and Moon, a general type of creation.

The Jotee however informed me that the whole symbol was typical

with his sect only of the mysterious mountain, “ Shimmero Purbut,”

or Meru, the which the Jains say is composed of four forests, the lower

Showmunsh banu, “the flowery forest,” the three upper ones, Bhoodra shal

banu, Pandooko banu, and Nundono banu, “ the fair sal forest, the yellow,

and the pleasant forests.”” The Sun and Moon revolve, according to Boodhist

faith, about the higher peaks, and are in this type of course appropriately

introduced. Such is the explanation, which after infinite trouble, has

been put together as a plausible commentary on the possible meaning

of the figures on this remarkable gem. The inscription was of course a

much more difficult subject of consideration, and under the impression

that I had detected the Sassanian Pehlevi in its character, I persevered

(with the aid of Mr. Reid) in attempting to read the letters by the

alphabet of the language above named. I even conceived that there

was so much similarity in the forms of the letters, according to the way

in which I read them, as almost to justify my publishing as conjectural the

fruits of our endeavours under the above, as it proved, mistaken impression.

While dwelling on this idea, I chanced to make a reference as to the

Brahminical adoption of the Moodra represented on the gem, and in the

course of it, showed the impression to Pandit Kamalakanta Vidyalanka,

as well as to other well informed Hindoos ; among them, to my friend Raee

Seetanath Bhose Behadoor, who was of great service to me in the subse-

quent inquiry. To my surprise, he (reading the character in reverse of the

mode which I had attempted in inexperience of the art of decyphering)

recognized so much of a decidedly Sanscrit character in the letters as to

induce me to make over the impression to him for deliberate study. I had

already discovered the exact similarity of the letters in two of the faces,

but the result of the Pandit’s inquiry proved all three to be the same, and

the character (as given in the lithograph, No 1,) to assimilate very closely,

if not positively to coincide, with the Sanscrit (Boodhist, 500, B. C.) of the

celebrated Baroda inscription. (Vide Asiatic Society’s Journal, vol.---p.---,)

I have only assigned letters in the Nagree character to those’ of the in-

scription, which by actual reference to the lithograph of the Baroda writ-

ing, I have seen exist there in exact facsimile. The rest the Pandit ad-

mits slight variations in, though very confident of the correctness of his

reading on the whole sentence. He makes it BASSI HATA AAA

MAA | (jagadrajo bhagalayo yojana lakshan) which may be literally

translated, “ The mansion of both the Lords of the World (Sun and Moon)

1840. | Note on Kandahar Gems. 105

is a lakh yojana;’ or by paraphrase might be read, ‘The site of the in-

fluence of the two lords of the world extends (a lakh yojana) eight hun-

dred thousand miles.’’ The yojana (the measure occurring, Captain Mac-

leod informs me as Yoozana in the religious and geographical works of

the Burmese) is made of four measures of two thousand fathoms, (Dhonuk

the distance between the extremities of the hands extended.)

As respects the reading of the inscription, I think there is sufficient pro-

bability of correctness to justify its publication; but it will be observed that

“ja,” “ga,” “na,” and “lo,” are the only exactly, or very nearly corres-

pondent letters with those found on the Goojerat inscription. The compound

“dra,” (the third character of the inscription) is an arbitrary reading.

‘¢Ya,” which Kamalakanta interprets to be the character which recurs

three times in the inscription, the sixth, eighth, and ninth letters, resembles

the “ya,” of the Goojerat type, but is not zdentical im shape. ‘Bha,” is

the Goojerat letter reversed. “Ska,” is in the gem very minute; itis a

double letter, clearly defined in the Goojerat type ; its supposed corres-

pondent in our inscription is sufficiently similar to authorise our giving it

this value. Pandit Kamalakanta insists strongly upon the correctness of his

rendering, arguing from the context where the character is obscure; in the

critical observations by him on the reading, which I have above abridged,

he repeatedly dwells on there not being “the slightest doubt” of the cor-

rectness of his interpretation. I have thought it best to affect less certainty

for obvious reasons; however it must be remembered that the lakh Yojan

is the Beodhist circle of the sun’s revolution, and that this is most distinctly

written on that face of the gem, which bears the symbol of Meru with the

sun and moon revolving about it, for though it occurs on both the other

faces, the characters are carelessly written, and are comparatively indistinct.

What the intent of appending this motto might be, remains to be considered

with reference to the general description of the gem.

Supposing it possible (which I can hardly suppose), that the head may

be considered as representing Boodh, we should, without a forced interpreta-

tion, see in the gem, the seal, or perhaps amulet, of some zealous Boodhist,

who bore about him in these emblematic devices a constant remem-

brance of .the universality of the doctrine ;---for instance; 1. Boodh;

2. The hand inculcating his true doctrine; 3. Throughout the celestial

(and terrestrial?) system. The motto would have similar reference to the

extension ofthe doctrine throughout “ the mansion of the lords of the earth.”’

Supposing, however, the head to be that of a monarch, as the beard

would not allow us to consider it that of a teacher, the repetition of the

motto might lead one to suppose, that it contaimed some allusion to his

name. Could hebe some “ Jagad raja,” who by using the word in a double

sense intended at once to celebrate his own name, and either allude to the

106 Note on Kandahar Gems. [No. 98.

extension of his rule, or of his religion, or of both? The inculcation of

the Boodhist creed expressed by the Moodra, and the allusion to the

extension of that creed throughout created nature, would hold good,

as bearing out this hypothesis, which seems for a conjectural expla-

nation, as to a certain degree, of sufficient plausibility to bespeak

attention. In the result of all the above tedious, and troublesome re-

search, I would not venture to offer, as to this new field for investigation,

more than a suggestion, as to possible meaning, It is my earnest hope,

that criticism may be thus encouraged, correction of error induced, and

true conclusion elicited.

The inquiry into the meaning of the symbols on gems found in Afghan-

istan, and the adjacent countries, shall be continued with all diligence.

The Jotee,* to whom I have so often alluded, has undertaken to give me

references from Jain books of authority on all symbolic types, which he

may be enabled to give an interpretation of. I have by me a collection of

gems, the property of Major Pottinger, on the examination of which the

Jotee proposes to enter at once. Mr. Conolly has supplied me with a second

series of relics from the neighbourhood chiefly of Jullalabad, which although

not so interesting as those now submitted, will nevertheless add, I trust,

something to our stock of information. I must again earnestly beg for

impressions at any rate of all gems---particularly of those bearing inscrip-

tions---from the readers of the Journal beyond the Indus, and from those

of their friends, who being possessed of such relics would be kind

enough to allow them to be made use of. Gems from Nadali (Boonaka)

would be of great value.

The character numbered 2 of the lithographs I have not, after the

signal failure in giving a Pehlevi version of the other, ventured to give a

rendering of. It continues under examination, with, I fear, small hope

that it will be decyphered. The wax on which the impression is taken

is so bad, that this alone has made the ‘tracing of the letters difficult.

They are from No. 6, the monitory female figure, with a child. The exe-

cution of the figure I have already observed on; the characters are cleverly

done, and assimilate to those of No. 10.

On the remaining Nos. I have no observation to offer in emendation of

Lieut. Conolly’s, to whose zeal and intelligence the Society is once more

deeply indebted. It will be observed that jive of the impressions he notes

in his letter do not appear in the lithographs. One or two appear never

to have reached their destination, and the others I did not receive when

taking charge of the papers of the Society. I hope. however to receive

them on some future occasion. py

* T would gladly have given the name of this very intelligent and obliging person, had { been en-

abled; but it is with the Jain priests a practice mever to tell their name. Many of the Hindoo

religious have a somewhat similar scruple, but not to this extent. On requesting the Jotee to allow

me to mention his name in the Journal, he was silent, and would not speak for several minutes

He afterwards told me that no Jain should ever utter his own name, or speak of his own actions.

ae ey ee ee — a

Bsiatic Lith Bress T Brack Littws

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107

A Second Memoir with reference to the Theory of the Law of

Storms in India ; being, Researches relating to the Storm of

the 19th to the 2\st September at the head of the Bay of

Bengal; to the Great Hurricane at Coringa on the 16th Novem-

ber, 1839 ; and to another off the Island of Preparis on the 22d

November. By Henry Pippineron.

PART I.

My first Memoir on this subject, published in the Journal

of the Asiatic Society for July and August 1839, was occupied

with the Gale and Hurricane of 3rd to 5th June of 1839, with

some theoretical and practical deductions. In the present, I

propose to consider the tempests which occurred in the Bay

of Bengal, between that epoch and the close of the same year.

The first of these is the Gale of 19th to 21st September 1839.

The authorities from which my information respecting it is

derived, are the logs and reports of about fourteen ships, Pilot,

and Light Vessels, and 10 or 12 reports from inland stations,

which have reached me through the Secretary to Government,

pursuant to the notice published in the newspapers on I1th

September, 1839.

I proceed, as in the first Memoir, to place upon record the

materials, abridging them when necessary; after which I shall

arrange them in a tabular form for each day, so as to afford

thereby at a glance, as well as by the chart, a synoptical view

of the progress of the storm.

PP PP LI IG PSDP OP DODD

No.1.—Eztract from the Log of the H.C. Steamer “ Enterprise,”

Capt. C. H. West ; in the Bay of Bengal.

Tuesday, \7th Sept. 1839. p.m. Freshening breeze and clear

Wind. weather. At sunset fresh WSWesterly breeze

SW. to WNW. and cloudy weather. At 10 p.m. succession of

heavy squalls from SW. to WNW. with vivid

lightning. At 4 a.m. strong breeze with heavy

squalls ; throughout the forenoon constant heavy

squalls ; all sails furled, and the engines work-

ing from 8 to 10 revolutions. Sun obscured.

Latitude per log, 13° 22' N., longitude per log,

84° 50’. :

108 Second Memoir with reference to [No. 98.

Wednesday, 18th Sept. 1839. p.m. Fresh gale from the SW.

Wind. with a high sea, and the vessel labouring

very much. At 4 p.m. set the fore topsail, double

SSw. reefed ; and the mizen close reefed; sighted a

_ brig scudding under her foresail, steering

to. the NE. At sun-set, fresh gale and

squally. At midnight, increasing gale and

WNW. to SW. cloudy weather, with a rising sea; vessel la-

bouring much. Carried away the wheel ropes ;

rove new ones. At daylight split the fore try-

West. sail; lowered it to repair. At 7 A.M. set ditto

again, but close reefed. At 8 a.m. heavy gale,

with very high sea. At 104 a.m. pitched the

jibboom in, and carried it away; and on the

vessel sending to the same sea aft, stove the

WDN. jolly boat over the stern, filled her with water and

nearly carried her away altogether; got her in

over the stern. At noon heavy gales and thick

cloudy weather, with a high sea. Sun obscured.

Latitude per log 13° 14’ N., Longitude per log,

84°46' EK. The engines during this twenty-

four hours at 5 to 9 revolutions.

Thursday, 19th Sept. 1839. p.m. Unbent fore trysail and

WNW. bent the new one. At 4 p.m. strong gales with

heavy squalls and rain. At 6 p.m. ditto weather,

and high sea; drift about 14 to SW. At 9 p.m.

during a heavy squall, the roping of the new

fore trysail gave way ; lowered it for repair.

At midnight more moderate, and to all ap-

pearance the gale breaking. At lh. 30m. a.m. the

moon set, when the gale raged as fierce as ever

in heavy squalls. At daylight heavy gales,

with a high topping sea. Vessel labouring

SWb. heavily. Close reefed the main sail in case the

mizen should give way ; drift about one mile to

the NW. At9 a. M. gale increased, with high

topping sea. Noon heavy gale with hard squalls

and rain. Got the sun between the squalls.

1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 109

Latitude by observation 13° 18’ N., longitude

per log, 85° 10’ E. Engines working at 6 to 10

revolutions this twenty-four hours.

Friday, 20th Sept. 1839. p.m. Heavy gale with very high sea;

got a preventer tackle on the fore mast ; during

the last 16 hours kept vessel close to the wind,

with only the mizen set, and the engines work-

SW. and SW _ ing from 6 to 9 revolutions. At 8 p.m. more

by S. moderate. At midnight decreasing gale and

clear. A.M. Moderating, but still a heavy sea

running. Noon, clear. Latitude obs. 13° 33' N.,

long. per Chron. 85° 35’ E.

The 21st. 22nd. and 23rd. p.m. Squally at times, and the sea

continued till we approached to within 60 miles

of the land. The barometer only fell 4-10ths of

an inch during the gale. At Madras they had

no wind, but a very heavy surf and torrents of

rain. On the 25th we reached Madras, and found

every thing smooth. During two days after the

gale we put the fires out, and set all the sail

we could, but the current was so strong to the

eastward that we could make no way. We ex-

perienced a strong southerly current after leav-

ing Madras, and we heard they had had a very

strong gale off Coringa, but I could not learn

in what direction.

PO POPPPPLGESPDPPPIGPD

No. 2.—Extract from the Log of the Barque “Isadora,” Capt.

G. Hodson ; along the Coast from Vizagapatam to Calcutta.

On the 15th September, at anchor in Vizagapatam Roads.

First, and middle parts light SbW. winds and gloomy weather ;

latter part strong SSW. winds and clear.

16th. Ditto ditto winds and weather.

17th. Steady, and strong SSW. winds, with showers of rain

throughout.

18th. Ditto moderate NW. winds, veering to NNE. and

cloudy weather.

110 Second Memoir with reference to [No. 98.

19th. Ditto NNW. winds and dark gloomy weather, with

rain. Weighed for Bimlipatam.

20th. Ditto NNW. winds and cloudy weather.

21st. Ditto SW., W., and WNW. winds, and hazy weather.

Weighed for Calcutta.

G. HODSON.

PPPPOL OP DD PP OP POOLS

No. 3.—Abridgment of the Log of the Brig “ Spy,” Capt. C. R.

Smith, from Rangoon towards Calcutta. Reduced to Civil time.

On the 18th September.—At noon in lat. 18° 40°. N.,. longi-

tude 88° 48’. K. Light steady breeze at east, with cloudy weather,

continuing till midnight. Steering to the NNW. and NbW.

At midnight wind EbDN., squally.

19th September.—At 4 a.m. threatening appearance to the

NE. Daylight, fresh gale EDN. with a swell from the NE. At

Sh. increasing gale; shorten sail at 10h. ; sounded in 60 fathoms.

Noon more moderate ; made sail; heavy swell from the NE.; .

wind EDN. lat 20° 36’ N., longitude 88° 01’ E. p.m. Moderate

breeze, but cloudy; swell from the NE., stood to the eastward.

At 5 p.m., threatening to the NW. battened down fore hatches.

At 6, heavy thunder and lightning, wind NE.; midnight mode-_

rate and cloudy, with lightning to the westward. Heavy swell

from the NE., vessel pitching heavily.

20th September.—l1 a.m. Heavy gusts from NW. In fore

topsail; hove too. 6 a.m. wind NNW. more threatening ap-

pearance; gale increasing to noon from the NW.; hove too

under close reefed main topsail, in 45 fathoms water. No obser-

vation. Latitude by account and soundings 20°44’ N., longitude

88° 18' EK. p.m. Fresh gale, heavy swell from the northward.

At 5 p.m. having stood to the westward, no ground 70

fathoms. At 10 set the foresail; swell from the northward ;

much water tumbling on deck with the roll of the vessel.

Midnight moderate gale and cloudy ; swell from the NW.

21st September.—4 a.m. High confused sea; less wind ;

vessel labouring very heavily. At 5, wind from SW. witha heavy

sea. At 8, no ground 70 fathoms. At 10, soundings in 55 fath-

—1840.} the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. {il

oms. Noon, fresh breeze and cloudy. Lat. obs. 20° 53' N.,

longitude 88° 35’ 30" E. pe. m. Steady breeze, and heavy swell

to the SW. Vessel rolling heavily, and much water washing

on board. At midnight the Floating Light NEbN.

On the morning of 22nd got a pilot, and stood in with

moderate weather. .

Capt. Smith remarks at the close of his log— I do

not call the weather we experienced during these dates a

gale; should I have been outward bound, I am pretty sure

that the “ Spy” would have gone through it with double

reefed topsails, reefed courses, close-reefed boom mainsail, and

fore topmast staysail. No doubt we should have felt it with

this sail, but what I got of it was nothing to speak of, with

the exception of a lot of water tumbling in upon our decks,

we being deep,-and I suppose within the influence of the lateral

tides off the Sand Heads at the fall of the freshes, which

must have occasioned this. My longitudes, I] have reason to

know, are perfectly correct.”

POPPE PIP IP IL LOOP

No. 4.—H. C. 8. “ Amherst,” Capt. Paterson, at anchor, Kyouk

Phoo Harbour. Civil time.

18th September, 1839.—At sunset wind south, squally and

heavy rain. 8 a.m. Bar. 30.3; midnight SE. light breezes,

cloudy and rain.

19th September.—a.m. Light breezes SE. At 3, a heavy squall.

At 4, strong breezes ESE. and heavy rain. At 8 the same ; noon

SE. squally and rain. At 3 p. m. Bar. 30.2; sunset to mid-

night strong breezes and squally.

20th September,—a.m. Strong breezes SE., and squally with

rain. At 3 a heavy squall from SE. with pouring rain. At 4, the

same, Bar. 30.1. At8 squally with rain. At noon wind south,

more moderate. Sunset, ESE. squally and rain. Midnight, SE.

squally and incessant rain.

21st September.—a.m. SE. squally, with incessant rain. At 4

the same. At 8 moderate with incessant rain and thunder. Noon,

south ; moderate incessant rain. Sunset and till midnight cloudy,

squally and rain. Bar. 30,

ji ——s—.- CO

‘

112 Second Memoir with reference to . (No. 98.

No. 5.—Captain Elson, Master Attendant of Chittagong, in his

report of 27th December, says—

“On the 19th and 20th September we had a severe gale

here, which lasted about 24 hours; that is, the severity of it

did, it was not accompanied with rain. The wind principally

held between east and south, veering towards the conclusion to

the SW. as all gales do on this coast, when they break up.”

POLPPPDOLE PO FEF IA

No. 6.—Abridgment of the Log of the Barque “ John William

Dare,” from Chittagong towards Calcutta. Reduced to Civil time.

18th September, 1839. Noon, moderate breezes from the SE.,

clear weather. Lat. 20° 36’. N., long. 90° 20’ KE. Bar. 29.50.

Ther. 86°. Steering to the SSW. and SW. The wind SE. and

light, freshening towards midnight. At 11° 30' squally and rain.

19th September.—7 a.m. Hauled up to the westward; wind

ENE. Noon, strong breezes with passing squalls and show-

ers of rain. A heavy sea from the SW.; ship rolling heavily.

Lat. obs. 20° 6’ N., longitude 88° 15’ E. Bar. 29.39. Ther. —

36°. p.m. Strong breezes, cloudy weather, and a heavy swell —

from the WSW. At 5-30 Point Palmiras WDN. distant 12 miles.

At 6h. 25 fathoms water. At 8h. heavy thunder and vivid light-

ning, with a most dismal appearance. The Barometer falling ;

prepared for bad weather. At 9h. heavy squalls with thunder,

lightning, and rain. Midnight, heavy gales; in fore topsail.

20th September.—8 a.m. Increasing gales from NW. Hove

too under close reefed main topsail. Noon, Bar. 29.20. Ther.

83.30. Lat. by estimation 20° 10’ N., longitude 88° 10’ E. p.m.

Heavy gales from NNW. with showers of rain. 4 p.m. gale abating ;

Barometer rising fast ; made some sail. Midnight, Bar. 29.35.

21st September.—Daylight, moderate and fine. At noon, Bar.

29.45. Ther. 86°.

ee ee ee

————— = ee

No.7.—Extract from the Log of the Ship “ Emerald Isle,” Capt.

Saunders.

For several days previous we experienced constant light, baf-

fling airs, at SW. to East, with hot sultry weather.

September, 19th.—p.m. Lat. in 20° 41’ N., long. by Chro.

39° 27’ K. moderate breezes, veering at NE. to east, with partial

1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 113

_ passing showers. Sunset, pleasant breezes and fine weather, with

a clear horizon. Midnight, increasing breezes. 2h. 30m. a.m.

entered the Kastern Channel with the Floating Light ship bearing

W3S. ; increasing breezes with light showers, wind as above. Day-

light entered the Gasper Channel, wind veering at NE. to ENE.

and dark cloudy weather. 8 a.m. pleasant steady breezes at

NE. with passing clouds. At noon, fresh breezes and cloudy.

20th.—4 p.m. Squally, with passing showers, sky bearing

a threatening appearance to the north and east. At 5h. increasing

breezes ; in topgallant sails, and sent royal yards on deck. At 6h.

blowing very strong in puffs, with a heavy threatening appear-

ance to the north. At 6-30 clued up and anchored off Kedgeree

Lighthouse. At 7h. experienced a very hard squall from NNW.

Constant rain and fresh gales from this time up to midnight.

2 A.M. Squally, with severe gusts at times ; less rain, and clouds

more dispersed ; towards daylight fresh gales and heavy rain.

Wind at WNW. or NW. At 8, ditto gales and weather. Noon,

less rain, but blowing very strong.

21st.—4 p.m. Sky thickening to the NW. and no appearance

of the gale breaking. Sent topgallant yards on deck. Sunset, fresh

gales at NW. with heavy rain. At 8 p.m. wind more westerly ;

ditto, gales and weather. Midnight, wind at west, and the

weather somewhat broken, and beginning to brighten up to the

westward. 3 A.M. Blowing strong at west, but every appear-

ance of fine weather. Daylight, pleasant fresh breezes and fine

weather. At 8 a.m. wind at WSW. and a clear sky.

No. 8.—Capt. Bond, Master Attendant at Balasore, in his report

to Government, says—

At Balasore on the 18th September, the Thermometer stood

at 87°. Wind SE. with slight sleety rain, light breeze.

19¢h.— At 86°. Wind NE. cloudy, with a fresh breeze.

20th.—At 83°. Wind NW. flying clouds and slight rain.

21st.—At 84°. Wind NW. ditto ditto very slight rain.

22nd.—At 87°. 30’. Wind SE. clearing up in rain.

N.B.—Barometer broken.

**] was outside in the Roads in the schooner Orissa on the 19th

September, wind NE. with cloudy weather. Ran over to Piply.

Finding the breeze freshen, with every indication of a gale, ran back

114 Second Memoir with reference to [No. 98.

during the night to Balasore, having treasure on board; and an-

chored under the lee of the Surtah hills. 20th. a.m. wind shifting

to the NW. ran for the Chooramun Mud. Cloudy, with a threa-

tening appearance, but finding the wind pretty steady, ran again

to the eastward, abreast of Piply. Continual heavy rain, with

strong gusts of wind, till 10 p.m. when the wind lulled. Found

a Telinga brig ashore at low water off Balasore. On the morning

of the 21st. wind SE. and clearing up. Found on my return

to Balasore that the want of rain had injured the crops to

the westward of Piply, right south to Pooree; whereas to the

eastward of Piply they had abundance of rain, and crops good.”

No. 9.—Ship “ Isabella Cooper,’ at anchor at Kedgeree. Cap-

tain Salmon’s note to me, says—

‘“In answer to your note respecting the weather, the ship

Isabella Cooper was laying at anchor at Kedgeree with 60

fathoms of chain out, and royal yards up. From the 18th to

21st September strong breezes with heavy rain, thunder, and

lightning ; while blowing fresh, winds from North to NW.

J. SALMON.

Barometrical observations on board the H. C. L. V. “* Hope,” Capt.

Hudson ; at the Inner Station. ;

Time.

Era 29.70 84 | Light airs, clearing up.

Noon, ney |) 87 Calm. Hot.

8 p. M. , 68 85 Moderate Easterly breeze.

19th Sept. Pe. M.

. 29.60 84 Moderate. NE. heavy threatening weather.

oon,

, 70 | 86 | Ditto, ditto, Cloudy.

, 50 86 eee NE. breeze; tremendous swell ;

threatening from Eastward.

18th Sept. Bar. Ther. | Remarks and Weather.

4p. M. |

SP. M. » O2 83 Unsteady, squally.

Midnight. ay) 8] § Preavens cele at NNE. and _ unsettled

20th September. |

ee, 99.49 80 pee: hard in heavy gusts. NNW. threa-

Noon, a) 81 Strong NNW. breezes with hard squalls do.

¢ Continued heavy squalls; constant rain.

oa: » 32 81 { Barometer falling ! ;

8 P. M. , 46 80 Apparently clearing up. Bar. rising fast.

Midnight. Ls. ag 81 Ditto, Weather.

21st September. |

8 A. M. | 29.53 | 82 | Moderating; frequent squalls from WSW.

Noon, aes 84 Fresh WNW. breezes ; gloomy weather.

8, P.M. Gl 85 Light SW. breezes and cloudy.

115

.C. Pilot and Light

the Theory of the Law of Storms in India.

Having drawn up the reports from the H

Vessels in a tabular form, I have printed them so as to give

the best view of the Gale along the course of the river to Calcutta.

1840.]

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Second Memo

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1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 119

At Calcutta.

The following observations on the Gale, as it occurred at

Calcutta, are my own, taken in a rather confined situation in

Park Street, Chowringhee. The barometrical observations are

my own and those of the Surveyor-General’s Office, my baro-

meter being corrected to the standard one.

Sept. 19th.—4 p.m. Bar. 29.48. The day mostly calm, hot,

and cloudy ; towards evening heavy dark cumuli and nimbi to the

eastward, with lightning at times. 9 p.m. Bar. 29.47, wind

ENE. dark gloomy weather; drizzling rain, and low moaning

breeze throughout the night, with squalls and rain at times.

September 20th.—6 a. m. Wind NE. _ Bar. 29.44. Dirty

drizzling weather, with a sighing undulating wind. 10 a.m.

‘Wind NNE. Bar. 29. 45; heavy rain and strong squalls at

| times. Noon, NNE. to NE. Bar. 29.37. Strong squalls and

rain, heavy scud flying from the NE. 2 p.m. NNE. Bar.

| (29. 33. Squalls, but almost calm at intervals, with heavy gusts,

| and rain. 5 p.m. Wind north. Bar. 29.33. Strong gale and heavy

rain. 6 p.m. NNW. Heavy squalls and rapid scud from NW.

7pm. Calm! Bar. 29.34. At9, wind NNW. Bar. 29.37 p.m.

| Strong squalls and rain. Midnight, NW. with heavy gusts and

rain.

| September 21st.—5 a.m. SW. Bar. 29.43. Squalls and rain.

19a. mM. SW. Bar. 29.49. Clearing up. 11 a.m.Calm. At noon

the gale terminated. Bar. 29.50, drizzling rain and squally

| from W. and SW.

_ Throughout this Gale the clouds were always, so to speak,

| before-hand with the wind below them. When the wind was

at NE. the clouds were moving from NNE., and by the time

| the wind arrived at North, or very little to the west of it,

| the scud was flying from NNW. or NW., and again from

West, or nearly, so while the wind was yet at NW. shewing

that the centre of the vortex above (if it was a vortex) was

further advanced than its position on the earth.

120 Second Memoir with reference to [No. 98.

Meteorological Observations at the Surveyor Generals Office,

Calcutta. ;

Thursday, the \9th September, 1839.

Time, Bar. Mer. | Air. |Evpg.| Wind. Aspect of the Sky.

Sur.

Tl Aneta eo} ae eS

Sunrise. ....| 29-600 | 80.5 | 80.0 | 79.8} E. | Generally clear.

At 9h. 50m. .. ‘630 | 85.6 | 87.9 | 84.9] E. Cumuli, or stacked clouds.

Apparent noon.|, ‘616 | 87.9 | 90.4 | 849] NE. |Cumuli.

At 2h. 40m. .. 512 | 86.4 | 90.0 | 85.0] N. | Very cloudy.

At4p.mM. .. "480 | 85.5 |} 88.9] 85.0) W. |Cloudy.

Sunset. a 478 | 84.2 | 85.8 | 83.3] E. |TotheE.Nimbi,or rain clouds.

Rain. ee eeee e@eeoe eeceoe easel ece Inches.

N.B.—The rain which fell on the 18th, was noted on the 19th at noon.

20th September, 1839.

‘Time. Bar. | Mer. | Air. |Evpg. | Wind. Aspect of the Sky.

Sur.

i i ns es ee re

Sunrise. --} 29°430 | 79.0 | 77.0 | 77.0 | NE. |Overcast, rainy, and squally.

At 9h. 50m. .. ‘446 |} 80.5 | 77.9 | 77.1] N. Overcast, squally & smart rain.

Apparent noon. ‘375 | 80.0 | 78.1 | 77.5 | NE. | Drizzly and squally.

At 2h, 40m. .. -333 | 80.1 | 78.0 | 77.1} N. |Overcast, rain, and squally.

At4P.M. .. 333 | 79.8 | 77.6 | 76.9 | NW. | Blowg. agale withincessant rain

Sutsetig wg uss -339 | 79.0 | 77.0 | 76.6 | NW. Fae gale (but rather

Rain. aioe Sia leiei | eters Sie eietintclereie tt atpieete ee ee helo

2ist September, 1839.

Time. Bar. | Mer. | Air. |Evpg. |Wind. Aspect of the Sky.

Sur.

Pei 6 ae Hee 5 eat eel fs a ees ree

High

Sunrise. ..| 29:426 | 78.5 | 76.01 76.0 | W. |Cloudy.

At 9h. 50m. .. ‘491 | 80.7 | 81.2} 78.5 pie Cloudy.

Apparent noon. ‘499 | 80.7 | 79.9 we S : _ |Raining.

At@h. 40m... 490 | 80.5 | 79.9] 77-9 | Sw. |Cloudy.

Atari 134 -486 | 80.5 | 79.5 | 77.0 | SW. |Cloudy. _

Sunset. a -496 | 80.0 | 78.8 | 76.5 | SW. |Cirro strati, or vein clouds.

Rain. mie cece l wesw seve] «eee (Inches 4.32 of the 20ths.

PPLE LO IP DODO DP DC DP

We now arrive at the more inland stations, and as the tempest

seems to have travelled from the mouths of the Megna, inland,

towards Rungpore, I have, to enable the reader better to trace it,

begun at Burrisaul, in lat, 22° 35’, long. 90° 22’, near the spot

Sas

paz

1840. ] the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 121

where the Megna enters the Bay of Bengal, on its Hastern bank,

from which place I have a letter from R. Ince, Esq. Super-

intendent of Salt Chokies.

From R. Ince, Esq. Burrisaul ; Lat. 22° 35' N. Long. 90° 22’ E.

19th September, 1839.—At 4h. 40m. p.m. a gale commenced

from the SE.; it blew for half an hour, then ceased for an

hour, when it began again, and continued all night. During the

20th the wind got more round to the east, and blew with

great violence until past midnight, when it settled at south, and

gradually cleared up; the wind having veered round to the west

on the morning of the 21st. The gale was at its utmost between

11 and 12 on the night of the 20th.

Following now, as nearly as possible, the course of the river

on both banks, we have successively the following reports, mostly

received from the officers of government at the different stations

by Mr. Secretary Prinsep, in pursuance of the public notification

inserted in my first memoir.

Report from Mr. Assistant Surgeon E. Foakes, dated Comilla,

September 28th, 1839.

, Latitude 93° 28' N. Longitude 91° 2' LE.

On the 19¢h of September 1839, after a very hot day, thermo-

meter standing at 89°, we were visited about half past four p.m.

by a heavy squall of wind, attended with torrents of rain, thunder

and lightning, but not very severe. At first it came from the north,

but shifted round suddenly to the south, and blew very hard

for two hours; the wind then abated, but the rain continued all

night, and in showers the following day ; the wind was from

the south, but not very high; it again rose in the evening

) and blew very hard from SEDS. occasionally shifting round to

| the east.

2lst.—6 a.m. The wind still continues to blow from the

| Same quarter in squalls, attended with heavy showers of rain.—

Still blowing from the same quarter. 6 p.m. The wind began

| to lull about this time, and gradually died away, blowing

lightly from the southward.

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1840. ] the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 123

Report by Dr. Suilivan, 36th Regt. N. I.; from Jumalpore.

Lat. 24° 58' N., Long. 82° 58’ E.

On the night of the 20th instant, this station was visited by

a severe storm, which continued throughout the night without

abatement, and in a diminished rate for the whole of the next

day. The wind set in from the eastward at about 5 p.m. from

which point it continued to blow, with but slight deviation

to the southward, was accompanied by heavy rain, but no

thunder or lightning, and came in frequent and tremendous

gusts; it gradually reached its utmost violence at about mid-

night.

For several days previously, the weather was unusually sultry,

with a clear sky, and scarcely a breath of air stirring. Ther-

mometer 86° at noon; from which it suddenly fell to 78° on

the day of the storm, and has scarcely exceeded that range

since.

Jumalpore stands on the western bank of the Burhampooter

river; is pretty clear of heavy tree jungle in its vicinity; the

nearest hills are distant about 50 miles, in a nearly due north

direction ; the prevailing wind is easterly, which blows for nine

months in the year.

POSP LP OPED OPOG OL

Report from Jumalpore, by Lieut. C.W. Tripp, 30th Regt. N. I.

September 19th. The weather all day hot, the sun bright,

evening close and sultry; at 9 p.m. a few clouds raking over

the moon ; at 10 they had accumulated, and a breeze springing

up from the SK. increased and freshened during the night ;

rain at 11 p.m. and rain continuing on the early part of the

morning of the 20th.—Fresh breezes and cloudy weather,

with showers at intervals; the wind sometimes lulling into

dead calms until 4 p.m., when the wind commenced to blow

strong and steadily from NNW. accompanied with rain, and

so continued for some hours. During the night it shifted round

to SK. and blew a gale with constant rain ; wind veering about

between two or three points to either side of SE., and coming

on with occasional gusts much harder than others. This con-

tinued all day of the 21st, with slight variations, though with

some occasional appearances of an abatement. Ther. 78° in the

124 Second Memoir with reference to [No. 98. |

verandah. At 7 p.m. the storm for a short time appeared to be

renewing its energies. At 10 p.m. the wind had got round

to nearly due west, and was evidently falling. Rain heavier than

at any other period. 22nd. At daybreak nearly a calm.

General Observations.—This storm, as felt here, can be consi-

dered as only a moderate one, having injured but a few houses

that had roofs, and blown down only such trees as had pre-

viously been in nearly a falling condition. No thunder nor

lightning at any period of the storm.

Memorandum.—The River Dak from Assam, due on the 22nd

arrived this day, the 24th; from which it is to be presumed

the storm higher up the Burhampooter river had caused delay

to the boats.

DPE PPLEDELD PP PP OP

Report by Mr. Deputy Collector Smart, Jungypore.

Lat. 24° 28' N. Long. 88° 13’ EF.

A severe gale occurred at this place, Friday, 20th Septem-

ber, 1839. 6 a.m. Wind easterly, blowing in irregular gusts,

weather very cloudy, occasional drizzling. Noon, not blowing

so strong, drizzling. 5 p.m. Wind veered to NE. blowing in

strong gusts, drizzling. Midnight, blowing very violently from

NNE. accompanied with torrents of rain. Continued blow-

ing from the same point, with unabated fury, till 6 a. mM. of

the 21st.

Saturday, 2\st.—6 a.m. Wind veered to north, violence some-

what abated ; still raining very heavily. 10 a.m. Blowing furiously

again. Noon, wind somewhat abated, but still raining. 4 P.M.

Wind veered to NNW. blowing very strong. 7 p.m. Wind

somewhat abated. 10 p.m. Blowing from NW. in subdued

gusts, still raining. Midnight, wind dying away.

Sunday, 22nd.—6 a.m. A gentle breeze blowing from the

south. There was a total absence of thunder and lightning,

and this is a feature remarkable in every regular gale.

The following is an extract from a letter dated Moorshedabad,

Lat. 24°11’ N. Long. 88° 15’ E., 24th September, 1839.

““The regiment was detained here for a couple of days, by

a very severe storm, which commenced on Thursday night, 19th

1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 125

Sept. and continued, without intermission, till 9 o’clock, p.m. on

Saturday the 21st. It first blew from the SE. then the E. ; short-

ly after from the NE., when there was a lull for about half

an hour, the rain falling absolutely in torrents. It then com-

menced to blow hard from the north, and towards daybreak on

Saturday morning, it veered round to the north-west, and

continued so all day, with tremendous gusts of wind and rain

every now and then. It is said that several lives have been lost

in the city and neighbouring villages, by the falling-in of houses,

and I fear we shall hear of much mischief on the river, ere

long.”—Aurkaru. 29th September.

POLO DP IP IDOE LIDIA

stToRM.—We hear that during a storm which took place

at Rampore Bauleah on the 21st instant, the whole fleet of boats

belonging to the establishment of the Superintendent of Police

in the Lower Provinces was completely wrecked,—most of

them foundering before the occupants could save the most

trifling articles. The fleet consisted of pinnaces, budgerows,

and beauleahs. The greatest sufferers are Mr. Smith himself,

Messrs. Huttimann, Thompson, Potter, and Hodgson, Dr. Ren-

nick, and the Sherishtadar. The whole party were,—after the

storm, in which, happily, no lives were lost-—received into

the circuit house, and treated by the civil officers with charac-

teristic kmdness.—Englishman. 29th September.

Report from Wm. Bell, Esq. Officiating Joint-Magistrate of Mal-

dah. Lat. 25° 3'. Long. 88° 4’.

On Thursday* afternoon, 20th Sept. it rained heavily, and

at about 55 p.m. began blowing hard from the north, ranging

between the north and north-west points; it continued, attend-

ed with heavy rain, the whole night and the next day, increasing

until about 5 p.m. of the 21st, and abating gradually till 103,

when both rain and wind ceased.

I am indebted to Dr. Edlin, for his observations of the

thermometer, which fell as low as 79? Faht. having stood

steadily for several weeks at 84°, 85°, 86°, and only on one or two

* Nors.---Friday in the MS. which is evidently an error, since Friday

is the 21st, mentioned subsequently.

126 Second Memoir with reference to [No. 98.

occasions in the last three months, was marked as high as 89°

in the shade.

I am sorry to say, neither of us possess a barometer, so

that I am not able to offer any remark upon it. The following

day was very close and warm ; and a very considerable quantity of

rain fell, and great damage was done by the wind.

Dr. Edlin’s register of the Thermometer at Maldah.

Sept. 1839. |Before 10a.a.[Noon. |4 P.M. Boni ite

Sunrise

18th. 62. 8a) See | OO 854

19th. Gor | 86 eu | Oe 87

20th. so | 80 | 80 | 81 78 1]

21st. POM SBOM | gates: 80 2:8

22nd. | 79 | 84 | 85 |. :87 84 2

237. ivi (BO)! BA Bbyiah oSe 838

a ed dedi

Report from Chilakhal, about 12 miles NW. of the station of —

Rungpore. By C. W. Russell, Esq. Civil Service.

Lat. about 25° 53', Long. 89° 00".

At daybreak on the 20th instant, the sky became overcast

and wild. At 10h. 30m. a.m. a storm commenced from NE.

accompanied by rain, and continued, with about the same degree

of strength, until 1 a.m. of the 21st, when it lulled; then recom-

menced from the same quarter (NE.) increasing in violence

until 8. a.m., from which time until 10 a.m. it blew exceedingly

hard, with violent gusts at intervals; the wind during these

two hours continually shifting between N. and NE. It now

moderated slightly, until 2 p.m. from which hour until lh. 30m.

on the 22nd (when it suddenly ceased) it raged with the greatest

violence ; shortly afterwards, the wind went round to SW. and

continued in that quarter until 3h. 50m. p.m., when it went back

to NE. with every appearance of a recurrence of the storm.

It is difficult to say precisely when the storm was at its

greatest height, but I am inclined to think it was between

the hours of 8 and 10 a.m. of the 21st, andthe last hour of its

continuance.

1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 127

Variations of the Thermometer.

MeO ALM. fe. eee 86 ) CASE. MANE te: 79

aud Day: ca 8] Gait ty a 76 ( NE.

OL (C/01e 81 ro Aye uma Ja NE

ae 00 ae Oe 80 Wind LORS he ae 75 n

2 as panei 80 NE t2'Noon. .... (6)

ES UNS ba ie ie 80 : ba + 05 Cae Ue 76 |

ee 79 2 aie i a 76

Hebbel et Gi wl Roan 76 ( NE

12 Midnight..... 79 rnin Reon ae 6;

LO dey pe 76)

Qn. Smile eo Fp IN.

The time the storm ceased.

FT a NS ANTE 75

Gage eral ue 76

A sean ae 75 TOW

12 Noon. .... 78

. AGP Me te. 80 |

cee to miles NW ok e Givl ta ( a Fala tia 79 NE.

of Rungpore. re eave 5 79

C. W. RUSSELL.

DPPOL SP OP OLIGO DIOP

The storm mentioned in the following report, though it is

not connected with ours as a gale of wind, may possibly be so in

an electrical point of view, for it will be remarked, that while

in general the vessels and stations within the influence of

the turning gale, experienced but little thunder and lightning, this

storm was, on the contrary, almost a perpetual discharge of it ; as

if the electric fluid had been generated by the vortex, conducted

along the Himalayan chain, and discharged at Dadoopoor?

To H. T. PRINSEP, ESQUIRE, Secretary to Government.

Sir, Dadoopoor, September 30th, 1839.

In compliance with general orders of the Ilth current;

I have the honor to forward some particulars regarding a storm

which occurred here during the night of the 20th, and morning

of the 21st instant. The observations were made by the Canal

Overseer stationed at this place, Conductor W. Dawe, whose

words I quote, and have merely to add my testimony to their

correctness.

128 Second Memoir with reference to [No. 98.

The Canal station of Dadoopoor is situated below the junc-

tion of the Somlie and Putteallee rivers with the Jumna, on

the right bank of the latter; lat. 30° 12’ N. and long. about

77° 23' 45” E., about 16 miles from the southern base of the

Sub- Himalayas.

Extract from Mr Dawe’s Report—

“The evening of the 20th was clear, with a light easterly wind,

“the fore part of the night ; moon light, without a cloud. About

“11h. 30m. p.m. distant lightning was perceptible in the NW.

“¢ quarter, and about midnight, thunder was heard in the same

“ direction. At lh. 30m. a.m. of the 21st, the storm came on in

“sudden gusts, accompanied by a continual roll of thunder

“‘ and vivid streams of lightning and rain, driven along with great

“* force, nearly parallel to the earth. The latter only continued

“for about half an hour,* but the storm did not totally subside

“till about 3 a.m., when it fell a dead calm, and towards

‘daylight the sky was quite clear, with light airs from the

“eastward. The direction the storm took was from the NW.

“to the SE. This storm appears to have been more extensively

** felt, than those which generally occur in this neighbourhood.

“* By reports which I have received, it appears the same ravages

“have been extended as far down as Kurnaul, and upwards

“from this to the foot of the lower Hills, (as I have personally

‘“ observed). There appears to have been no abatement in the

** force of the storm, for I witnessed in my route yesterday

“(to the Canal head) trees of immense size torn up by the

** roots.”

I append an extract from the Meteorological Register kept

here, from the 18th to the 24th instant, inclusive.

I have directed the attention of the Overseers employed un-

der my orders at Kurnaul, Hansi, and Delhi, and two inter-

mediate stations, to the registry of storms, and on the occurrence

of such phenomena I will do myself the honor to forward a

combined report of their observations.

I have the honor to be, &c.

W. E. BAKER, Lieut. Engineers.

Superintendent Delhi Canal.

* The quantity of rain which fell during this storm was 0.91 inch.

the Theory of the Law of Storms in India.

1840.]

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[No. 98.

Second Memoir with reference to

130

The following tables will show, as nearly as can be collected

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the Theory of the Law of Storms in India.

1840.]

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134 Second Memoir on the Law of Storms in India. [No. 98.

I have only been able to find for this Gale a good centre on the

20th September, when, as will be seen, it was blowing in a toler-

ably well defined circle, the centre falling close to Chittagong,

where, as we learn, several native craft perished, whether on that

day or not I am not certain, but suppose it most probable. The

centre, if it had one on the 21st, was not far from Chilakhal,

but it seems to have been a gale which had not sufficient

strength to formsitself into a regular vortex for more than

one day, and was interrupted by other causes producing the ir-

regularities, which will be seen*by any person who will take

the trouble to examine the table with the chart.* One of

the most probable obstacles may have been the range of the

Kasiya hills, which skirt the eastern bank of the Burhampooter.

Some account of a Journey from Kurrachee to Hinglaj, in the

Lus territory, descriptive of the intermediate country, and of

the port of Soumeanee. By Captain Hart, 2nd Grenadiers ;

(Bombay Army.)

[Communicated from the Political Department, Government of India.]

Under the impression that any information regarding this

part of the country may prove acceptable, I forward the

accompanying remarks made during my late excursion to the

celebrated temple of Hinglaj, which I am not aware of any

European having before visited. A rough sketch of my route

is annexed. - ;

On the 24th January I left Kurrachee in company with

Route from Kurrachee to s * ° .

Soumeanee. 50 miles. a party of Hindoo pilgrims, and crossing the

Hub river reached Soumeanee in three marches. The route

as far as the Hub lies over the high ground between the range

of hills in which the hot springs, Pier Munga, are situated

and the sea. Owing to a heavy fall of rain a few days previ-

ous to my departure, a large body of water was running in the

river, but on my return, I found only a small stream, which I

* The Chart will appear with Part IT. in the approaching number of the

Journal.

1840.| Account of a Journey from Kurrachee to Hinglaj. 139

was told would continue to flow for ashort time, and then water

always be found in pools. The bottom is covered with loose

pebbles, and its width about 100 yards. I saw no signs of

cultivation or inhabitants near it, but afew miles higher up, some

Noomreea families with their flocks were located. A belt of

tamarisk jungle extends for a few hundred yards on each side

of the river; four miles beyond it, the road enters a pass in

the Pub mountains, called “‘Guncloba”” by Mahomedans, and the

“ Ungeekhera Bherum Suk,” by Hindoos. It is stony, of trifling

ascent, and the descent equally gentle to a tract full of ravines,

extending from the Mor range of mountains which branch off

from the Pub towards Beila and the sand hills on the sea

shore. A few years ago this Suk was occupied by a party of

Noomreeas who plundered the pilgrims, and eventually stopped

all communication, until the Yam of Beila sent troops and

dispersed them. Some Mahomedan tombs not far from it were

pointed out has having been raised to those who had fallen in

battle. To the left of the road, and a hundred yards distant

from it, is the Bhowanee well, only three feet in diameter and

nearly forty deep. It is said never to be dry, yet travellers

alone use it. The face of the country is here sprinkled with

patches of milk bush, and low shrubs, which continue to the

Boareed Suk, where the road leaves the high ground for the

beach. A few miles before reaching it, the bed of the Bohur

river is crossed. It appears merely one of the larger ravines,

and the route runs a short distance down its bed to avoid

an abrupt ascent on its right bank. The Boareed Suk pre-

sents a most singular appearance, and is formed by one hill

having been detached by some convulsion of nature from

the range, which is here about two hundred feet in per-

pendicuiar height. The path leads along the edge of a

deep ravine, where the rush of the stream has cut a channel

as even as if excavated by art, and then winding round the

back of the hill, slopes to the shore. The descent is gentle,

and laden camels pass without difficulty. The sea at this

spot is not far distant, but further on the shore gradually

widens, until it leaves an extensive flat between it and the

sand hills, in. some parts nearly a mile in breadth, covered

136 Account of a Journey from Kurrachee to Hinglaj. [No. 98.

with a low jungle of tamarisk, and wild caper bushes. On

my return grass had sprung up over the greater part of this

tract, and afforded excellent pasture to a few ponies belonging to

the pilgrims with us, but I saw very few cattle or goats feeding

there. Three miles from the pass is a nulla, in which brackish

water is procured by digging, where travellers usually halt,

and one mile beyond it a decayed tree marks the “ Kharee

well,” where sufficient is found to supply small parties. This

was the second day’s journey. On the third, we continued

our course along the flat, which is never at present overflowed

by the sea, and passed the “ Seeta Koowas,” (a number of

kucha wells so called,) which have been sunk at different

times, many now filled up by the earth falling in, and but

little water in the rest. The sand hills here lose their pre-

cipitous appearance, and gradually decrease in size until they

sink to the level of the plain. The ruins of a small building

named ‘ Peer Putta’? by Mahomedans, and “ Gopeechund

Raja’ by Hindoos, lie to the left of the road before it reaches

the Vindoor river, which is dry except after heavy rain, when it

runs for a few hours only. The bottom is sandy, and its

width trifling. A barren plain brought us to a range of sand

banks, ascending which we found ourselves in sight of the

town of Soumeanee, situated at the head of a bay in an

amphitheatre of sand hills, and remarkable only from the

absence of all verdure around it. The party halted at a

ruined Dhurumsalla, a short distance from the wells which

supply the inhabitants with not very sweet water. They are

but two in number, only a few feet in diameter, and are

lined with logs of wood to prevent the sand choking them. I

had previously informed the Dewan of the Yam of Beila of my

intention of passing through his country; he came out to

meet me, stated that he was directed to obey all my orders,

and would, if I wished, accompany me on my journey. His

attention was most marked, and it was with difficulty that

I declined his request to be allowed to supply food to my

party at the Yam’s expense, although I particularly explained

to him that I was merely a traveller, and not authorized to

receive presents from his master; but only desired the protection

1840.] Account of a Journey from Kurrachee to Hinglaj. 137

always afforded to strangers. He said that the Yam wished

by his attention to me to shew the consideration that every

British officer would meet with while in his territory, and a Noom-

reea sepoy was ordered to attend me as long as I remained in

the country. In the afternoon the people crowded out of the

town to look at me, but I experienced no rudeness or incivility

whatever from any one.

The port of Soumeanee has been long known to Europeans

eee own owing to its being on the direct route to

and Port,

Khorasan and Afghanistan. The town is built at the head of

a large but shallow bay, in shape not unlike a horse-shoe, into

which vessels of heavy burden cannot enter, except at spring

tides. The entrance is narrow, and the low sand banks which

border the harbour afford little or no protection from the wind.

All boats but coasting craft, anchor outside the bar, at a distance

of nearly two miles from the town, in the open roadstead, where

they are much exposed. Their cargoes are discharged into the

smaller dungees and then landed. On inquiring how the horses

exported from Khorasan were embarked, I was told that the

vessels were brought in at spring tides, and the animals swam

off to them. As we halted here a day to lay in a stock of pro-

visions, I had an opportunity of making a few inquiries regard-

ing the state of the district under the Yam’s rule, from the

Hindoo agents of Kurrachee and other merchants residing

there, the result of which I now beg to communicate.

The ancestors of the Yam of Beila are said to be descended

from one of the numerous Hindoo Rajas who were converted to

the faith on the advent of the followers of the Prophet. At a later

period they connected themselves in marriage with the kings of

Beeloochistan, better known of late as the “Khans of Kelat,”

to whom they paid no tribute (although liable to be called

on for military service), but on occasions of festivity or visits

presented nuzurs as an acknowledgment of their paramount

authority. The district over which they rule, extends from the

port of Soumeanee northward to Khoydar, and from the Pub

mountains beyond the greater range of the Horas. This tract

of country is inhabited by the Noomreea tribe who pay alle-

giance to the Yam.

138 Account of a Journey from Kurrachee to Hinglaj. (No. 98.

The only towns comprised within it are Beila, Oothul,

Soumeanee, and Lyaree, the former being the usual residence of

the chief. Soumeanee is the only port, and the customs on its

imports and exports form the principal item of revenue. It is

described as having been in former days but a mere village in-

habited by fishermen, called as all such places are on this coast,

““meanee.” Its bay affording more protection to their boats than

they could find on the open coast, its population naturally

increased, and as trade began to flow through it, the epithet

“Sou”? was prefixed par excellence. A small mud fort was

built on the sea side to check the rapacity of the Gulf pirates,

and many Noomreeas from the jungle located themselves

there. At present it contains upwards of two hundred houses,

Population of Soumeanee Huilt as usual of wattle and mud, and the num-

ber of inhabitants is said to amount to a thousand families.

Of these the greater proportion are Noomreeas, who earn their

subsistence by transporting merchandise to the northward, and

fishermen. The Hindoo portion of the population does not

exceed three hundred, a few being agents of traders at other

ports, and the rest artisans and shopkeepers. The Yam exercises

the supreme authority, but as the present incumbent is a child,

his power is in the hands of two Dewans, a Mahomedan

and a Hindoo. They are however controlled by his mother,

who has the reputation of being a woman of sense and dis-

cretion. The former regulates the police, and the latter the

revenue, the total amount of which is about 45,000 rupees per

annum ; of this sum from rupees ten to twelve thousand is deri-

ved from the cultivation round Beila, Oothul, and Lyaree, where

Revenue. | Soowaree, oil seed (shungruf), &c. is raised, and the

gum of the googhul tree found. The customs collected at

the port of Soumeanee and the transit duties of Beila and

Oothul are farmed by a Kwaja and a Hindoo for rupees —

34,000 per annum; a few years ago the sum paid was rupees

30,000, and before that only 26,000—a pretty convincing

proof of the increasing prosperity of the port. Two thousand

rupees of this amount are said to be derived from the tax on

fish. The contractors pay part of the amount of their agree-

ment in advance, and the balance at the end of the year.

1840.| Account of a Journey from Kurrachee ta Hinglaj. 139

Resident traders are only called on to close their accounts

at the annual settlement, but other merchants pay at once. The

custom duties are less than those exacted at Kurrachee, and

much consideration (as I was told by some Afghan merchants

I met there with large investments,) is shewn to all traders by

the authorities. On each bale of piece goods rupees 10 are levied;

on other articles duty is charged at the rate of rupees 32 to

Duties. merchants, and rupees 38 to ryoths. The prin-

cipal imports are cloths and metals from Bombay, sent to

Imports and Exports. the northward; and dates from Mukron, and

rice from Scinde, for internal consumption; slaves also are brought

from Muscat, but seldom unless on private order; on each a

tax of rupees 5 is taken. So far have the Hindoos resident here

got over some of their prejudices, that the generality of them

employ Seedhees as household servants to clean their cooking

utensils. The exports consist of wool and googhul from the

Beila district, and wheat, ghee, moong, asafcetida, and horses

from Khorasan. The former article is brought in large quan-

tities from the hills near Shah Bilawul anc beyond Beila; its

quality is finer than that shipped at Kurrachee, and the cost

here averages from 14 to 16 rupees a maund. The oil plant

(Shura or Shungruf) is raised in large quantities, and both its

seed and oil are sent to Muscat, Gavaddel, Kurrachee, and the

mouths of the Indus: in Soumeanee alone I saw no less than

twenty mills at work. The coins in circulation in the towns are

German crowns or rials, —————* and Soumeanee pice, those

of Kurrachee not being current in the neighbourhood. There

Tonnage of the Port. are only six vessels of any size belonging to the

port, five owned by a Hindoo, and one by a Mahomedan. The

fishing and coasting boats are about twenty in number. When

walking round the town I examined the remains of the fort. It

appears to have been of very small extent. The remains of two

The Fort. bastions and a curtain on the sea side are now alone

discernible, and they are almost level with the ground. The bank

on which it stands has been partially washed away, but the De-

wan explained to me as the cause of its never having been repair-

ed, that since the destruction of the pirates by the British, it was

* Illegible.

140 Account of a Journey from Kurrachee to Hinglaj. |No. 98.

shops. on longer of use. The number of shops do not exceed fif-

teen, in which grain and dates are sold. The weavers (of whom

there are not many) fabricate a few silks and coarse cotton cloths,

Manufactures. which find a sale here; a common kind of carpet

called a ‘‘furrash” is also made from goat and camel hair.

Indigo is imported in small quantities, and is used by the

dyers (there are only three) in colouring the clothes of the

male portion of the population. There are four mosques, and

Mosques and temples. six dhurumsallas and temples in the town and

neighbourhood. I was informed by the Afghan merchants that at

present the hire of a camel to Kelat was as high as twenty-five

rupees, owing to the great demand for them by our troops. Goods

to the amount of rupees six hundred, the property of one of them,

had a few days before been stolen from the “ Peer Kee jugah”

outside the town, where they usually halt. On representing his

case to the Dewan, he told me the thieves had been traced,

and that no exertions should be wanting on his part to re-

store it, and what the plunderers could not pay in kind, they

Payments made by Pi. Should in person. In the customs farmed by the

grims visiting Hinglaj contractors the sum of rupees 2/2 taken from

each pilgrim, and some mendicants, who visit the temple at :

Hinglaj should be noticed. Of this six annas belongs to

the Yam, part of the balance is divided by the town authorities,

and the remainder goes to the contractors. For it, protection is

supposed to be afforded them while in his territory, and as

a proof of it, one of the leaders of a party we met, mentioned

his having lost a “ kottia,” or drinking vessel, some years

before at the Aghor river, and on his preferring a complaint,

that it was searched for, and found in the hut of a Noomreea,

who was forced to return it, and had a valuable camel taken

from him as a punishment. I met several of the pilgrims who

had lost articles of trifling value, and one, who was head

of his party, a few marches beyond Soumeanee was robbed

of his clothes and grain, but they felt confident if they saw the

Dewan on their way back, that he would oblige the contractors

to pay their value.

Fresh camels having been hired in the place of those

brought from Kurrachee, which do not thrive on the forage

;

1840.| Account of a Journey from Kurrachee to Hinglaj. 141

found here, and are less strong and healthy in appearance than

those bred on the hills, we set out at midday on the 28th,

and as the direct route was unsafe for the camels, from the

ground having been so lately saturated with rain, we wound

round the town, and reached the sea beach, along which we

marched for some miles, until nearing the creek at the northern

extremity of the bay into which the Pooralee river empties

itself, we turned north, and keeping close to the edge of the

sand hills which border the mangrove swamp called ‘ Gooroo-

Cherla-Kar-un’’ reached a pool of fresh water, where we halted.

Churoo, 9 miles. This spot is named Churoo, and is merely a place

of encampment. A few herds of camels were feeding in the

cypress jungle, which covers the inlets from the swamp. Their

attendants where the only people we saw on the road. A short

distance before arriving at our ground, we passed the tomb of

“Shaik Ali, or Swamee,”’ built on one of the low sandy ridges

which here extend inland as far as the eye can reach, covered

with stunted milk bushes and tufts of coarse grass. To its

right runs the road to Lyaree. The following morning we

crossed the “ Thura,” a flat which extends for many miles be-

tween Lyaree and Shaik Karaj. Brushwood abounds on it,

and both cattle and goats find pasture on the grass. which

grows there ; the few I saw however did not appear in good

condition. An open plain on our right, sprinkled with cypress

bushes, was pointed out as reaching to near Lyaree, but I could

not distinguish any signs of cultivation. Continuing a-westerly

The Pooralee'River. Course, we came to the Pooralee river, an insig-

nificant stream with a muddy bottom. It rises in hills north

of Beila, and is said always to have water in its bed, but the

cultivators of Lyaree raise embankments across it for the pur-

pose of irrigating their fields, so that unless after heavy rain

it cannot be called a running stream below that town. Beyond

ita gradual rise brought us to another range of sand hills, in

the midst of which we encamped near a small well of brackish

water. This is generally the first stage from Soumeanee, but

the “ Truppa’’ being slippery for camels, where it is usually

crossed, we were obliged to make a circuit, which doubled

Dambo, 9 miles. the distance, to Dambo. This likewise is only

142 Account of a Journey from Kurrachee to Hinglaj. (No. 98.

a halting place, as were all the stations on the route to Hing-

laj, without the sign of a habitation or a human being near

them. The few Noomreeas who are scattered over the face

of the country keep their flocks at a distance from the road,

but whenever they see a cafila, they come with their families

to beg for food. It has become an acknowledged custom

for all travellers to give it; even the mendicants themselves

spare a portion of their coarse bread for the purpose. Money

(save a few Soumeanee pice, to pay for milk when it can

be had) is almost useless, for nothing is to be purchased

on this barren waste. A mile beyond Dambo, before leaving

the sand hills, a small grove of cypress trees is passed,

noticed as being of greater size than those met with elsewhere.

On descending from the ridge, the road crosses the heads of a

number of inlets running into an extensive backwater from

the sea, which here is not visible, as the sand banks along the

shore are rather abrupt. Ascending a gentle rise we come on

a plain covered with a small bush called Lavee or Lauoo, on

which the camels fed with great avidity. Of the plant there

are two kinds, the male called Lauoo, and the female Lavee.

They are much the same in appearance, excepting the leaf of the

latter is shorter and thicker than the former; potash is produced

by burning the male plant, which is taken to Kurrachee and

Soumeanee, and sells at from four to five cassess (about 100

pounds) per rupee. This tract is called “ Chura,” more par-

ticularly that portion of it where low cypress bushes flourish,

and pools of clear water with a few wells are found. The open

plain extends to the foot of the mountains, and inland to a great

distance. ‘Twelve miles from Dambo we found the wells at

Kattewara, 12 miles. Kattewara, the encamping ground, choked,

nor did we discover water until reaching the base of the lesser

range of the Haras, when the pool of a cataract about half a

The Hara mountains. mile up a rugged ravine was pointed out to

us by a Beroon we casually met on his way to Soumeanee to

dispose of camels. This range of mountains, although their

height is comparatively trifling, present a most singularly wild

appearance, from their rising at once from the plain at an angle

of about forty-five degrees on their eastern side, with a still

(

1840.| Account of a Journey from Kurrachee to Hinglaj. 143

greater slope to the westward, and being totally bare of all

verdure. They are composed of sandstone, and their summits

are broken into rugged peaks of the most fantastic shapes.

They appear to rise in regular layers, their height gradually

increasing as they recede from the plain. Our route the next

morning lay along their base, and after passing the beds of

many dry nullas we came to a pass near their south-eastern

extremity, where they sink into the plain about four miles from

the sea. This lake is termed ‘“‘ Gooroo Bherund,”’ and is

formed by a large ravine, the course of which we followed for a

short distance, and then turning to the left reached the top

of the heights, and came in sight of the greater range of

the Haras, running almost at right angles to the lesser.

The Phor river, 11 miles. Between the two ranges the Phor river flows

through a plain similar to that we had passed. Its banks are fring-

ed as usual with a belt of tamarisk jungle. Before reaching it a

_ number of Mahomedan tombs are remarked, and near them, under

_aclump of trees, some Noomreeas were engaged in raising a crop

_ of jowaree, the first attempt at cultivation I had seen since leaving

| Kurrachee. Water is occasionally found in pools in the river,

_and higher up it can always be procured by digging. Six miles

_ beyond it we came to the Tilookpooree wells, at present covered

with an extensive marsh of fresh water, formed by the late rain.

| The Chunder koops, 6miles. One koss from them, in a westerly direction,

three hills of extremely light colored earth rise abruptly from the

| plain. That in the centre is about four hundred feet in height, of a

| conical form, with the apex flattened and discolored ; its southern

and western faces rather precipitous, but with a more gradual

slope on the others. It is connected with a smaller one of the

same form, but of not more than half its size, by a sort of cause-

way, some fifty paces in length. The third bears the appear-

ance of the cone having been depressed and broken, and

‘covers a greater extent of ground than the others. All three

towards their bases are indented by numerous cavities which

reach far into their interior; their sides are streaked with

‘\channels as if from water having flowed down them. On

iascending to the summit of the highest one, I observed a basin

. of liquid mud, about one hundred paces in circumference, occu-

144 Account of a Journey from Kurrachee to Hinglaj. {No. 98.

pying its entire crest. Near the southern edge, at intervals of a

quarter of a minute, a few small bubbles appeared on the sur-

face ; that part of the mass was then gently heaved up, and

a jet of liquid mud, about a foot in diameter, rose to that height,

accompanied by a slight bubbling noise. Another heave

followed, and three jets rose, but the third time only two.

They were not of magnitude sufficient to disturb the whole

surface, the mud of which at a distance from the irruption was

of a thicker consistency than where it took place. The pathway

round the edge was slippery and unsafe, from its being quite

saturated with moisture, which gives the top a dark colored

appearance ; on the southern side, a channel, a few feet in

breadth, was quite wet from the eruption having recently

flowed down it. I was told, that every Monday the jets rose

with greater rapidity than at other times, and then only did

any of the mass ooze out of the basin. The entire coating of

the hill appears to be composed of this mud baked by the sun

to hardness. No stones are to be found on it, but near the

base I picked up a few pieces of quartz. Crossing the ridge

which connects this hill with the least of the three, I climbed

up its rather steep side. In height or compass it is not half

the magnitude of its neighbour, and its basin, which is full of the

same liquid mud cannot be more than five and twenty paces in

diameter; the edge is so narrow and broken that I did not

attempt to walk round it. One jet only rose on its surface,

but not more than an inch in height or breadth; but a

very small portion of the mass was disturbed by its action,

and although the plain below bore evident marks of having

been once deluged to a short distance with its stream, no eruption

had apparently taken place for some years. At times the surface

of this pool sinks almost to the level of the plain, at others it

rises so as to overflow its basin; but generally it remains in

the quiescent state in which I saw it; two years previous it

was many feet below the edge of the crest. On my way to

the third hill I passed over a flat of a few hundred yards

which divides it from the other two. The sides are much more

furrowed with fissures than theirs are, although their depth

is less; and its crest is more extended and irregular. The

—— Oe ee ee

= ee ieee

1840.| Account of a Journey from Kurrachee to Hinglaj. 145

ascent is very gentle, and its height about two hundred feet.

On reaching the summit, a large circular cavity, some fifty

yards in diameter, is seen, in which are two distinct pools of

unequal size, divided by a mound of earth, one containing

the liquid mud and the other clear water. The surface of the

former was slightly agitated by about a dozen small jets, which

bubbled up at intervals, but in the latter, one only was occasion-

ally discernible. A space of a few yards extended on three

sides from the outer crust to the edge of the cavity, which was

about fifty feet above the level of the pools; their sides are

scarped and uneven. On descending the northern face, I

remarked a small stream of clear water flowing from one of

the fissures into the plain, which had evidently only been

running a few hours; the mud and water of all the pools are

salt. A fourth hill, situated close to the great range of Haras,

and distant from the rest upwards of six miles, was pointed

out as having a similar cavity to this one. Its color is the

same, and although the surface is more rounded, its summit

appears broken ; I regretted not having an opportunity of

visiting it. The name given to these singular productions of

nature is the “ Koops, or basin of Raj Ram Chunder,”? by which

appellation they are known to all the tribes. They are said to

be altogether eighteen in number, seven in this neighbourhood,

and eleven between Kedje and Ginaddel in Mukran. Four were

pointed out to me, and I was told the other three were hid

among the mountains. Some persons with my party had seen

one of those in Mukran, and had heard from the Beerooees

who shewed them the road to it, that many others were spread

over the country ; he described it as throwing up jets similar to

the large hill here. By the Hindoos they are looked upon as the

habitation of a deity, but the Mahomedans state that they are

affected by the tide (the sea is not more than a mile distant from

the large one,) but this I had reason to doubt, as of the many

persons I questioned who had visited them at all times, not one

remembered to have seen the pools quiescent, although several

had been on the large hill when the mud was trickling

over the side of the basin. To endeavour to ascertain this fact I

placed several dry clods of earth in the bed of the channel

EE — ——

146 Account of a Journey from Kurrachee to Hinglaj. [No. 98.

on a Saturday, as I expected to return by the same route the

following week. A range of low hills of irregular form lie to the

westward of, and almost close to, the Chunder Koops. I had

not time to examine them, but from their appearance I judged

they contained sulphur, and on questioning some of those with

me, and who crossed them, they said the taste of the earth was

like that near the hot springs at Sehwan, where it is known

to abound. A Noomreea who was present, mentioned that about

six koss off there was another hill called by the name of the

‘* sulphur mountain.”’ :

Leaving the Koops on our left, we continued our route

towards the greater Haras, increasing our distance from the

sea as we advanced. An isolated cluster of hills on the shore,

called the “‘ Sath Durwauza,”’ and a rock near them, were pointed

out as spots much reverenced by the Hindoos; a range of sand

Bura and Chota Singhul, hills soon hid them from our sight, and we

age ease crossed the beds of many nullas, the banks of

which were thickly lined with tamarisk and baubul trees. This

tract is called the “ Chota Singhul,” and a well in one of its

water courses is generally the halting place for pilgrims. We

found it dry, and pushed on three miles further to the “ Burra

Singhul,” where in a nulla, at no great distance from the moun-

tains, we came to another well with sufficient water in it for us

all. A Beerooee musician with his family here joined us for —

the sake of the food he was certain of obtaining as long as he

remained in our company. <A camel and pony, the one led

by his son, carrying his wife and two children with their baggage,

and the latter ridden by himself with his sitar, was all they

possessed. He told me he had left his village in Mukran to

visit Beila, in the hope of collecting grain by his skill in music,

but not meeting any one who appreciated his merits, he was

now on his way home. He earned a precarious subsistence

by travelling to the camps of the different chiefs, and reciting

the wars of the Yokeeas and Beloochees; they sometimes re-

warded him with gifts of food and clothes, &c. The animals he

now had, had been thus presented to him. He remained with

with us some days, and on his leaving he begged the money I

gave him might be exchanged for tobacco or grain. From the

1840.| Account of a Journey from Kurrachee to Hinglaj. 147

Singhul the road runs nearly parallel to the mountains, which

here present the same features as the lesser Haras, decreasing

like them in height as they near the sea, but an acclivitous and

bold range towering far above them was pointed out as that

in which the far famed temple of Hinglaj was situated. We

passed this day the first encampment of Beerooees | had seen ;

about twenty families were pitched on the banks of a ravine,

where wood and water were found in sufficient quantities to

supply their wants, A cloth of camel or goat hair stretched

over a pole formed their dwelling, and for their food, the milk of

their flocks, prepared in various ways, and a very small quantity

of the coarsest grain sufficed. The men wore drawers, with a

loose cloth thrown over the shoulders; the dress of the women

was merely a long garment reaching from the neck to the

ancles. We now skirted the base of the mountains, and passing

between them and a low broken range running at right angles,

came in sight of the pass leading to the Aghor river ; an easy as-

cent of a few hundred yards, over sandy rock, led to the summit,

and a gentle slope of half a mile brought us to the bank of the

The Aghor or Hingoo! Stream. (The view as we turned up its course

Breer alles. was magnificent. The river here flows through

a break in the mountains, about two hundred yards in width.

The faces of the rocks towards the stream are broken and craggy.

That on the left bank is higher and more scarped than its

opposite neighbour. Beyond them in the distance is seen a

range of light colored sand hills, to all appearance nothing but

a mass of conical-shaped peaks, and towering far above them

are the blue mountains of Hinglaj, precipitous and wild. We

encamped above the tamarisk jungle on the high ground be-

tween the river’s bed and the hills. The width of the stream

at this spot is about sixty yards, its bed muddy, and sprinkled

with low bushes. The water is not considered very whole-

some, aS a great quantity of sand is mixed up with it. It

reaches the sea about six miles from the hills, and I saw from

an eminence many fishing boats from Kurrachee, Soumeanee,

and Oormura, anchored at its mouth. A short distance below

the pass, on the left bank of the stream, are the remains of

an ancient village, the name of which has been long since

148 Account of a Journey from Kurrachee to Hinglaj. |No. 98.

forgotten. The site of the houses can hardly be traced, but

I found many pieces of glazed pottery and glass among their

ruins. A number of Mahomedan tombs are scattered over the

high ground in the vicinity, and in the bed of the river is a

bluff rock on which are the ruins of a small fort called

Rana-Ka-Kot. Rana-Ka-Kot. It is said to have been built when

the Hindoos held the sovereignty of the country, to protect

the pilgrims going to Hinglaj from the pirates, who used to run

up the river in small boats to plunder them. It covers the whole

face of the rock, and consists of two towers joined by an

embankment, with a well in the centre; the foundation now

alone remains. After heavy rain, it is said that pieces of silver

are occasionally found in the site of the village, but I was

not able to obtain any; and imagine that although some may

once have been seen there, yet were it supposed that the most

minute search would be rewarded by even a copper coin,

the abject poverty of the people would induce them to dig

up the whole surface in searching for it. The hills here are

composed of sandstone, layers of shells, and conglomerate.

I made many inquiries regarding the numerous Maho-

Mahomedan Tombs. medan tombs which are scattered over the face —

of the country, near many of which not the slightest trace

of a habitation remains; and the situation of some are so —

far from streams or wells, that the cause of their having been

built in such barren spots cannot now be accounted for.

I imagine that when the Mahomedans had established them-

selves in Scinde, their detachments were stationed in all parts to

keep the inhabitants in check, and the spirit of conversion being

then all powerful, they buried their dead with much ceremony,

and erected stone tombs over them to impress the idolaters with

a high sense of the excellence of that faith, which decreed such

honours to the departed. On the decline of the Mogul empire,

when the troops were required for the defence of the interior, these

detachments were withdrawn, the mud huts of the camps soon

fell to decay, the population which had been drawn together

from the jungle, and derived a subsistence by raising grain

to supply them, again spread over the country, and resumed their

pastoral habits, when the demand for the produce of their

1840.| Account of a Journey from Kurrachee to Hinglaj. 149

cultivation ceased ; the embankments raised for irrigation

were swept away on the flooding of the streams, the log lined

wells soon fell in, and these monuments of stone alone remained

to mark where the camps had existed. The very name of the

stations, most probably that of the first chief who pitched his

standard on the spot, was soon forgotten by the wandering

tribes who fed their flocks in the vicinity, when the memorials

of his stay had crumbled into dust.

The Aghor river is the boundary between the territory of the

Yam of Beila and that of the Khan of Kelat, the chief of the

Beerooees. They and the Noomreeas do not intermarry, and

although at present at peace with each other, have no_hesi-

tation in robbing and plundering whenever opportunity offers.

The Beerooees are usually the aggressors, being better armed,

and their places of residence in the mountainous countries

of Mukran and Beeloochistan little known. The very day

I reached the Aghor a party of them, under a_ person

named Dadruheem Khan, on their way to Beila, took from

the hut of two Noomreeas every article they could lay hands

on, and levied a contribution of grain from some Hindoo

pilgrims encamped there. They likewise stopped some of the

people with whom I was travelling, who were in advance of the

baggage; but on learning that a British officer accompanied

them, they instantly let them go. At the Beerooee encampment

also they demanded some sheep as a present, but a Noomreea I

had left there to purchase milk, threatened them with my

anger if they dared to seize even one. Such is the effect which

has been produced on the minds of these lawless men by the

gallant capture of Kelat, that they proceeded on their way

without enforcing their demand. They were more numerous,

and better appointed than the armed men with my party, and

had they chosen, might have robbed us without much difficulty,

but the very name of a European appeared to frighten them.

A few months ago I should have been treated with every

contumely, but now all were anxious to pay me attention. I felt

convinced that the only danger attending my excursion was

what I might incur from the vengeance of individuals who had lost

relations or friends at the storm of the fort, but even their irritated

150 Account of a Journey from Kurrachee to Hinglaj. (No. 98.

feelings will be allayed by time. In a country so divided into

petty tribes as Beeloochistan, where the authority of the chief,

although acknowledged, is but little heeded, and where no man’s

life or property is safe, further than he can himself protect it,

for a traveller to straggle from his party is of course unsafe,

as the wretched state of poverty and starvation in which the

greater portion of the population exist would induce them

to make a dash at him for the sake of his clothes. I was

warned of this at Soumeanee, and could never leave our camp

without one of the attendants following me at a distance to

watch over my security. While halted at the river, upwards

of sixty Beerooee and Noomreea families collected round us

to be fed; they came from all parts, and I had therefore an

opportunity of inquiring about their mode of life. The milk

of their camels, goats, and ewes, the dried berry called beera,

wild herbs, and a very small quantity of the coarsest jowaree are

what they subsist on ; meat they seldom touch, as all the male

animals are disposed of for clothes or grain, and the females

kept for their produce. Dates are considered a luxury, so

much so, that when at Soumeanee, I was told of a Noomreea

having asked a banian in whose shop he saw a pile of bags

of them, whether he took any rest at night. On the Hindoo

replying, of course he did ; the Noomreea expressed his surprise,

and said, were he there, he should be eating the dates day

and night. Whenever I offered money, food was always re-

quested in lieu of it. The complexions of the females are more

fair than could have been expected from their exposed mode

of life, and the number of children with them was, as is usual

among a poor population, very great. The Beerooees all wear

the low conical cap, which affords even less protection to

the head than that of Scinde. All were armed, mostly with

a matchlock and long knife: some had swords. Neither they

nor the Noomreeas pay any regular tribute, but on occasions of

festivity, the chiefs raise contributions in kind from the heads of

families. All are liable to be called on for military service,

during which time they receive food and trifling pay. In the

Yam’s territory, whenever cultivation is carried on, “ one third”

of the produce goes to the chief, and the remainder is left to

1840.| Account of a Journey from Kurrachee to Hingla. 151

the peasant. The vicinity of roads is generally avoided, to es-

cape molestation from travellers, and their camps are moved

from place to place as water or pasturage fail them. The

nearest village to Hinglaj is Oormura, situated on the coast,

at a distance of two days march, and said to contain two hun-

dred inhabitants, many of whom are fishermen. A few Hindoo

shop-keepers reside there. The coins current are the German

erown, the Mahmoodee rupee, and the paolee. It is described

as having a good bay, but my time did not admit of visiting

it.

On ascending the left bank of the river, after passing

The Aghor river, 8 miles. between the peaks in the mountains, which

seem as if they had been severed by some convulsion of nature,

a full view is obtained of the sand hills. They appear to consist

of one irregular range, cut in two by the river extending south-

wards to near the sea, and to the north, far into the moun-

tains. They are from three to four hundred feet in height,

covered from base to summit with numberless small conical-

shaped, ribbed peaks, like that of the Chundur Koops, and their

surface appears to have been baked to hardness by the sun. To-

wards the plain a few are coated with a crust of dark brown

colored sandstone, with which at one time the whole range

seems to have been covered. A winding path, with several

ascents and descents, steep, though short, leads through them. I

picked up many pieces of talc, (or Govid nusree and Cherotee

as it was called by my companions) in the water courses near

them. On the north-eastern side is a plain of a mile in length

and half that width, much cut up by ravines. Through this

the river flows over a bed of pebbles, its banks fringed with

tamarisk and baubul trees; on its right bank rises the Hingool

mountain, conspicuous in the range by its great height and

scarped sides. The name given to the stream above the

peak in the Hara mountains is the Hingool, and from them

to the sea it is called the Aghor. It is always a running stream,

is said to have a very long course, and rises on the melting of the

snow to the northward, or as it was described to me, without

rain falling. After crossing its bed, where the water was about

knee deep, the path enters a deep ravine, which leads to a

152 Account of a Journey from Kurrachee to Hinglaj. [No. 98.

Assar Poora, 7 miles. narrow valley, and after winding among the

hills for about two miles, reaches a running stream, almost

hid by low tamarisk bushes, on the banks of which is the

usual halting place. Half a mile froin the valley, in a narrow

Hinglaj, 5 mile. gorge, the mountains on each side of which rise

perpendicularly to nearly a thousand feet, is situated the tem-

ple of Hinglaj. It is a low mud edifice, built at one end

of a natural cave of small dimensions, and only contains a tomb-

shaped stone, which is called the goddess Mata, or Mahamayee.

At the head of the gorge, a steep and difficult ascent up the

course of a water-fall leads to the top of the mountains, and after

winding over their summits for some five or six miles, the

pathway descends by another water course to the valley, where

we encamped. An account of the different holy places visited,

and the ceremonies performed on the journey, are fully detailed

in my description of the pilgrimage to Hinglaj.

Soon after reaching our encampment, another party of

armed Beerooees arrived on their way to Beila, to learn the

state of affairs. They requested me to give them tobacco and me-

dicine, said they lived from hand to mouth, and now that their

chief was killed (he had fallen at Kelat) were worse off than before.

Kelat, the capital, had been always looked on in this part of

the world as a maiden city, until the descendant of a line of

kings fell, as became him, on his throne, before the all-con-

quering arm of the British soldiery.

This party was under Chota Beerooee, and was, I ima-

gine, only on the look out for plunder, as a day or two after

our return to the banks of the Aghor river they again passed

us on their way back, without stopping as usual for food;

and that same evening one of our camels was missing, stolen

no doubt by them. This was the limit of my excursion. The

time fixed for rejoining my regiment having nearly expired,

I was not able to extend my journey, as I now felt anxious

to do, by proceeding along the coast as far as Gwaddel, and

then turning north through Kedge Pungoor and Noskky, visiting

Kelat, and returning to Kurrachee via Khozdar and Beila.

On our way back, nine days after first seeing them, I

again visited the Chunder Koops.’ The appearance of the

_ =

neal

1840.| Account of a Journey from Kurrachee to Hinglaj. 153

one which was fallen in, was as sand in a muddy pool, but

that of water, instead of being clear as before was quite

discolored; the stream also had ceased flowing for some

time, as the plain bore no marks of moisture. On reaching

the summit of the larger one, it was very evident that an erup-

tion had taken place the day before (Monday), for the chan-

nel on the western side was quite filled with slime, which

had oozed down the side of the hill, and ran some thirty yards

into the plain below. The dry clods I had placed when before

here, were covered, and it was not safe to cross where the

mud had found an issue; whereas my whole party had, when

with me, walked round the edge of the basin. The jets rose as

usual. So tenacious is the mud of this one, that even cocoanuts

which the Hindoos throw on it do not sink, but in the others

it is more liquid. No alteration had taken place in the ap-

pearance of the small Koop.

We now followed our former route, halting at the Phor

river near a muddy pool, and at a brackish well in the Churra.

Our next stage was over the plain beyond Dambo, and across

the Pooralee river (now quite dry), to a tank near Shaik Boo-

lun’s tomb. After passing it we crossed some low sandy

ridges, and wound under a range of sand hills, on which is

a well, close to a few tamarisk trees. We then came to a

salt flat called the Truppa, extending from the Gooroo-Chela-

Karun to the Thura, from which it is distinguished by being

totally bare of all shrubs. The tide does not affect it, but

rain brings out a crust of salt. We rejoined our former route

at the groves of the Gooroo and Chela, and then entering the

sand hills which encompass Soumeanee, descended to an oblong

amphitheatre surrounded by them, of about half a mile in width

and four in length, covered with the lavoo bush, and dotted

here and there with pools of brackish water. This tract is

called the “ Dotur Puk,” and it was to avoid it that we kept

to the beach road when on our way to Dambo. I had been

told that the Yam and his Dewan intended visiting me on my

return and offering some presents, but I fortunately reached

Soumeanee when they were at Lyaree, and after addressing

letters to them both expressing my thanks for the attention

which had been paid me, and the safety with which I had tra-

versed the “country, I rode in at once to Kurrachee. Most

polite answers have since reached me, regretting that my un-

expected departure prevented their having the pleasure of

seeing me. '

In the hills between Lyaree and Beila “copper” is found

in large quantities. A Hindoo now in Kurrachee loaded twenty

camels with ore, on his return from Hinglaj, and obtained as

many maunds of good metal from it. The whole country

is indeed rich in mineral productions, and well worthy the at-

tention of an experienced geologist.

lst March, 1840.

Nore.---The singular and remote place of pilgrimage, visited by Capt.

Hart, as described in the above interesting paper, is one of the fifty-

one Pitas, or places celebrated as the spots on which the dissevered limbs of

Satz or Doorga were scattered. An intelligent native friend (Raee Seeta-

nath Bhose Bahadoor) informs me that the word Hinglaj is not met

with in any Sanscrit Dictionary of good authority, and it would appear to

be a corruption of the word Hingulad, the name of the spot on which the

crown of the head (Bramarandra) of Doorga was cast. My informant has

not been able to find any mention of the geographical position of the

place so named in the works to which he has referred, but there can be

littie doubt as to the identity of the spot. He has furnished me with a table

of the various Pitas, with the names under which Doorga and Shiva are

worshipped at each; one of these spots being Kalipita, or Kali Ghat near

Calcutta. The Churamuni Tantra is, I am told, the authority to be consult-

ed on the subject of this particular fable.

: : ‘

154 Account of a Journey from Kurrachee to Hinglaj. (No. 98.

155

Fourth Report on the Tenasserim Provinces considered as a resort

for Europeans.—By Joun WitL1AM Heurer, M.D.

England has nearly acquired that full amount of improvement

and civilization which its situation, as respects foreign countries

in Europe, which its climate, its soil, will ever allow it to ac-

quire.

Scotland and Ireland are still capable of great improvement ;

however, in the former climate renders success precarious ; in

the other, moral reasons obstruct amelioration.

England would scarcely advance, when confined to England ;

nay, it would be obliged to retrograde. That which renders

England powerful, and continues to increase its riches and

prosperity, is its universal commerce, and its transatlantic colo-

nization.

England, of all countries, knew at all times the best to ap-

preciate the value of colonies. All its colonies advance rapidly,

and new ones continue to be established. The East Indies,

finally, have also been opened to the mass of the British

nation, and these immense territories afford a field of such im-

portance, that its vast consequences cannot yet be appreciated

at the present day. - * *

_ Adventurers are always attracted by the hopes of sudden

gain, and the fables of India’s immense riches, are yet vivid in

the imagination of the multitude. As the Spaniards flocking

to America in search of the Eldorado, when disappointed

turned agriculturists ; so when the Kast Indian adventurers find

out the errors of their hopes and fancies, they will become sober

colonists ; for prospects there are certainly open to them, not to

become suddenly rich, but gradually wealthy.

It has frequently been stated that Europeans are not fit to

become tropical colonists. If this were the case, no colony would

have been established in the West Indies, much less would any

have become flourishing. Certainly they are not able to bear the

climate as day labourers, at least not the greater part, however

they can become landed proprietors, superintending their farms,

and carrying on cultivation by the labour of other people.

156 Dr. Helfer’s Fourth Report [No. 98.

There is much difference between tropical colonies and colo-

nies in the temperate zone; both sets have their particular

advantages, and disadvantages. Tropical colonies can only

be established by men who are wealthy, or who possess

moderate capital to begin with. They employ either the

natives of the country in which they settle, or they import

foreign labourers. . = -

As the stream of European enterprise will turn towards

India, it is necessary to direct it into the most safe channel,

and the following paragraphs are written for the purpose of

pointing out the different very great advantages which the

provinces of Tenasserim possess, containing all that is requisite

to transform them into an European tropical colony able to

prosper in an eminent degree.

In every colony the new comer finds the country either a

waste or occupied; and if occupied, it is occupied either by

temporary tenants, or a fixed population.

Temporary tenants do not make use of the ground perma-

nently ; they are tribes of hunstmen, or graziers, or people

who resort to certain places for the sake of a particular sponta- -

neous production fit for their own use, or for exchange.

A fixed population makes use of the ground as the source of

their livelihood.

The Tenasserim Provinces contain all these divisions com- —

bined. A great, and the greatest portion is a waste; part of

it is used on account of its teak forests, or sapan-wood jungles,

or wood-oil trees; other parts are resorted to exclusively on

account of a productive fishery ; others, on account of the rocks

producing edible birds’ nests ; the smallest part of it is occupied

by permanent dwellers, engaged in cultivating the ground.

I. The first great advantage which the Tenasserim Provinces

offers, 2s the abundance of lands of every description.

An obstacle which has been found in most of such un-

civilized countries is, that the inhabitants come very soon into

collision with the new comers. |

This can happen only in countries like America, where the

population subsisted upon the produce of the chase.

In Tenasserim this would not be the case, for no part

1840. | on the Tenasserim Provinces, &c. 157

of the population is employed exclusively with hunting, except a

few Siamese, who pursue the elephant and rhinoceros, for the

sake of the tusk, and rhinoceros’ horns. The new comers

therefore could only come in collision with the permanent

dweller, that is, the planter.

Four-fifths of the native planters confine themselves to the

production of rice, which is their chief alimentary subsistence.

The new comer would scarcely begin with this mode of cul-

tivation, but would turn his attention to other articles which are

more valuable, and procure his rice from the natives.

The existence of this population of husbandmen is an ad-

vantage to emigrants, because they furnish them with food ;

and it is an advantage to the natives, who find an increased

consumption in the emigrant. Another obstacle occurring in

countries already occupied, is the spirit of envy and enmity with

which the native population is inspired towards the new

comers. This spirit of enmity is to be derived either from

the principle of self-preservation, or it is founded on religious

prejudice, and national aversion.

If we judge from experience and inference, nothing is to

be apprehended from the natives of these provinces in this

respect.

The Chinese wherever they settled in the provinces, though

they over-reached the Burmese in every respect, in a short time

were always welcomed and encouraged by them.

They have no more dislike or aversion to Kuropean settlers

than to the Chinese. Their religion is eminently tolerant ; and

as for national prejudices, they are far from disliking the

Europeans, whom they consider rather to be a variety of the

human species of a higher order.

II. The first aim of a colony is to give sustenance to an in-

creasing number of people; as culture and produce increase, a

surplus is gained, and the next step will be the endeavour to ex-

change the surplus for other commodities.

The Tenasserim Provinces are eminently well situated for

commerce; their extent of sea-coast amounts to 600 miles ; the

formation of the country is that of a narrow strip of inland, from

which descend numerous navigable rivers, keeping it connected

158 | Dr. Helfer’s Fourth Report [No. 98.

with the sea coast, and presenting the greatest facilities for com-

munication.

III. The next advantage which these countries possess over

all parts of India Proper—an advantage of the greatest im-

portance to European settlers—is the great salubrity of the cli-

mate, which is so remarkable, that the provinces are considered

by persons who have had opportunities of comparing the differ-

ent climates of America, to belong to the most healthy for

the European constitution of all known tropical countries. To

be convinced of this truth, it is only necessary to compare the bills

of mortality kept by the medical gentlemen of the European Bri-

tish corps, stationed at Maulmain and its dependencies, which

prove that the rate of mortality scarcely ever exceeds, and is

sometimes less than it would be under similar circumstances

in Europe.

To account satisfactorily for this phenomenon is very dif-

ficult, when we see the countries almost bordering upon the

provinces are counted amongst the most fatal of India; Arra-

can in particular, where the general appearance and form of

the country, as well as the nature of its productions, are said

to be similar to Tenasserim.

No other reason can be found, than that the country is

either part of a narrow peninsula, or immediately adjacent ;

and that the extensive seas on both sides produce a constant,

though not always perceptible current of air, and consequent

ventilation, by which the rising obnoxious vapours of fermen-

ting vegetable matter, and other elements of malaria, are either

destroyed or carried away.

It is certain that the Arracan fevers are scarcely known; that

liver complaints are of rarer occurrence ; and pneumonic diseases

scarcely known. It may be even asserted that Europeans of

temperate habits, chiefly those not addicted to strong liquors,

enjoy a greater health than natives; especially native children

suffering from the small pox, which occurs epidemically at

intervals, and carries away at times considerable numbers, much

more, because all the endeavours of medical gentlemen to in-

troduce vaccination have hitherto proved fruitless, some isolated

cases excepted.

reas

1840. | on the Tenasserim Provinces, &c. 159

Preservation of health, besides, does not require here those

particular precautions so necessary in India.

Bad effects from exposure are of very rare occurrence, as

sporting gentlemen have ample leisure to experience, and this

would certainly be of immense advantage to a planter, whose

chief occupations are in the fields.

The coolness of the nights almost throughout the year, much

contributes to restore vigour and health to a constitution which

by constant perspiration during the heat of the day in the dry

Season, is partially exhausted.

_. The dangers from wild animals, snakes, and other venomous

reptiles, are generally much exaggerated in Europe, if not

altogether fabulous. In Tenasserim very little is to be appre-

| hended from these animals.

There are tigers, and pretty numerous too, in the country,

| but they are of quite a different nature from those in Bengal,

| and probably more afraid of men than men of them. Acci-

dents very seldom happen to natives, who penetrate daily into

-untrodden jungles, sometimes quite alone. No other quadruped

else is to be feared; a planter may reside his whole life-time

in the country without even having an opportunity of seeing

la wild elephant or a rhinoceros. Dangerous snakes are very

“rarely met with, and I dare say less fatal accidents happen

| here than in the south of Europe.

| IV. The fertility of a country is of a double nature—essential

and accidental. The essential fertility is dependent upon the

nature of the soil; the accidental, on the quantity of fertilizing

| matter found upon the surface, constituting a mould of humus.

| To determine properly the fertility of the Tenasserim provinces,

we must retrace our steps to geological principles, and exa-

_mine the different formations. A great portion of the surface

_ in the interior is composed of primitive rocks, chiefly granite ;

great parts of the mountains, running parallel from north

to south through the peninsula are granite or gneiss. The

ridges are divided by valleys of an inconsiderable depth. The

mountains themselves are scarcely ever very abruptly precipi-

tous, generally rounded near the tops, without being lacerated-

_ Almost every where, at least to some inches in depth, the sur-

160 Dr. Helfer’s Fourth Report [No. 98.

face is decomposed, and throughout covered with lofty vegeta-

tion; a bare rock is one of the greatest rarities on the main

land. The felspar decomposes exceedingly quick in tropical

humid countries, and is found, contrary to the theory of

celebrated chemists, one of the most fertilizing substances

within the tropics ; the reason is probably that the caustic of

potassa or soda, which forms part of the elements of felspar,

is neutralized by the abundance of humic acid produced by

the immense quantity of decaying vegetable matter.

Hence we see that the valleys between the granitic ridges

of the country into which all the decomposed particles are

uninterruptedly swept from the sides of the mountains, toge-

ther with the numerous decayed vegetable substances, belong

to the richest soils of this country. Just this part of the

country, chiefly inland, is uninhabited, or only employed by —

isolated Kareans. Not an inconsiderable portion of the surface

of the provinces belong to the transition formations. They are

much more abundant in the northern and middle, than in the

southern parts. These are to be divided into the schistous

and calcareous surfaces.

A great part of the country to the south of Maulmain and to

the south of Ye, towards Tavoy, present argillaceous transition

schist. Thisis that part of the country which is the most sterile

of all; a more stunted vegetation is immediately observed, and

great part of this tract instead of presenting lofty forests, is

covered with bamboo. The chief reason of this sterility may

be accounted for, by the deficient and but slow decomposition

of the schists, and by the absence of sandy particles, and by

the great absorption of water and moisture.

The province of Amherst possesses remarkable isolated rocks,

or ridges of some extent, composed of mountain limestone.

The plains at the base of these abrupt mountains are remark-

ably fertile.

The mountains themselves, however, rising sometimes per-

pendicularly, full of chasms, without any level ground, will be

found in every respect unavailable for cultivation.

Secondary formations, and amongst those the secondary sand-

stones (Gres bigarre) with puddingstones, cover the surface.

1840. | on the Tenasserim Provinces, &c. 161

They are mostly to be found in the southern parts of province

Amherst and in Ye province.

These tracts of land will be found but indifferently fertile,

and the reason is their aridity, the water being absorbed with

_avidity by the porous puddingstones ; meanwhile the argillaceous

parts which enter into the composition form a hard crust, im-

_ penetrable to water. Though numerous, these districts never

cover a great surface !

| Part of the plains of the provinces belong to the tertiary for-

| mation; such are the higher parts of Amherst and Ye province,

| the plains of Tavoy and Kallee-oung, the plains between Tavoy

and Polon, such the valley of Taun-biauk and the elevated

land of Meta-mio, such the plain country on the Tenasserim

river above the site of the old town, which is an argillaceous

_marly deposit of great extent. All these enumerated places are

“fertile, scarcely any are exclusively sandy, none, as much as

_ I am aware of, gypsous.

| To the postdiluvian formations belong the deltas of the rivers,

Which are, when above the influence of the salt water, highly

fertile ; if however so low as to be exposed to the influence of the

“salt water, entirely unproductive. To the first belong the low

| lands on the confluence of the Salween, the Gain, and the At-

_taran rivers, the small delta of the Ye river, and, others of minor

note between Tavoy and Mergui; to the latter belong all the

mangrove districts, which are entirely unfit for cultivation. The

| great source of fertility in the country, independent of the ferti-

: lizing elements of the ground, is the quantity of the humus, or

decayed vegetable matter, which has accumulated through tens

of centuries. It is only necessary to represent that the whole

) country is an uninterrupted forest, the greatest part never cut.

This constitutes the productiveness of virgin soils. We can

safely pronounce that the greater part of the 30,000 square miles

of which the provinces are composed, are fertile, or fit to be

made fertile ; and that only the higher parts of the mountains

and the mangrove territories are sterile; the quantity of unpro-

ductive sterile, or unavailable lands, is scarcely one-fourth of the

area.

»¢

162 Dr. Helfer’s Fourth Report [No. 98.

Which part of the province may be the most fertile, is as yet

undecided, as so little land is cleared. The northern parts will

have the preference as rice countries, on account of the great

plains ; as the southern parts will be found preferable for peren-

nial cultivation, on account of their approaching more in climate

to the equatorial regions. The complaints of natural barreness of

soil, and inaptitude for cultivation said to exist in the Malay ar-

chipelago, and so much complained of by Marsden with refer-

ence to a great portion of Sumatra, is not applicable to Tenas-

serim.

V. The great choice of lands to be had, forms another great

advantage in a beginning colony.

There are as yet no conditions laid down by government

under which lands are given to private individuals, probably

on account of no body having yet asked for land. Probably the

same, or similar regulations will be fixed upon, which exist at

present in the Straits of Malacca. |

It should then be remembered, that the cultivation will proba-

bly take a different turn from that in India, viz. that very few

annual, but mostly perennial plantations will be reared, such as

of spices, coffee, betel-nuts, &c. and that short leases would

be detrimental to the landholder.

The price of land where so much is lying waste, and where

it should be the interest of government to keep as much as

possible of the land occupied, will probably be insignificant in

the beginning. Under the present system, borrowed from the

ancient Burmese, every part of land occupied or not is the

property of government, the natives merely farm it, and pay

for the productions raised upon it nominally 25 per cent ad

valorem. .

VI. The greatest variety of articles which can be raised in Ten-

asserim is another great advantage which the provinces offer ;

not only every tropical production thrives well, but also exclu-

sively intertropical articles promise to succeed in the southern —

parts of Tenasserim, and amongst those, some of the most valu-

able known, which are confined comparatively to a narrow

sphere, such as nutmegs and cloves.

1840. | on the Tenasserim Provinces, &c. 163

VII. The combination of agricultural with mercantile pursuits

_ forms an additional reason to select this part of India in pre-

ference to many others. I mean, a planter can combine the

sale of valuable spontaneous productions of nature which sur-

_ round, with his chief pursuits in agriculture.

As the greater part of valuable productions can only be ob-

tained from plants which require several years’ growth before

| they arrive at maturity, the time which intervenes is lost to

| the planter in expectations, and can be turned to account by

| converting into practical use the following productions, which

| to this day are unused, though of intrinsic value, viz.—sticklac,

the gamboge, the caoutchouc, the different gum resins, the wood

oil, the black varnish, the aloes, and sandal woods, the native

_ dyes, and several tanning substances, &c. &c.

VIII. The last advantage which the provinces offer as a colo-

| ny, consists in the facility of getting good labourers ; though the

country is thinly peopled, and the Burmese on account of their

independence and want of skill will never be extensively used

as labourers, yet the Chinese can be brought into the country ;

it would only be necessary to direct the tide of their emigra-

tion from Singapore here, and certainly if Chinese once knew

that they could find remunerating employment they would flock

of themselves to these shores.

This is a matter of vital importance just at present, when the

effects of the emancipation of negro slaves has involved the

greatest part of the tropical colonies in embarrassments which

threaten some of them with ruin. The advantages of having an

European colony would be briefly the following :—

1. It would be the best means of rendering the country in the

shortest possible time remunerating. Until now it has been a

loss, and though it has made a gradual progress towards the

better, yet it will be a considerable time before the native popu-

lation augments sufficiently to render the country a source of

revenue to government. It must besides be kept in mind, that

should circumstances ever allow of settled government in Pegu,

the greater part of the population in the north will emigrate

from Tenasserim and return to their old homes, where they will

have protection.

164 Dr. Helfer’s Fourth Report [No..98.

2. European settlers would soon call into practical use the

manifold resources of the country.

3. United with the mother country by mutual interest, Eng-

Jand would very soon gain by a new commerce with a new

country, and by it be benefited.

4, When grown up to a greater community, an European

colony would be considered as a safe position against millions

of people inhabiting India. Of the different articles which are

found in the provinces, or which can be raised, I have treated

in my previous reports, I therefore confine myself to mention-

ing some of those which promise to become of the first im-

portance to European settlers.

Spices.—Spice cultivation is excluded from India Proper ; all

attempts to transplant trees from the Malay archipelago have

not answered the expectations. When the fruit ripens it is

imperfect.

The nobler spices seem to be confined to a narrow sphere in

interequatorial climes, confined to countries which are not

far distant from their native place, the Moluccas.

It is only lately that the spice plantations in Penang (begun

under apparently unfavourable auspices) realized the most

sanguine expectations of success. They are already, and will be

more in time, the true source of prosperity of that small colonial

settlement.

Penang has a great resemblance in productions and climate

to the southern portions of the Tenasserim Provinces. It may

reasonably be conjectured that almost all valuable productions

succeeding there will thrive in the Mergui Province. All that

hitherto have been tried, have succeeded. Young nutmeg trees

are growing in Mergui very well; they are not however suffi-

ciently grown up to know by experience whether they will be

equally productive.

There is a practical adage amongst the natives, which I am

inclined much to credit, that where mangosteens thrive, nut-

megs will grow and bear fruit. ,

Mangosteens are equally obstinate regarding locality. They

do not grow well in India, and produce but indifferent fruit in

Ceylon and the southernmost parts of the Peninsula. They

1840. ] on the Tenasserim Provinces, &c. 165

do not grow better in the northern parts of Tenasserim ; Mergui

is the northernmost limit where they attain perfection, and

so it probably will be with nutmegs. Should nutmegs bear

amply in Tenasserim, their introduction and multiplication will

be of the greatest advantage, as no branch of tropical cultivation

is as yet known giving such an ample return as nutmegs.

It is probable that the high prices of nutmegs will diminish

with the increase of the number of plantations, but even half

of the present price would be a very ample return. It is rather

doubtful whether clove trees will succeed in Tenasserim ; they

grow but slowly, and are very delicate. There is only one tree

which has blossomed this year, for the first time, m Mergui

Province.

Coffee plantations are a branch of tropical agriculture which

is particularly well suited for every part of the Tenasserim

Provinces. Experience has taught, that coffee plants produce

amply, and that the coffee obtained is of a superior quality.

Some reared by Major MacFarquhar in Tavoy can be com-

pared with the second best in Java. The young trees begin to

bear in the third year, and are in full bearing after five years.

The virgin soil if cleared, and burnt down forests in valleys

on the sloping sides of mountains, are the best suited for its

growth. Such an article of the first importance in the Kuro-

pean market, does not want a particular recommendation.

Areca palm plantations are also of importance to the EKuro-

pean planter in the southern parts of Tenasserim, where they

attain high perfection. They give certain returns, which are

not inconsiderable; they require however seven years’ growth

before they produce fruit.

The natives have only since the British occupation laid out

areca plantations on a large scale. The provinces do not

yet produce sufficient for the consumption of the country, and

the nut is imported from Sumatra, and Penang.

Should arecas, as lately they have begun, be continued to be

transported to Europe for the purpose of superseding oak bark

and sumach for tanning purposes, the importance of areca plan-

tations would greatly increase.

Cocoanuts.—In all tropical countries, having a large extent of

166 Dr. Helfer’s Fourth Report [No. 98°

sea-coast, cocoanut plantations are chiefly remunerating if the

native population is ae to use these nuts as a part of

their diet. :

To the European settler they are important, for the sake of

manufacturing the oil for exportation to Europe. The coun-

try immediately bordering on the sea-shore is that best adapted

for cocoanuts, because they require to be somewhat under the

influence of salt water to thrive properly, and it is a part of the

country otherwise unavailable. The borders of the mangrove

jungles can be profitably employed in this way.

Nipah cultivation, though never as yet carried on by aves

peans, seems to call for particular attention. The leaves of this

palm are used for thatching common houses, when converted

into a kind of thatch the price is generally from two to three

rupees per thousand. But what merits particular attention, is

the making of sugar from Nipah toddy or palm wine. Ex-

periments have shown that the quantity of sugar is greater

in proportion to that obtained from sugarcane. The chief

difficulty arises from the rapid fermentation which the palm

wine undergoes.

Nipah grows only near the sea-shore, in places which are un-

der the influence of the tides; boats therefore can approach

within a short distance of the plantation. It would be necessa-

ry to have a copper boiler on board of one of the boats, and to

boil the just collected juice to prevent the vinous fermentation.

In this way a great quantity of sugar could be obtained, which

could be disposed of with considerable profit at low prices.

These are the chief perennial plantations which would be the

most profitable to Kuropean settlers.

Annual plantations are less remunerating, but the returns are

quick, and the majority would probably begin with them, ex-

cept men of capital, who can afford to wait.

Annual plantations however require in the beginning a greater

outlay than perennial. We have shown that the country with

few exceptions is an uninterrupted forest. It is not only neces-

sary with annuals to clear the forests, but to prepare the

ground more carefully, digging out the stumps and roots of

trees, and rendering it fit for tillage.

1840.] on the Tenasserem Provinces, &c. 167

Such thoroughly prepared grounds do not exist in the pro-

vinces except those destined for rice-plantations, and those

being situated in low localities, are scarcely available for other

annuals.

It must be ascertained by experience whether a planta-

tion consisting exclusively of annuals would be remu-

nerating to Kuropean settlers. It is doubtful whether

Tenasserim in its infancy as a colony, will be able to compete

with Hindoostan in this respect. If however any annual

plantations on a large scale are to be established, then cotton

must be counted among the first. To augment the quantity

of new cotton in the British colonies, and to render the mother

country independent of foreign supplies, ought to be considered

a matter of deep concern.

The East Indian possessions are particularly well fitted for

cotton growth. India is the mother country of cotton, yet the

original plant is deteriorated throughout India, and the modes

of cultivation not understood. In Tenasserim the indigenous

cotton plant, or that in use, is still worse than the Indian.

It has a short staple, want of smoothness, and a great cohesion

to the seed. The greater part of the cotton is sown together with

mountain rice, upon newly burnt ground. Four-fifths of all

cotton grown are obtained in this manner, almost all being used

for home consumption. Other cotton seeds have been introdu-

ced since the British occupation, but unfortunately Pernambuco

cotton was selected and generally distributed. It proved a fai-

lure, as might be expected from an almost subalpine plant being

transferred into subequatorial plains, and the failure of the ex-

periments contributed to make the natives think that their

own species was better.

Egyptian, Sea Island, and Seychelle cotton have been also in-

troduced lately, but almost all the seeds obtained did not ger-

minate. Kuropean settlers well versed in cotton growth would

have an ample field for exertions, and it seems that the plains

between Ye and Tavoy, and between Tavoy and Palauk, will

be particularly fit for the introduction of Sea Island cotton,

as that variety likes the atmosphere of the sea and a slightly

subsaline soil. For the Georgia Upland plant, the interme-

168 Dr. Helfer’s Fourth Report [ No. 98.

diate valleys and slopes would furnish an apparently good

locality. We have hitherto, however, no experience whatever

of cotton growth with introduced superior qualities, and can

therefore throw no light .upon the probability of success

with cotton.

Of the cultivation of the sugarcane I have spoken in my

former reports, as well as of indigo and tobacco cultivation.

All these articles grow well in these provinces ; there are how-

ever no known data on which to base how far an extended

well attended cultivation would be remunerating, as these

articles have been only reared on a small scale for home con-

sumption, and no eare taken to replace deteriorated varieties.

In Hindoostan a great proportion of the land is already

converted into fields which are actually under tillage, and

the people cultivate indigo, tobacco, and sugarcane; in this

case it seems advisable to unite perennial cultivation with

annual,

The following is the sketch of a plantation upon an ex-

tensive scale, which seems to the writer to combine all desired

profits from cultivation in Tenasserim, and which seems to

indicate the most advantageous method under present circum-

stances, to be pursued for transforming the virgin forest into cul-

tivated land. It is only applicable to the southern parts of Ten- '

asserim, especially Mergui Province. The first operation is the

selection of an appropriated locality with reference to soil and —

situation. The best soil for the purposes which I am about

to indicate, is that which has a layer of humus of at least

two or three inches depth, whose upper soil is the red clayish

earth, intermixed with a moderate quantity of sand.

Localities where the upper surface is constituted of decom-

posed granite rocks will be found, on account of the fertili-

zing quantity of the decomposed felspar, highly advantageous.

Should a more than ordinary admixture of calcareous substances

happen, as is the case in localities where isolated limestone

groups protrude, it will be still better, the vegetation in the neigh-

bourhood of such localities being always distinguished by a par-

ticularly luxuriant appearance.

1840. | on the Tenasserim Provinces, &c. 169

It ought also to be ascertained, whether there be a sufficient

stratum of subsoil two or three feet thick, not rock.

Undulatory, slightly sloping hills, and of these chiefly the part

near the bottom of the valley, will be the best situation.

Places must be avoided where the waters have not a natural

outlet, otherwise they accumulate during the height of the mon-

soon ; besides a noxious inundation, the plantations are liable to

be carried away with the good earth ; the formation of terraces,

and the digging up of trenches and drains, would be for the first

settlers a too expensive operation, where unlimited quantities of

unoccupied land can be chosen in the first instance.

Particular care in the selection of the locality should be

taken to establish the plantation not far from the sea coast,

from a navigable river, or at least near a creek communicating

with the sea, or river, there being no roads in the country,

and the easy transport of the produce being a matter of im-

portance.

Localities should be chosen where the forest is high. The

more primitive woods are grown up, the more they possess of

accumulated humus, and the less they have of underwood ;—

the more underwood, the less good the soil, and the greater

the number of white-ants, the greatest enemies to a plantation

in tropical countries.

After having selected the proper locality, the cutting down of

the forest is the next operation. It can only be performed

during the dry season, from November to April ; trees cut down

during the monsoon do not burn well, this is a fact of which it

is difficult to account satisfactorily.

_ The great art in cutting consists in felling the trees in such

a manner that they fall in heaps; when they are lighted they

burn the more freely, for the greatest trouble does not consist

in felling a forest, but in burning it.

A month before the setting in of the monsoon, the whole area

cut down is burnt in one day; after this, the always considerable

remainder of the branches and smaller trees is cut again, and

brought on new heaps, which are repeatedly burnt down, until

nothing remains but the bare large trunks, which are never

consumed by the fire.

170 Dr. Helfer’s Fourth Report [No. 98.

In future times, when wood will be more appreciated, part of

these trunks, 30 or 40 feet in length, quite straight, some

species yielding excellent timber for ship-building and other

purposes, will probably be removed to well situated localities,

where they can be dragged by elephants to the water’s edge.

For the present, there is no demand for timber, and these large

trunks are left in the plantation to rot. The aspect of such

a plantation cleared and prepared, is not agreeable to the eye

of an European accustomed to see clean fields; the standing

and strewed large trunks prevent the application of the plough,

but in the present description the most profitable mode of plan-

tation is kept in view, and this does not require the plough, for

such a plantation is not to become a field, but a garden.

The next aim is to render the prepared soil as productive

as a virgin soil can be made. It is not yet ascertained by

experience whether it is not advisable to sow in the first

instance mountain rice, not only on account of the pro-

duce obtained covering at least a great part of the expences of

cutting down the forest, but also on account of being a

powerful check to the shooting up of numerous weeds, after

a few months, notwithstanding constant weeding. The natives

affirm that the quantity of nutritive matter of which the rice

deprives the soil, is less than that consumed by the weeds.

If rice is not planted, sesamum oil-seed is sown broad cast

upon the ashes, young chilli plants planted in rows, and cut

pieces of yams planted like potatoes at intervals.

These annual productions enter into the domestic economy

of a tropical planter, and the surplus, if the country be in-

habited, is bought up by the natives; the labourers also, in

most cases, consent to take a part of their wages in kind,

instead of money.

The next is the planting of plantain shoots. This plantation

is formed on account of the shade which the broad leaves of this

plant throws over the young perennial plants, shade being a

most necessary requisite in the dry season, and plantains shoot-

ing out the quickest, without detaching much nourishment

from the soil, and are besides otherwise useful.

They yield, as is well known, an astonishing quantity of

1840. | on the Tenasserim Provinces, &c. 171

wholesome food. They are cut down after the perennial planta-

tions attain the height of four feet six inches, when they are

strong enough to bear the dry season unprotected, and the burnt

plantains yield a considerable quantity of potash. At the same

time that the forest is cleared and prepared, a nursery for young

areca palms is to be established in some appropriate locality.

The best arecas for seeds are to be obtained from December

to March, and sufficient are at present grown in the southern

provinces, so that seed is always procurable. Such as are the

largest and apple shaped, are considered the best for planting.

They are placed in baskets in layers, covered with leaves or

hay, from 500 to 1000, closely packed together, these baskets

are kept in cool places, and watered at least once a day.

The outer husk of the areca nut consisting of fibres and a

pulpous matter, begins in a short time to ferment and to decay,

the nut loses its bright orange colour, gets dark, and after its

epidermis is rotten, it remains enveloped in a mass of closely

woven fibres.

The fermentation accompanied with a considerable degree

of heat, is deemed necessary to further germinations, which

become conspicuous after about one month. In about two

months, or later, the nut has shot forth a sprout, about an inch

in length. This is the time to take the nuts out of the baskets

and to plant them in a nursery, at a span’s distance from each

other, only half covered with earth. In the latter end of June

or beginning of July, they are transplanted into the planta-

tion in the spot where they are to remain for ever. They are

then generally one foot high, and have shot two or three leaves

in the nursery. They ought to be planted in rows at least seven

cubits distant, this being about double of the diameter which

the crown of this slender palm occupies, and which is necessary

to leave ample room for ventilation. At the time of planting,

care must be taken that the weather promises rain for a succes-

sion of several days. Should an interval in the monsoon take

place, which is generally accompanied by a most powerful sun,

the transplanted arecas die or suffer considerably. The arecas

are the first of the perennial plantations to be taken care of,

and they will be found very advantageous. The profits will not

rep . - STE

172 Dr. Helfer’s Fourth Report (No. 98.

be exorbitant (about four per cent per annum net gain from

one tree), but the planter has the advantage of using the

ground without much reference to the arecas, as they derive the

greatest quantity of their nourishment from the air.

In the course of time, the palm rises with its roots above

the ground, which latter are covered with mammillary varices,

constantly removing and absorbing during the night their ap-

propriate nourishment.

The palm does not yield fruit before the seventh year, and

continues productive 25 or 30 years. After the first planting no

further trouble is requisite than to loosen the ground once or

twice a year, without the necessity of manuring or watering,

provided the young plants have shade the first and second year.

The next to be done is the planting of coffee. Coffee is not

yet introduced in sufficient quantity to have a certain number of

seedlings available. Sprouting coffee seed ought to be procured

= SS Re

from Calcutta from the coffee reared in Mocha. Young coffee —

plants can also be obtained from Penang at a very moderate

price, and they arrive in good health, the passage being short.

Sprouting coffee must be laid out in a nursery, and the coffee

trees transplanted when at least a foot high. No particular care

is requisite, except that the roots are sunk vertically in the loos-

ened soil, the slightest curve of the tap root of the coffee pro-

ducing a sickly tree. |

The coffee is to be planted between two rows of arecas,

the lateral branches of the coffee extending far, and requiring

room for expansion. Between each 1000 arecas 500 coffee

trees can be planted without prejudice to the soil, as the

coffee tree sinks its roots deep in the ground, and thence de-

rives its nourishment. In the first instance the plantains afford

shelter to the coffee, in after years the crowns of the arecas.

Areca and coffee being planted, the attention is next to be di-

rected towards the spice trees. It being however problematical

whether clove trees will succeed, I confine my observations to

nutmegs. Twenty paces apart from each other, holes are to

be dug, at least four feet deep and 14 in diameter, and these are

afterwards to be filled with the best procurable earth, such as

humus, in preference to cow or buffalo dung mixed with earth,

Cre

ee rn eee

1840. | on the Tenasserim Provinces, &c. 173

at least a year old, or the best of all, the rotten husk of paddy

mixed with earth, yielding a rich vegetable mould, which in the

neighbourhood of Burmese towns or villages is always to be

obtained.

The nutmeg tree has a tap root descending perpendicularly

to a great depth, and which furnishes the chief nourishment.

To permit this root an easy penetration downwards, feeding it

in the best possible manner, is the reason why these holes

are dug. |

Considering the very great value of a nutmeg plantation, all

the care and necessary outlay are trifling compared with the

return. Nutmegs must be procured from Penang. In the

Tenasserim Provinces they are scarcely obtainable, and only at

an exorbitant price. When the holes are prepared the spice

plants are to be transplanted from the nursery, but such only

selected which have at least obtained the height of one foot.

Each tree separately is to be surrounded with a frame-work of

sticks and lateral shades, to be made from nipah palm leaves,

the top only loosely covered with leaves, to permit the dew to

penetrate, and in the dry season an earthen vessel is to be

suspended over the young tree, perforated with holes through

which constant moisture is made to drop upon the young plants.

All these operations should, if possible, be performed in the

first year, to save time.

A careful weeding, if paddy is not planted, is unremitting-

ly necessary the first year, to eradicate all plants the seeds

of which germinate very easily in the much loosened and

rich soil. There are plants which are particular to newly

cleared places belonging to the families of Tiliacee (Triumfetta

the most common) Malvaeze, Graminez, Convolvolaex, &c. &c.

which are certain to be found even in the centre of a primitive

forest, in cleared places where before, not a specimen of these

species could be found for miles in the vicinity. Most of the

roots of the burnt down trees shoot again, and must be twice

or thrice destroyed before the roots decay.

In the second year, annuals can yet be reared in the intervals

between the young trees, chiefly sesamum oil plants, cotton, and

indigo ; it would however be detrimental to take from the soil

——

174 Dr. Helfer’s Fourth Report [ No. 98.

more nourishment in the third year by again planting annuals.

By this it will be perceived that a plantation laid out in this

way does not yield a return before the seventh year; but

that the revenue then increases in such a ratio, if laid out on

a somewhat large scale, as to render the planter comfortable

and independant after ten years.

The first and second year the settler will scarcely gain more

than his livelihood by the value of the annuals ; from the third

to the seventh, the coffee alone will remunerate him; after the

seventh year the arecas begin to bear ; saa after the eighth

begin the crops of nutmegs.

A plantation of 50,000 arecas, 25,000 coffee, and 7,500 nut-

meg trees would therefore yield as follows :—

Annuals.

BSC, AMOSNG KO AT si. touch aa ciece piin manic 8 oa tes moet Trifling.

3rd year coffee at an average of two annas net

PROM ROM ONE LUGE eh oe ic oodeee acai 3,125

At, Obese OPI, MAE ieee ie lee i 3, 125

7th, 8th, and 9th year, arecas at 4annas pertree. 12,500

SLCHI RE em te as ae Ae EN 3,125

Total 21,875

10th, and following 7 years, nutmegs at 10 rupees

peritrees ic.) ious. ROORER ee 32,500

Aréeds: cui he woth Read. DAR ps hE ORI 12,500

45,000

It must be observed that the calculation is taken from 3,250

instead of 7,900 nutmeg trees, which the colonist originally

planted, because half these trees will probably be males, which

are useless, and are to be cut down, except one for every

twenty females, which is quite sufficient to impregnate them.

It is to be lamented that we know as yet no distinguishing

mark to discern a male or female nutmeg tree before they blos-

som. It is therefore necessary to plant 3,250 young trees more,

which after 8 years will again turn out half males and half females,

1840. | on the Tenasserim Provinces, &c. 175

and so it ought to go on, till nothing but females, with a propor-

tionate number of males, are obtained.

It will also be seen, that in the last calculation no notice is

taken of the coffee trees.

When however the nutmeg trees grow larger, it will be ad-

visable to cut down the coffee trees, to leave room for the expan-

sion of the first, much more so as the return from coffee is tri-

fling compared with that of nutmegs.

The same is to be observed of arecas, which after twenty-five

years begin gradually to produce less; they ought also to be

destroyed, to leave nothing but nutmegs, which continue to yield

annually more.

Nutmeg trees are said to grow eighty years, and to attain

a very large size; we have however no proofs as yet that they

will be in these latitudes as lasting as they are in their mother

country.

The return of nutmeg plantations increases annually, and

in after years is much higher than ten rupees per tree. There

are trees in Penang, which yield annually from 30 to 40 dollars,

though not yet full grown. They bear almost without inter-

mission throughout the year.

It would be advisable to use the slender stems of the dead

arecas for the purpose of training upon them the pepper vine ;

it is however rather probable, that a planter who gets such

an ample return from his nutmeg plantation will not take

the trouble of beginning a new mode of cultivation with pepper,

which after all does not last more than three or four years.

This now detailed method of cultivation seems the most pro-

mising to be followed up in the southern parts of Tenasserim by

Kuropean settlers, insuring the most solid and ample return

of the outlay of the capital, surpassing by far the most ample

revenue the sugar plantations in the West Indies ever yielded.

Spice is a new branch of tropical agriculture, or rather horti-

culture, sprung up only in the course of this century ; former-

ly the Dutch government monopolized it exclusively. Penang

is hitherto the only British colony which has introduced it,

and which begins to astonish the world with the immense

profits the owners reap from it. It must however be considered,

Oe ey a aL SS ae oer ad

176 3 Dr. Helfer’s Fourth Report [ No. 98.

that only men of some capital are able to begin such planta-

tions, as they must be able to wait at least seven years before

they begin to see the profits of their outlay and industry.

Formerly nothing was introduced, and nothing cultivated in

the provinces, that did not spontaneously occur, except some

fruit trees and some of the most common articles of tropical

agriculture.

Of American productions, tobacco, pine-apples, guavas, and

anotta (bixa orellana) are universally diffused. The durian tree

which forms the greatest delicacy among the Burmese, was in-

troduced from the Malay countries, after this came the man-

gosteen from the same quarter. Though arecas are every

where planted in the provinces, they are not extensively

planted ; and the climate above the 15th degree of latitude

seems no more congenial to them. In Mergui Province, since

the British occupation, plantations on a large scale, even as

much as 10,000 trees, have been laid out by the Burmese, and

are augmenting annually. |

Mangosteens are a later introduction, and are attended to by

the Burmese with great care in Mergui province. Scarcely

one-twentieth part of the trees planted are yet bearing.

The Burmese would certainly also plant nutmegs and cloves

if they could but procure them. Government would therefore

confer a great boon on the natives, by establishing in the

southern parts a nursery of productions from the Malay and

other countries, and divide them gratis to a deserving people.

A kind of practical botanical establishment, on a small scale,

would be highly useful.

In this should also be cultivated many of the wild growing

trees, deteriorated in their jungly state, gradually to be domes-

ticated by cultivation, and then exported to other parts, or laid

out in experimental plantations. Such are the various kinds of

caouchouc yielding trees, the wild gamboge, the sandal-wood trees,

the sassafras, the black varnish, the cajeput-oil tree, &c. &c.

Many plants from the Malay countries when first intro-

duced into Tenasserim, (considering this, as an intermediate

stage), could be from hence transplanted to Bengal and Upper

India, as it has been generally observed that a gradual ac-

ee ie aa

Teor

1840. ] on the Tenasserim Provinces, &c. Wi

climation is highly advantageous to the introduction of plants

of different latitudes. The establishment of government spice

nurseries, would be but following the Dutch system now intro-

duced into Java.

The government monopoly there has been discontinued, and the

private establishment of spice plantations encouraged; the go-

vernment not only promising to supply every person with all

plants required, gratis, but also to give instructions and direc-

tions how to proceed to ensure success. How much govern-

ment would gain by such a process, shewing at the same time

that the natives are not averse to introduce new modes of culti-

vation, can easily be illustrated.

Areca plantations are but a new branch of cultivation in the

southern parts of Tenasserim. Ten years ago not more than

60,000 trees altogether were planted, the number rose in 1837

to 40,000 bearing trees, and 80,000 newly planted. In the year

1839 about 30,000 more were found. The customary tax due

to government upon all produce is 15 per cent.

Suppose that instead of 150,000 areca palms, so many nut-

megs were planted, which when bearing yield from 10 to 50 Rs.

a tree, each tree taken at 15 Rs. average, the amount of re-

venue, the government levy, according to the established

rule, would be 150,000 Rs. annually from the spice bearing trees

alone. Of the necessity of planting out teak forests, I have spok-

en in my former reports. Without regular new plantations, the

teak forests in Tenasserim will soon be exhausted.

One of the greatest riches of the country is derived from its

teak forests. Except the teak no other timber is used; a small

number of junks annually built by Chinese and other small Bur-

mese craft constructed in Tavoy and Mergui from thingan

(hopea odorata) excepted.

The researches carried on this year in the southern parts of

the provinces, and amongst the islands, have shewn that this

part of the country also is an uninterrupted forest, overgrown

with almost the same species of timber which occur in the

north. The greatest part of the timber trees valuable for ship-

building belong to the Dipierocaree, and this family has more

representatives in Tenasserim than any where else ; the Hopeas,

POE gh EN Pe age eS aed

178 Dr. Helfer’s Fourth Report [No. 98.

Vaticas, and Shoreas, are the most valuable. The Dipterocaree

though attaining an enormous size, furnishes an inferior wood.

All these trees, when full grown, are from 70 to 120 feet in

height, rising with a straight trunk 40 or 60 feet high, and have,

before they throw out any branches, a circumference from 10

to 30 feet.

Teak having been hitherto procurable, and prejudices being

entertained against other species of timber, nobody has as yet

endeavoured to turn the immense forests of the provinces into

practical use.

So greatly is the timber neglected, that in all Tenasserim not

one saw mill is as yet established, and strange to say, planks for

house building are transported from Penang. To engage in tim-

ber with a prospect of success, would however require a consi-

derable outlay of capital. Hither a timber trade should be kept

solely in view, or ship-building united with it. Ship-building

has started up in Maulmain, is increasing, and is the only branch

of enterprise in Tenasserim which occupies Europeans; it is

however yet in its infancy, and capable of great extension.

If we except the teak, no other timber trade is carried on.

The daily increasing demand for timber in Europe, Bengal,

Madras, Mauritius, Cape of Good Hope, &c. however, will not

permit the forests of this country to remain long unused. A

great advantage towards rendering these forests useful, will

be found in the great number of rivers and rivulets whose

banks are covered with forest trees, and which will afford great

facilities of transport.

Not only the inland parts, but numerous islands of the

archipelago of Mergui are covered close to the sea-beach with

forests, and frequently it will but be necessary to fell the tree,

so as to make it fall into the sea, or to drag it only a few paces

to the water’s edge.

The establishment of saw mills moved by water, will present

great difficulties ; the sudden rise during the monsoon is dan-

gerous to the strongest dikes, and it would be less profitable to

erect saw mills at a distance from the sea port.

Saw mills propelled by steam at the mouths of the larger

rivers, seem to promise the best. The felled trees bound

1840. | on the Tenasserim Provinces, &c. 179

together in rafts could be easily floated down, and by way

of the sea, the forest trees from several rivers could be collected

at one establishment.

Tin.—In the preceding reports I had the opportunity of

speaking about the tin mine to the east of Tavoy, and of the tin

found near Mergui. This year having examined the country to

the south of Mergui, it was found that the country to the

north of the Packchan river is the richest in tin ores of all the

districts in Tenasserim. The range of mountains in which the

tin ore is found, is a continuation (only divided by the Pack-

chan river) of the Siamese tin territory of Rinowng. The tin is

found in the debris of primitive rocks, like in all other parts of

Tenasserim, but the grains or crystals are much larger (some-

times of the size of a pigeon’s egg) and the soil in which they

are buried, yields 8 to 10 feet of tin ; while at Tavoy the utmost

is 7 feet. There is also tin at Domel Island. in crystals, still

included in the granitic matri, and likewise on the banks of the

Boukpeen rivulet in its higher part. In fact tin is of a very

common occurrence in the southern parts of Tenasserim, and

probably its richest deposits are yet unknown.

Persons of capital desirous of engaging in the working of tin,

cannot select a better locality than in the southernmost parts

of Mergui province. Besides being the richest, almost all land

transport is avoided, by colonists establishing themselves on one

of the smaller rivers falling into the Packchan.

They would however be obliged to provide themselves with

every thing from a distance, for the country is entirely uninha-

bited, and the labourers must be brought thither from other

parts. |

Were a village under English protection established some-

where near the Packchan, there is no doubt that a number of

Siamese fugitives would settle in the neighbourhood. They have

expressed their desire to do so, if hopes of being protected were

held out to them. If we consider the value of tin, it seems pro-

bable that this product will be one of the first which will at-

tract the attention of Europeans, when it is once known that

tin, as it is now ascertained, does really exist in quantities

which promise amply to remunerate.

180 Dr. Helfer’s Fourth Report [No. 98.

Tron.—All parts of Tenasserim are rich in iron. The localities

and species of iron found on the main land, I have described in

my former reports, and have only to add, that iron occurs

equally upon the islands of the Mergui archipelago.

There have been found by me this year, four great deposits

or beds of iron; the first about three hours from Mergui, at

Maoin, and probably a continuation of it near Pereghiun ; the

second not far from the entrance of the Lennya river, at an is-

land called Kala-khiung by the Burmese; the third (the richest)

on two islands (no name) to the west of Sir John Malcolm’s

island ; the fourth on White Pigeon’s Island, to the north of the

Packchan embouchure. The ores if smelted, would furnish

from 40 to 60 per cent of raw iron. The iron of Tavoy re-

mains however the best. with reference to per centage (74 to 80

or more) quality; and the preference should therefore be

recommended to those who may be inclined to establish iron

foundries.

It is to be hoped that such a valuable article, to be had under

circumstances where fuel is but a matter of trifling considera-

tion, will attract the attention of enterprising Europeans with

capital.

To the mineral articles of the provinces must be added copper,

discovered this year in two localities. The first in the NE.

part of the great Lampi or Sullivan’s Island, found in veins of

quartz, running through transition clay slate, the second in the

island of Calla-gkiauk, near Mergui, in a quarry running through

gneiss.

Both have been obtained, but in small quantities ; the prose-

cution of researches carried on by mining was not intended, but

the bare indication of the occurrence of copper will be found

sufficient to those who are desirous of turning their attention to

this valuable mineral.

Before the invention of the steam engine, and before this

invention was brought into universal application as a substitute

for human labour for achieving works previously unknown, or

thought impracticable, coal was nothing but a cheaper fuel than

wood, and only of advantage to countries destitute of forests.

In those abounding with timber, coal was useless.

1840. ] on the Tenasserim Provinces, &c. 18]

In the same light the discovery of coal would be considered

in Tenasserim. The country densely grown with the finest

forest (at Mergui 100 billets of wood 9 feet 6 to 10 inches in

circumference, are to be got for 9 Rs.) the population extremely

scanty, in a primitive state, the country without manufactures

and without commerce, the discovery of coal is therefore for the

present of no use to the country.

Coal however being indispensable for steam purposes, the

discovery of coal becomes highly important to the country

indirectly, and to the whole of India directly. |

For steamers navigating the coast, and going from Maulmain

to Rangoon, 'Tavoy, and Mergui, coal is no great benefit.

Not above a four days voyage in a steamer can be performed

with wood; an eight days trip from Maulmain to Calcutta

is impracticable without coal, and the millions of timber trees

in Tenasserim could not have contributed any thing to the

accomplishment of a steam communication between the different

parts of India. /

The accomplishment of the Comprehensive Steam System

between the different parts of India and Europe, will in a short

time render coal in India a matter of first importance, and

Mergui coal, of all hitherto known localities of coal deposits

in India, will be the first.

The peculiar advantages with reference to quality, quantity,

and locality, have been pointed out in my previous reports; it

is only necessary to add, that the discovery of a new deposit,

almost on the banks of the great 'Tenasserim river, not requiring

land carriage (except a distance of 1000 yards) will cause a

considerable diminution in the cost of the article, and will

cause still larger quantities to be brought to light than previously

would have been perhaps the case.

When Mergui coal is brought into general use, it will exer-

cise a great influence over the other coal fields in India.

The Burdwan coal supply will be limited to the use of

steamers on the Ganges and Burhampooter, and in conse-

quence, the prices of coal used in inland navigation will

rise to make up for the defect caused by the discontinuance

of exportation. |

i ee

182 Dr. Helfer’s Fourth Report [No. 98.

The Palamow, and Cherra-Poongi coal-fields will either be

given up entirely, or if they can compete with the Burdwan

coal in cheapness, the latter will suffer still more, the quality of

the former being superior, and the demand for coal for the

river navigation in Hindoostan as yet so limited, that one of

these localities can supply all the wants.

The importation of coal from Europe will probably cease en-

tirely in time, for it would be very strange indeed, and only the

effect of very bad management, if coal-fields well situated, with

a material of a superior quality in the hands of one and the

same nation, and many thousands of miles nearer to the place of

consumption, should not render India altogether independent of

Kurope.

The first expense of the opening of the Mergui mines will be

considerable, and the prices in the beginning high; either the

Burmese must be employed, or a population introduced (Chinese

suiting the best). In both cases the wages will be high— .

Burmese, independent in their character, and provided easily

with all the wants of life, and induced only to work for high

wages ; and Chinese to be introduced into a new country, must

in the beginning also be enticed by the prospect of higher wages

than they can get elsewhere.

The expense of machinery and the setting it up, will be great-

er than in any part of India; vessels arriving empty will only

carry coal for higher freight, and counting only to be remune-

rated by the return cargo.

These are the difficulties which will throw themselves in the

way the first years, but gradually the coal will become cheaper.

Coal could be turned advantageously into use, by working

the mines of iron in the neighbourhood of Mergui with coal ; the

nearest one is but a few hours distant. Mergui will undoubt-

edly become a considerable place; colonists ought to be advised

to settle in the neighbourhood, and men of capital to resort there

in preference.

1. It being that part of the country which possesses the

coal mines.

2. It being peculiarly adapted for perennial plantations, and

alone fit for the introduction of spices.

1840. | on the Tenasserim Provinces, &c. 183

3. It being well situated for commercial intercourse over-

land with Bankouk, and in general with the population scatter-

ed along the gulf of Siam, being placed in the narrowest part

of the Malay peninsula.

Besides the rich mines of the country, there is also antimony,

silver, and gold, in the country, which are, however, to men

of capital of minor importance.

Antimony will perhaps be worked, if Maulmain continues to

be a flourishing settlement, on account of its neighbourhood

to that place. ‘The silver mine to the north of Maulmain is too

engirded by the mountains, and its value as yet too problem-

atical to recommend it to private enterprise; and gold is to be

found in too small quantities in the rivers to merit attention.

The fisheries are not unimportant, as may be well expected in

a country which possesses 600 miles of sea-coast ; but they are

the most considerable amongst the islands of the archipelago of

Mergui, where the young brood find an appropriate shelter

between the inner islands. In the month of February and

March, the sea is covered for miles with a green mucilaginous

mass, which envelopes myriads of spawn; the variety of fish

is great, and Mergui is famous for the most delicate species.

The fisheries are farmed out to the natives; Malays and

Chinese share in this occupation, but it is carried on on a very

diminutive scale.

During some periods of the year the fishermen retire to certain

spots on the uninhabited islands to the south of Mergui. It is

however, done very imperfectly; the fish is spread over a frame-

work of mangrove trees, and permitted to dry in the sun, being

daily trodden with the feet twice. No salt is ever employed in

the curing of fish. Certain kinds of fish are bought in the

market smoked.

They have small and imperfect nets, these being sufficient

to get the quantity desired near the towns and villages; fish are

caught in stakes.

Some little fish oil is also collected. It seemsthata fishery carried

on by Europeans, on a similar scale with that of Newfoundland,

would be much more remunerating, as a ready market here

and in India will always be found, cured fish forming an univer-

184 Dr. Helfer’s Fourth Report [No. 98.

sally relished condiment and ingredient of the native dishes.

It must be remarked that whales are not uncommon inthe Mergui

archipelago. There are pearl banks to the south of Mergui ;

two were worked once at the time of the Siamese occupation;

one situated on the east side of Sullivan’s Island, the other on

the east side of Collie (?) Island, stretching across to the main.

This occupation is said to have formed a considerable source

of revenue to the government.

Once an attempt was made by Mr. Maingy, the commissioner,

to revive the pearl fishery, but it was given up for want of divers

accustomed to dive to great depths, the best pearl shell-fish

being found at the depth of ten or twelve fathoms. This source

of revenue lies entirely dormant at present. The natives are

ignorant of the necessary proceedings.

Sometimes pearls of a middling quality are found by the

Seelongs in the indicated localities at low water, and these bar-

tered to the Chinese who traffic with the remnants of that race.

How far it would be remunerating to men of capital to en-

gage in this pursuit, can of course not be said at present, as

even the extent of the pearl banks is not known, as well as the

quantity obtainable from shell-fish attached to rocks at a greater

depth.

The edible birds’ nest caves form a not inconsiderable source

of revenue to the provinces in the southern parts of the Tenas-

serim Provinces.

They are at present farmed out to Chinese and Malays; those

in the Mergui archipelago are again farmed out to other Malays,

who come from Penang during the dry season to watch the

caves, and,to build and repair the frameworks necessary for col-

lecting the birds’ nests attached in the sombre caves, on the

most lofty, dangerous, and inaccessible parts. This branch of

occupation it seems does not suit Europeans, and will probably

remain for ever in the hands of Chinese and Malays. Irregu-

larities will occur as long as the localities which the swallows

frequent are not ascertained, which is the more difficult as these

birds change their abodes; so that many caves (such for instance

in the Elephant rocks to the SE. of Domel) are now almost

entirely deserted.

1840.] on the Tenasserim Provinces, &c. 185

To these productions of the sea, which enter into the article

of commerce, must be added tortoise shells, mother o’pearl

shells, sea-slugs, and amber, which are found among the

islands of the Mergui archipelago, and which are entirely

neglected, or triflingly collected by the wandering Seelongs.

Commerce.—For commercial men (Europeans) the Tenasse-

rim provinces are a poor resort. In a new country it requires a

long time before a regular commercial intercouse can be esta-

blished, whereas in Tenasserim reciprocity is wanted.

The Burmese have been too long separated from India,

and much more from Europe; they know little of the commo-

dities of either country, and they know not how to use them.

What they want for their own comforts, and do not produce

themselves, is all found within the sphere of their own country;

what Tenasserim does not produce of their luxuries, superfluities,

or commodities, Pegu and Avado. Very few articles of Kuropean

or Indian produce have found their way to Burmah. These

few articles are limited to cotton piece goods of an inferior

quality, some broad cloth, iron, tobacco, and opium ; and the

majority still use their own home-spun cloths, and content

themselves with inferior tobacco, while only a small portion of

the community (chiefly the richer class) indulge in smoking

' opium. All the rest of the commodities imported is for the use

of foreigners in the provinces, and these being comparatively

few, their wants are soon satisfied.

The generality of the Burmese people have no inducement

to become acquainted with foreign commodities, they are too

widely different in their habits, customs, and wants, from Eu-

_ropeans, and they possess as yet no ambition to procure the new

luxuries ; they have besides no reason to exchange their surplus

for new articles. Yet Burmah in general, and Tenasserim con-

sidered as a part of it, might be a country of commercial impor-

tance, possessing many articles intrinsically of value, which

would be appreciated in European markets, and which require

only to be collected, being partly the spontaneous productions of

nature, which are now entirely unused, and will remain so as

long as there exists no mutual commerce. Even supposing that

the natives could be induced to collect these articles at a reason-

186 Dr. Helfer’s Fourth Report [No. 98.

able price, vessels that would arrive to carry away that produce

have nothing to bring, and consequently their profits would be

doubtful. Under such circumstances, trade will only be confined

to Asiatics, who are much better fitted to provide the natives

with the little commodities they are in want of from foreign

parts.

Should the provinces become a resort of civilized men, whose

wants are more numerous, and with whom commodities are be-

come by force of habit necessities, then commerce will spring

up, and the resources of the country, the spontaneous produc-

tions of nature, as well as the produce of the cultivated soil, will

be called forth in a short time.

The Tenasserim Provinces are well situated to become a com-

mercial emporium; they could be made the intermediate link,

uniting the Chinese world with India and Europe.

An overland communication between China and the British

Indian possessions has long time been deemed very desirable.

From two points there is a possibility of accomplishing it,

either by way of Assam, or by way of Tenasserim. Though

Assam is much nearer to the Chinese dependencies, yet the

nature of the country to be traversed seems to throw such dif-

ficulties in the way, that it is not thought of at present. Maul-

main is much more distant from China Proper, but there are,

as far as is known, no great natural difficulties to overcome, to

establish a commercial road at least with Chinese Yunan, the

southernmost province. The Chinese themselves seem to be de-

sirous that it were accomplished, and the fact that a Chinese

caravan was actually on the road to Maulmain, corroborates

this opinion.

The difficulties are only of a political nature, and are to be

sought for in the jealousy of the Burmese and Siamese govern-

ments, and the apprehensions of the Shan states, to the north

of Amherst Province. Should the relations with Burmah be

placed on a solid footing, there is no doubt that an overland

trade with China and the British Indian possessions would spring

up. Chinese caravans come annually to Burmah, and within

a short distance of the northern parts of Tenasserim.

The articles most in demand, would be European and Indian

1840. | on the Tenasserum Provinces, &c. 187

goods of little bulk, such as opium, piece goods, cotton yarn,

and bullion, and they could be sent into the interior parts of China

in this way more direct than at present, for all articles imported

by British vessels must be from the sea ports to the distant in-

land provinces of China; and though it seems at first sight to

be a very long journey from Maulmain to China, yet it isa

shorter one for the western provinces of Yunan, Mungfan

Kahang, and Amdoa, than through Canton ; and several of these,

which are unable at present to get these goods at all, could be

provided with them in this way.

If the Chinese import from Burmah now almost nothing but

raw cotton of an inferior quality, which is very bulky, how

much more would they be inclined to transport the above

mentioned articles.

The Russians set an example in their trade with China ; their

communication embraces the longest known commercial over-

land road—from Astracan over great part of Siberia, to Kaichta,

from whence they have to pass the Duary Mongalian steppes,

before they reach the great wall, the entrance to China Proper.

The distance from Maulmain to the southern parts of China

is trifling, compared with the Russo-Chinese road of commerce.

The southern parts of Tenasserim are well situated to carry

on a commerce with Bankouk. The British intercourse with

Siam has been greatly neglected, which is the more to be

wondered at, as that country abounds in most precious articles,

and its ruler seems to patronize commerce. The treaty concluded

with Siam does not preclude British Indian subjects from

trading overland; there has been however hitherto no_ in-

_ducement to do so. Mergui would be the place to carry on a

trade across the isthmus, which in a straight line does not

there exceed eighty miles, thirty at least of which, as far as is

known, can be accomplished by water on this side. The

country does not present any great difficulties, and a road

formerly existed from Tenasserim across the country, which

Alompra followed with his army, marching to besiege Bankouk.

Should such a road be opened again, it would call into operation

the coal mines discovered last year—which are situated on this

road, not far from the Siamese frontier, which for the present

188 Dr. Helfer’s Fourth Report [No. 98.

remains unused—as the late discovered locality of coal presents

far greater facilities for transport.

Should the Tenasserim Provinces advance in prosperity, it is

very probable that the gulf of Siam will be united with the

bay of Bengal by a railroad. To form a canal through the

isthmus of Kraw, as has been once proposed, would rather appear

a chemerical undertaking. I had opportunities of examining

that portion of the country this year, navigating the Packchan

river as far as it is navigable for vessels of some burthen,

and the natives informed me that an interruption exists in the

range of mountains, which runs through the peninsula, and

that another navigable river (Telim-foung) is met with at a

distance of six hours march on the other side; but whatever

localities might be chosen to traverse the peninsula, a rail-

road in a tract of country abounding with timber, iron, and

coal, would at any rate be preferable to a canal.

For the present such an undertaking must remain a theoretic

scheme; it would only be recommendable in the event of

Tenasserim being occupied by European settlers; the relations

with Siam, as a country full of resources, better. understood ;

and the commercial intercourse with China not only re-esta-

blished, but also become more vigorous, and still more extensive.

In the latter case a speedy communication between China,

India, and Europe, and across the peninsula, through Tenasse-

rim, would be very beneficial.

Recapitulation.—Recapitulating what has been said in the

foregoing pages, we are led to the following conclusions.

1. That Tenasserim is particularly well situated for an Eu-

ropean colony, on account of the quantity of good land unoccu-

pied, the variety of tropical productions which can be raised, the

salubrity of the climate, and the facility of communication,

possessing a large extent of sea-coast with numerous navigable-

rivers.

2. That the natives will be no impediment in any way to

Kuropean settlers, as they are in many respects in Hindoostan.

3. That Tenasserim therefore ought, in preference to any

other part of British India, to be chosen as a resort for Kuropeans

who are desirous of occupying the land as agricultural settlers.

1840. | on the Tenasserim Provinces, &c. 189

4. That it possesses, besides, great inducements to men of

capital to employ their money productively here; the timber

forests, the tin, iron, and coal mines, besides other spontaneous

productions of nature, being inexhaustible riches of value.

5. That mercantile speculations cannot be remunerating at

present, there being scarcely any demand for foreign produce.

6. That the situation of the country is such, as to point it

out as the commercial high road in the north between China;

and in the south, between Siam and British India.

Note.---The MS. from which this valuable report was printed abounds

with copyist’s errors, on which it has been sometimes impossible to ven-

ture even a conjectural correction. (Tj

Memoir on the Climate, Soil, Produce, and Husbandry of Afghan-

istan and the neighbouring Countries.—By Lieut. Inw1n.'

PART IV. (Continued.)

Toree.

209. The climate is here milder. The chief products are rice

and mash. The lands are irrigated, the houses flat-roofed; timber,

fuel, and fodder are easily had. The chief live stock is goats,

and next, cows and buffaloes. The carriage is by mules, and the

natives carry rice and mash to Cabul from their own valley, as

also salt from the eastward. The cultivation is considerable,

and the villages Zeran and Koorman are long ones.

Upper Bungush.

210. This country seems to correspond in most circum-

stances to that of Toree. The chief town is Honga, which has

400 houses. The country is strong, and is under its own chief,

whom the king seldom displaces. It yields good honey, and is

well wooded and watered. Rice is exported to Cabul, generally

by the road of Ghorbund. The vallies are well inhabited. But

little use is made of tents.

! Continued from p. 65, vol. 1x.

190 Lieut. Lrwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. [No. 98.

Khost, &c.

211. Khost and some neighbouring vallies are well watered,

and the chief product is rice. The mountains which confine

them, afford the natives plenty of timber, fuel, and pasturage.

Cows, buffaloes, and goats are the chief stock. Little informa-

tion is to be gained concerning this part of the Cabul dominions.

It may be observed of the eastern parts of that monarchy, that

the middle portion of it although not remarkably unfruitful, con-

tributes very little either in men or money to the public strength.

Tamerlane made his march to India from Toorkistan through

Ghuznee, and thence by the road called Hazar-durnkht, which

penetrates the Jadran range, he reached the low country, which

is watered by the Koorm, and its numerous branches. In

modern times, Cabul is a place of more note than Ghuznee, and

the northern road to India through Cabul and Peshawur is the

frequented one; in every point of view it is preferable to the

middle one. The great southern road from Persia and Khoora-

san leads through Candahar, either to Deraghzee Khan or to

Shikarpoor, and it is also preferable to the middle one in

most points of view. The vallies of Khost, &c. are well culti-

vated, and their lands irrigated. In former times a greater num-

ber of Ghiljies resorted to this quarter for pasturage in the

winter than now.

Jadrans, &c.

212. The Jadrans and Mookbuls live in a rude state, in very

small villages, and their chief subsistence is from their flocks of

goats; after which, we may reckon their fields, which yield them

wheat, rice, and some other things, and are in general irrigated.

They receive some provisions from the Jajees and Torees, after

whom the vallies of Jajee and Toree are named, and merchants

from Cabul carry cloths, &c. into their country, bringing back

ghee of goats’ milk, and some goats. The country is very strong,

and never pays revenue, nay, in the present low state of the

royal authority, certain petty chiefs of the Jadrans have compel-

led their neighbours on the skirts of the table land to pay them

revenue instead of the king. They use partly houses and partly

black tents, which they make for themselves of goat hair.

<<" os ee ee —_

iat ——

—

1840. | Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. 191

Foormutl.

213. This is a small district, but has been mentioned in his-

tory, and has found a place in maps already existing. It is situa-

ted near the junction of the Jadran range with the range of

321°, It is drained to the eastward into the Koorm, whereas

the country called Zoormul, which lies west or north-west of it,

composes part of the table land of Ghuznee, and is drained.

south or west. The inhabitants of Foormul speak Persian, and

reckon themselves 4000 families. The chief town or village is

called Orgun, and may have 1000 families; there is no other

village of any importance. The people subsist by tillage, and

also carry on a considerable trade, conveying salt and iron from

the eastward to Cabul. Their chief stock is perhaps cows and

goats; and camels are the chief carriage. Their hills abounding

in pine, timber and fuel are easily procurable. Their houses are

flat roofed. They raise quantities of good apples, and sell a

small quantity of grain to their eastern neighbours, the Wuzee-

rees.*

The chief products are wheat and barley, and they raise a

little maize.

Kohat.

214. This is an agricultural country, and the two crops are

probably equal. The chief products are rice and wheat; some

provisions are exported to Peshawur. The lands are commonly

_ Irrigated, and that chiefly from springs. The wheat and barley

are autumn sown. For fuel they burn olive and shrubs, and

timber is procured from Upper Bungush. The houses are flat

_ roofed ; cows are the chief stock, and camels the chief carriage.

_ The inhabitants drink chiefly from springs. Kohat may have

5000 inhabitants. The villages are small, and on a given surface

the populousness of their districts is less than that of Peshawur.

At Kohat they cultivate grapes, figs, and mulberries, and but little

other fruit; the perfume they extract from that species of the

willow called Bedi mookh, is much esteemed.

* These live in a rugged country, and derive their subsistence from

tillage and from flocks of goats.

192 Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. [No. 98.

Malgeen.

215. In this country, which belongs to the Southern Khutuks,

the chief subsistence is from tillage; near Malgeen there is more

rubbee, and wheat is the chief crop; but near Toree, which lies

on the road to Bunnoo, the khureef is greater, and bajra the chief

crop. Very few of the fields are irrigated, some bajra is said to be

exported to Bunnoo, and a great part of the kingdom is supplied

with salt dug in this district; the trade of salt is chiefly in the

hands of strangers. The villages are generally small, and there is

much waste; for fuel they use shrubs, and they drink from

streams, springs, and tanks. In the quarter of Toree are some

wells; cows are the chief stock; bullocksand camels perhaps the

chief carriage. The natives live in flat roofed houses ; those who

visit the neighbouring hills in summer, use, I believe, partly

black tents, and partly rude sheds of shrubs and grass.

Bunnoo.

216. Bunnoo is an agricultural country, and is well cultiva-

ted and peopled. The khureef is the chief crop, and barley, rice,

maize, and wheat are said to be the chief products. Some rice

and coarse sugar are exported, some wheat and bajra imported.

The villages are very numerous, but small. All the lands are

watered from branches of the Koorm, but some of the natives

drink from wells. Timber is cheap, being brought down on the

river, and the houses are flat roofed. _ For fuel they burn both

wood and dung; straw is cheap; provisions are cheaper than

at Peshawur. Bullocks are the chief carriage; cows and buffaloes

are kept to an equal value. The turmerick of Bunnoo is ex-

ported to all quarters. There are no wastes except on the fron-

tiers of this district.

Eesa Khel.

217. This is a narrow district, but is well cultivated by

independent farmers. It is best peopled towards the Koorm,

where they water the lands from a cut they have drawn

from that river. In the northern quarter towards Kalabagh,

the lands are lulm, but have the advantage of khwurs. In

neither is it easy to find a well. The natives drink from the

SE AEF pa:

— a _ a

1840. | Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. 193

Indus and from canals for irrigation. Grain is exported to

Kalabagh, and probably other quarters. The two crops are

perhaps equal, and wheat the chief product. They live partly in

thatched and partly in flat-roofed houses.

) Moorwuts.

218. This tribe lives south of Bunnoo, and their country

is by some included in Daman, by others not. The product

seems to be bajra, and most of the lands arelulm. Their chief

stock seems to be cows, which they pasture in the wastes, in

the same manner as many other Afghan tribes pasture their

sheep; they themselves while thus occupied, live in tents made of

black goats’ hair, and generally fenced with shrubs. They keep

a considerable number of camels ; their villages are small.

Daman.

219. This is an agricultural country, notwithstanding its pas-

turage is so famous, for it is strangers who reap the chief

advantage from it. On the whole the two crops are equal;

in the southern part in which Drabund is situated, the rubbee is

the greater; in the northern, in which lie Tuk and Tukwara,

the khureef. The greatest product is bajra, and after it, wheat

and barley. Considerable quantities of cotton are raised, and

the greater part is exported to the dominions of Moohummud

Khan. Bajra and jooaree are in general cultivated lulm, but

other things are more commonly irrigated. The Gomul loses

itself in the northern part of the Daman (see paragraph 40).

There are also a few dams. Many of the natives live by trade.

There is little fruit save dates; cattle are the chief stock, and

| their sheep are both of the heavy tailed and light tailed species.

Camels are the chief carriage, and considerable numbers are

br ed. Some of the mountains, especially that which the Afghans

call Kuse Ghur, and others Tukht-i-Sooliman, abound in fir,

which afford the neighbourhood. timber, fuel, and also torches.

The commonest fuel however is from the Guzree, which in

“certain quarters covers great spaces of uncultivated ground. The

natives live in flat roofed houses, excepting those who go and

come between the lower and upper country for the sake of

194 Lieut. Irwin’?s Memoir of Afghanistan. [No. 938.

trade. The villages, with some exceptions, are small, and there

are wastes of considerable extent. The term Daman is by some

applied to a great extent of hills of moderate temperature which

lie west of Daman, properly so called, and by that mode of

reckoning, the Sheeraness, Oostwanees or Troorianees (as they

are more properly called) Doomtanees, and part of the Wuzurees

would be considered as inhabitants of the Daman; their country

is very waste and ill peopled, but in the winter there is a

great resort of the Ghiljies and others, chiefly from Zoormul,

for the sake of pasturing their sheep. These strangers think

they have a right to a pasturage without stint. Those who

proceed onwards to the plain and into Mukulwad are com-

pelled by Moohummud Khan to pay a tax for the grass they

consume. In this hilly part ofthe Daman the rubbee is the chief

crop, and cows and goats the chief stock. They drink from

springs and streams, in the plains there are also some wells ;

the inhabitants of the hills make some use of tents.

Mukulwad.

220. Tillage is the chief source of subsistence, and the

crops I conceive to be nearly equal. Wheat, barley, chunna, and

jooaree are the principal things raised. There is little grain

exported or imported ; most of the lands are lulm, a part of the

rubbee being raised on moist. lands, which during the rainy

season had been covered by the rain; but the quantity of sunk

lands is here much less than in the Kuchhee, which is east

of the river in Mooltan, or Buhawulpoor. I have formerly

mentioned that such lands form a class by themselves, and

are called seo (see paragraph 166). There is but little good

timber within this district itself, yet they have flat roofed — )

houses covered with wood of the date tree, guz, and sheeshum

which grow in the country, and some with wood from other

quarters. The guz and shrubs are the chief fuel, and are

cheap. Fodder is moderately cheap, though the hard clay

of this district be naturally ill clad with grass; the soil is not

the most favourable for many species of grain, but the present

desolated condition of the district is chiefly owing to the oppres-

Sive government. There are considerable spaces of hard clay

i aca eriteea

1840. | Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. 195

without cultivation or much jungle. In the southern part

we find a great deal of thick thorny jungle growing on a good

soil. The villages are small. The chief carriage is by camels

and asses. Cows and sheep are the chief stock, and in some

places buffaloes exceed any other stock.

Kuchhee of Moohummud Khan.

221. This tract has a great deal of seo land, and the

rubbee is by far the greatest crop. The villages are of

moderate size; some tracts of good land are covered with grass

jungle, and some of the houses are thatched. Fodder and fuel

are plentiful. Great quantities of turnips are raised, and provi-

sions of most kinds are cheap. The chief carriage is by

camels, but the petty trade of the country is oe on asses.

The people drink from wells.

Thun of Moohummud Khan.

222. In this tract are kept great numbers of sheep; and

pasturage is fully as important as tillage. Where water is

moderately near, they raise barley and some wheat by means

of wells, but they have no chunna. The khureef crop is much

the greatest, and is perhaps all lulm, and comprehends scarcely

anything but bajra and moth. ‘The villages are very small

and at great distances. The ground is chiefly covered with a

jungle of grass and thorny shrubs. The houses are thatched.

Grass proper for fodder is very scarce ; nor is there any timber,

but there is abundance of fuel from shrubs. Camels are the

only carriage. Some grain is imported from the Kuchhee.

Dera Ghazee Khan.

223. This is an agricultural district; towards the river are

some seo lands on which they cultivate rubbee, especially

wheat. On the upper grounds they raise the khureef which is

the greater crop, and is partly lulm, partly irrigated. Towards

hills the lands are all lulm, except where there are some insignifi-

cant streams or dams. The irrigation from jhulars is more com-

mon than from wells. Jooaree is the chief crop. The villages

are small, and there is a good deal of waste, both hill and plain ;

196 Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. (No. 98.

in other circumstances this district much resembles the preced-

ing.

Dagul.

224. This is a sandy and desert tract, in which bajra is the

chief produce ; the natives drink from tanks and deep wells.

| Shikarpoor.

225. Here, asin Dera Ghazee Khan, jooaree is the chief crop.

The proportion of irrigated lands is greater, and the jhular

is most used, this district being intersected by branches of the

Indus, natural or artificial. The khureef is the greater crop ;

the villages are of considerable size. The cultivation is consi-

derable, but some supplies of grain are drawn from the west and

north. In the town the houses are flat-roofed, but in the

villages thatch is more common. The town carries on a con-

siderable trade, chiefly with Candahar, and natives of this place,

or whose ancestors have been natives of it, reside in the prin-

cipal towns of these kingdoms, even as far as Bokhara, acting

principally as correspondents to houses in Shikarpoor.

Seeweestan.

226. This is an agricultural country, and exports grain to

Shikarpoor, Kilat, and perhaps some other quarters, but its own

population is but inconsiderable. The chief place is Gunduwa,

which is reckoned to have 12000 houses, including its villages.

There is here astream called Punjwahee, from which they irrigate

their fields. Another small stream is divided equally between

Dhadur and Sewee. Those places of Seeweestan, which are

situated to the north, have often small streams from the hills of

the Afghans, to the north of them ; still there is more lulm than

irrigated. There is very little irrigation from wells. A common

practice is to make a bank to confine the water, which after rain

is collected on the low grounds, and as soon as any place becomes

moderately dry, they sow their crops on the moist land. The

chief crops are jooaree and moth. There is no sugar raised in

this country. Their wheat and barley is but little, and for the

most part irrigated. Cotton is raised to a considerable extent.

1840. | Lieut. Irwin’s Memoir of Afghanistan. 197

There are large spaces uncultivated, though it is certain that

cultivation by wells would succeed in most of them. The

villages are small and defenceless. The houses in general

are thatched, and as unsubstantial and cheap as in any part of

India. In some quarters those who attend the live stock in

their pasturage, shelter themselves under mats. In the winter

come down Bulochees from the west to pasture their sheep. It

is difficult to tell what is the chief stock of this country. The

natives live on vegetable food. There is little wood either

wild or cultivated, the best supply is from the babool tree. The

chief fuel is guz.

Shal and Mustoong.

227. These places are about a day’s journey distance, and

they are commonly coupled together in conversation. Kirta is

about eighteen miles west of Dhadur, and has little cultivation.

It is the last place in Seeweestan, and from it they reckon

thirty-four coss, or fifty miles, to the town of Shal, the interme-

diate space being uncultivated, and even but little visited by

the shepherds. Part of it is the high and cold plain called

Dushti-be-daulat, which is a long day’s journey broad, and has

no water. The temperature of Shal and Mustoong is little warm-

er than that of Kilat. The only crop is the rubee, which is

irrigated from one or more streams. The people generally live

in houses, which are flat-roofed. Timber is to be had for their

small consumption, and fuel is cheap. The natives subsist by

agriculture. They are but few in number. Shal may have

1000 houses, and Mustoong is larger. All the other villages

may be equal to Shal. These places are under Mahommud Khan

of Kilat, and are in Bulochistan. This country, generally speak-

ing, is included in the ancient geographical division of Khoora-

san, but in the present times Bulochistan and Khoorasan are

often contra-distinguished. With Shal and Mustoong begin new

manners and practices in domestic economy, for here the people

make that hard species of cord, known by the name of Kooroot,

and which is not made in Seeweestan by the people of Indian

race, who are the most numerous of those who dwell there.

eae EN et

198

Report of the Coal Committee.

In submitting a summary of what has been done since our last

Report, we shall commence with the

Tenassertm Provinces.

The annexed map will show at how many points coal has been

found in the Tenasserim provinces, and at what points it is likely

to prove of most utility. Coal has been found by Dr. Helfer at A,

and B, two situations above the falls of the Great Tenasserim, at a

distance of eight and nine days’ journey, respectively, from the town

of that name, but the quality is inferior, and the situation quite beyond

the reach of any mode of conveyance to the coast.

Although the quality is excellent in a third situation in which

the mineral has been found by Dr. Helfer at C, yet its distance

from the coast is such as to render it of very doubtful utility on the

Bengal side of the peninsula, whatever benefit it may eventually

prove on the Gulph of Siam, as it seems to be situated beyond the

boundary range of hills. Fortunately a still more recent discovery

by a native, places us in possession of what would seem to be a

most excellent coal, close to the banks of the Great Tenasserim river,

and within twenty-nine miles of the town of Tenasserim.

Two reports have been addressed to the Commissioner of the

Tenasserim provinces on the last mentioned coal, one by Lieut.

Hutchinson, dated 6th May 1839; and the other, of a somewhat later

date, by Dr. Helfer. From Lieut. Hutchinson’s report, we learn that

the position of this coal is 12° 21’ 30” N. lat., and about 99° 5’ E.

long., or, by the course of the river, twenty-nine miles from the

town of Tenasserim, and sixty-five from Mergui, although its direct

distance from the coast is only twenty-eight miles. The coal is

said by Lieut. Hutchinson to form a thick bed, covered by three

feet of ‘clay slate,’ and from twenty to forty feet of sand, which

as so tenacious as to require no propping where springs do not exist.

In a subsequent correspondence on this subject, the coal is described

as within ten feet of the surface, and from all we can learn, we have

no doubt it might be worked like crop-coal, and clay ironstone, as

described by Mr. Farey, i. e., merely by sinking pits down to the

coal and raising it at once, and after undermining on all sides as

much as can be done safely by the use of props, the latter may be

withdrawn, and the roof allowed to fall in.

This coal burns with a bright flame, and answers admirably for

1840. | Report of the Coal Committee. 199

steam purposes. 50 pounds tried in the still furnace laboratory of the

Honorable Company’s Dispensary, afforded four gallons of distilled

water, and left a residue of four pounds weight of ashes, cinders, and

small coal that fell through the bars of the furnace during combustion.

Its specific gravity is 1.27

Composition,

Waibemediiahe ui. la 2 eutth pM pense 9

Molatie.mattenyiec soda. ues 46

GTO OU achicha slay ats ol 6 40

se Tina aa call ua Ae aa ae 5

100

The distance of this coal in a direct line from the coast being only

twenty-eight miles, Lieut. Hutchinson proposed to construct a road,

which he supposed would reduce the expense of delivery on the coast

considerably. Boats of large draught it is said, may ascend the Tenasse-

rim river at all seasons to Tenasserim town, within twenty-nine miles

of the coal, and during the rainy season to the coal itself, so that

nothing could be more favourable than the position of this coal for

all purposes of local improvement, as well as for steam navigation

to the eastward. Forty tons of this coal cost 53 annas per maund at

Mergui, and 8 annas per maund in Calcutta. The Government have

called upon Mr. Blundell, the Commissioner of the Tenasserim provinces,

to provide 50,000 maunds; and have furnished a working party, con-

sisting of persons accustomed to mining, for the purpose, and have in-

trusted the superintendence of the necessary operations to Lieutenant

Hutchinson.

We have been informed by Captain Lloyd, I.N., that about one

degree lower down the coast, coal has been found of very good quality

on the Senhea river, but the Committee have no information on this

head, although some progress had been made in raising a quantity,

when the work was discontinued in consequence probably of the

more favourable position of the coal near Tenasserim. The Senhea

coal is situated, Capt. Lloyd thinks, about 11° 22’ N. lat., and 99° 8

E. long. about forty miles up the river, the navigation of which is

doubtful. It is however the most southern point at which coal has been

hitherto found on the Malay coast.

A detached fragment of an inferior coal called Anthracite by some,

has been found near Maulmain, latitude 16° 30’ N. thus indicating

the presence of coal formations between the Tenasserim coal fields,

12° N. latitude, and Arracan 19° N. latitude, and holding out strong

inducements to further search being instituted in that quarter.

200 Report of the Coal Committee. [No. 98.

Arracan.

The more we know of coal, the more are we impressed with

the fact, that it never presents false indications of its presence. There

is hardly an instance either in India or elsewhere of its appearing at

all, that it does not do so under circumstances to render it in the

highest degree important to Society ; and although at first the quality

and extent of the beds in any new district may be for a time doubtful,

yet experience teaches us, that where these indications do not improve

in proportion to the intelligence and enterprise directed to their com-

plete development, the mineral is not true coal, but a substance,

the peculiarity of which is easily detected, as the brown coal of

English geologists. The samples of coal we received from different

parts of the Arracan coast, were such as to leave no question whatever

as to the beds from which they were taken belonging to the true

coal formation.

Coal has been found composing a part of Oogadong, a small

island opposite to the harbour of .Kyak Phyo, in two situations not

very far from each other. The sample supplied was much impreg-

nated with pyrites, it was however a caking coal, belonging to the

true coal measures. It would be a desirable object to try how far

the Oogadong coal might answer for the reduction of Rambree iron

ore, which is very abundant. Red Hill being said to be composed

entirely of an ore that was formerly worked to some extent by the

Burmese, a small quantity of the ore and coal might be sent to

Calcutta for trial, and if the result proved satisfactory, trials on a

larger scale might be repeated on the spot, where experiments of the

kind must always be cheaper and more satisfactory than when made

at a distance. Coal has also been found on Paget, or Adam’s Island,

south of the great island of Rambree. It has also been found in

small seams in one of the Bolonga Islands, as well as near the beach

at Sandoway ; but the necessary information is wanting to enable

us to conclude any thing from these indications, beyond the fact of

the existence of coal, to a great extent, in the Arracan provinces.

The most promising bed yet found, is one that was brought to

the notice of the Commissioner, Captain Bogle, by Lieut. Lumsden,

who states that it was found about two years ago by persons employed

in coal-finding by Captain Williams. This coal occurs at a place

called Hoong, near the head of a river, which descends from a range

of hills on the southern extremity of the island, falling into the Sando-

way channel. Mr. Lumsden states that large boats may approach to the

very spot where the coal is found. On visiting the spot, Mr. Lumsden

1840. | Report of the Coal Committee. 201

found “ an irregular vein of coal, of about a foot in thickness, mixed

with broken red sandstone, and on working below it, he came to a

kind of clay slate and eventually to water.” Mr. Lumsden, however,

states that he was obliged from fatigue to leave the work to a native,

who in a few days brought to him 120 maunds of coal—a larger

quantity than we should have supposed a native could procure in

so short a time, under circumstances described by Mr. Lumsden. A

sample of this coal, consisting of four or five maunds, was brought

to Caleutta by Captain Bogle, and tried in the Laboratory of the

Honorable Company’s Dispensary, and found to burn with a clear

bright flame and very little smoke. The following are the results of

its analysis :—

Specific gravity, ae ue Ne Aa ot Neg ie 3]

Inflammable matter, ... He oe a 40

Carbon, ne ae Lie ay a 54

Ferruginous ash, at ee oh ioe 6

100

It isa free burning coal, giving out a strong heat, and would no doubt

be found suitable to steam purposes, as it is quite free from the sulphure-

ous impregnation which rendered the former samples of Arracan coal

objectionable.

The want of more satisfactory information than we yet possess

regarding Arracan coal is much to be regretted, as there is no part of

India in which good coal mines could be attended with more advan-

tage, whether we regard the situation on the coast, or the peculiar

circumstances‘of the province itself. This district is chiefly known to

Kuropeans by the mortality that took place there during the late war.

Few are aware that within twenty miles of the town of Arracan,

there is a fine elevated chain of mountains, extending parallel to the

coast, and affording no doubt as fine a climate as any part of the

world, although the coast itself is low, and like many similar tracts in

the north of Italy, and south of Europe, unhealthy. Let good coal be

once discovered in abundance in this fertile province, and the deadly

effect of climate to persons exposed in miserable boats, or damp huts

surrounded by swamps, will disappear, and the indolent streams

become the track of steamers, perhaps to the very foot of the hills,

which might thus become available as places of residence.

Sylhet.

Although the attention of the Coal Committee has been con-

stantly directed to this quarter, the only result accomplished since the

202 Report of the Coal Committee. [No. 98.

last report, that can be said to be new, is the delivery of 10,000

maunds of Cherra coal at Goalparah, in Assam, at the rate of eight anas

per maund,* after the attempt to supply that station during the rainy

season with coal at any price from Burdwan had failed.

Three beds of coal, situated near the foot of the hills, have been

brought to notice, but we have no information on the subject to

enable us to decide whether these are new discoveries, or merely the

bed alluded to in our last reports, as having been brought to notice

some twenty-five years ago by Messrs. Jones and Stark. Without

going into that question, we shall merely state all we know of the

three beds now alluded to.

The first and most promising, is that of Byrung Poonjie,t situated

near a village of that name, within about two miles of water carriage,

and the ground such as to allow of the construction of a hackery road.

We know nothing of the circumstances of the bed, further than

is stated by Mr. Landers, a practical gentleman, who has been ap-

pointed for the superintendence of coal mines in Sylhet and Assam,

and who observes—

“ Byrung coal is of a soft quality, intermixed with stones three feet

and a half high and varying in its thickness. The vein runs from

east to west, and descends with the hill towards the south: to what

extent this field may exist, it is impossible at present to say, the want

of proper implements” (these have been since provided) “ prevented

me from ascertaining ; a trial ought to be made by running galleries

into the strata six or eight fathoms, at once to determine both height

and quality, and also if it would admit of any outlay.” This coal has

been tried, and appears to be likely to answer very well for steam,

while it has the additional advantage of yielding excellent coke.

Not far distant from the Byrung bed, there is another at a place

called Chiela, or Chaila, which varies from one to three feet in thick-

ness. This however is said to be an inferior coal.

Major Lister, to whom we are indebted for the first and almost

the only information we have had regarding the two foregoing coals,

states, that Mr. Inglis, of Cuttack, has found a coal bed above Chaila,

at a village called Mustuk, about 1,500 or 2,000 feet above the plains,

* This having been done under the direction of the Marine Board, the Committee

have documents on the subject.

+ Communication has heen received from Major Lister since the annexed remarks

were written, stating that Mr. Landers has traced the Byrung Poonjie bed for two

miles to the westward without finding more on an average than a foot of good coal ;

hence Major Lister and Mr. Landers conclude the Byrung bed is not workable.

1840. | Report of the Coal Committee. 203

and within such distance of water carriage as to enable a porter to de-

liver five burdens daily from the pit into boats. Mr. Inglis is of opi-

nion that this coal is quite as good as that of Cherra,* and Major

Lister observes that it looks so, though the quality is different, being

blacker, with an exceedingly high polish ; it burns considerably longer

than Cherra coal, and cakes less, but is heavier, and yields more

ashes.

The value of these, as well as similar indications alluded to

in our last report, is still doubtful, and must remain so until the

whole tract along the base of the Kasyah hills be submitted to a

geological survey. For the present season, if the Government re-

quire coal from this quarter, we agree with Major Lister in thinking

it will be necessary to confine our exertions exclusively to the Cherra

bed. This, as is well known, is situated on the summit of a mountain,

nearly 5,000 feet above the sea, and at such a distance from navigable

rivers as to render it a day’s work for each cooly to deliver a maund,

or about 80 pounds, of coal from the pit into a boat.

The only way of lessening this inconvenience would be by

improving the conveyance, by an improvement of the road. Above

and below the steepest portion of the descent would admit of bullocks

being used, as stated p. 48 in our former report. Instead of porters

for the steeper or middle portion of the journey, it has been proposed

to construct a slide, as suggested by the late Colonel Watson. The

improvement of the road between Cherra and the plains would be a

work of some public utility, as it would be the means of facilitating

ingress and egress to and from the mountain plateau, it would therefore

be a very desirable object, independent of the coal. The value of a

slide however, would depend entirely on our success in finding as good

a coal below, as that which is above—an uncertainty which ought to

be at once removed by a perfect geological survey, as already sug-

gested.

Some difference of opinion prevails as to the best way of

transmitting Sylhet coal to the great lines of inland navigation on

the Ganges ; some contending that it would be necessary in the first

instance to send them a distance of 300 miles to Calcutta, and from

thence back to Surda, and other depots on the Ganges ;—experience is

the only way of settling questions of this nature, and measures are

now in progress for the delivery of the largest possible quantity—10

or 15,000 maunds of Cherra Poonji coal—in Calcutta, with the least

* A cargo of it having recently arrived in Calcutta it is now (4th May, 1840) under

trial on a large scale, and promises to turn out very fayourably, é

204 Report of the Coal Committee. [ No. 98.

possible delay, compatible with the fair trial of the experiment. The

-Kasyahs, on whom the burden of the experiment will literally fall,

though a fine athletic race, are little accustomed to labour ; Major

Lister may therefore have some difficulty at first in reconciling a

sufficient number of them to a continued effort, the object and im-

portance of which, they can so little understand.

It is necessary to take the quality of coal into account before

any particular price per maund can be regarded as dear or cheap ; itis

quite incredible to what degree a slight difference in quality affects

the value of coal, for steam vessels. It has been found by means of

the only trial instituted between Cherra and other coals now in use,

that 9 maunds are equal to 14 of Burdwan coal. Let us suppose

(without laying too much stress on a single trial of a few maunds) the

proportionate value of the two coals to be ascertained as above ; 100

maunds of Cherra would not only as a fuel be equal to 155.5. of

Burdwan, but we should also have to debit to the latter the value

of 55.5 maunds stowage or tonnage, which might amount to more

than the entire value of the coal consumed.

The Cherra Poonji coal forms the cap of a hill, from which each

cooly may help himself to his load almost without the aid of mining,

so that the carriage, 4 annas per maund from the pit to the nearest

navigable river, though high, may be said to include the expense

of winning, or bringing coal to the surface. Could any of the following

indications of coal lower down, towards the foot of the mountain, be

found to yield good supplies, a portion, or nearly the whole of this

large item of expense might be saved, viz. 1. Tipperah hills, in a small

river which descends from a hill with a Musulman Doorga called Or-

peen, on its summit; 2. Opposite to Jalalgur, in Lowr ; 3. Patli river,

and several streams descending from the Garrow mountains ; 4. Near

Susung ; 5. On the top of one of the lower ranges at Lowr, and in the

rivers of Lowr ; 6. In the Dysung and its tributaries ; 7. Between Pan-

nalik and Bansekora ; 8. Barachara; (vide reports of the Coal Com-

mittee, pp. 49, 50, 51) to which we have now added Byrung Poonjie,

Chaila, and Mustuk, (vide para. 13, 14, and 15, of the present report.)

The rate of boat-hire from the Sylhet district, along the verge

of which the coal formation lies, to Surdah on the Ganges, one of

the principal depots for the supply of steamers, is stated by Mr.

H. Inglis to be 21 rupees per 100 maunds. In regard to water

conveyance, Sylhet has the advantage of any of the coal districts

to the westward, while its proximity to the great rivers of Bengal

gives it an advantage over the Assam coal districts ; and thus while

1840. | Report of the Coal Committee. 205

any mines that might be established in Sylhet would hardly be

affected in value by similar establishments in any other part of India,

there is hardly a district from Arracan to Palamow the value of

whose mines would not seriously be affected by any subsequent disco-

very of coal in Sylhet. In like manner any collieries that might be

established in Assam, or other remote provinces, would be entirely

superseded in the Bengal market by any new discoveries of good beds

of coal that might be made in the Sylhet district. It is for this

reason that we have laid peculiar stress on the importance of a thorough

investigation of the coal measures along the base of the Kasyah

and Garrow hills, since upon this, and the manner in which it is

conducted, must depend in some measure the prudence of investing

capital in more distant coal districts.

Surdah is within a few miles of Bogwangola, one of the greatest

marts in Bengal for grains of every kind, goor, oil, ghee, and the

chief articles of native consumption. Being situated in the centre

of Bengal, near the junction of all the principal rivers, as the Bhau-

garutty, the Ganges, and Bramputra, it is naturally the centre of

internal commerce, and consequently the greatest mart for boats in

Bengal. Surdah, or some situation in that neighbourhood, appears

therefore to be the situation at which a General Depot ought to be

formed. We have consulted J. W. Grant, Esq. of the Civil Service,

who had been long commercial resident at Maldah, and Major Carter,

who has been for a large portion of his life in the Bengal Commis-

sariat, and the experience of both these gentlemen goes to prove that at

Bogwangola and Jellinghee, boats for the transmission of coal from

Surdah to any part of Bengal or the Upper Provinces may be had

to any amount of tonnage likely to be required.

The distance from Cherra Poonji to Calcutta by water, is about the

same as to Surdah ; while the latter is one hundred and fifty miles

- nearer to Rajmehal, and other depots to the eastward.

Major Carter states that the voyage from Calcutta to Cuttack

in an empty boat should not take above 24 days, and returning

laden, about the same period, as the stream would be favourable

to Dacca, and from thence in the tide way. ‘“ Assuming however,

two months as the time necessary to complete a voyage, including

loading and unloading, it strikes me,” says Major Carter, “23 annas

per maund should nearly cover the carriage, and below I give the

206 Report of the Coal Committee. [No. 98.

grounds of my ge A thousand maund boat can be hired at per

Mensem... ...- istese sve oft le ay 40

FO Dangiee: at 3 Bape: aids DPR SE. 30 0 O

Manip at’ Bimeasi avkl lasigoiestadl. bli 4 0 0

64 0 0

128.0 0

This boat should carry 800 maunds, which just gives 2 annas 64

pice per maund, so that at this rate Cherra coal ought to be delivered

in Calcutta at 7 annas per maund; Major Carter therefore expresses

his surprise that an offer recently made by the Marine Board, of

9 annas for Cherra coal, had not been taken up, and suggests that

if boats of 2 or 3000 maunds, such as are used for bringing wood from

the Sunderbunds, were employed as far as the rivers would admit, the

carriage would be still lower.

The readiness with which boats may be had for any regular trade,

may be imagined by the following observation of Major Carter :—

“ Hundreds of large boats frequent the Sunderbunds, nearly as far as

Dacca, in search of cargoes of rice and dhan, the worth very little

more in ordinary years than coal, and the latter scarcely one half

as valuable ; they do not find their cargoes at one place, or belonging

to one person, but attend the banks, and purchase in whatever

quantities the people bring to the market, often only a few seers, and

seldom exceeding a few maunds.”

The Commissariat regulations, and general custom of paying howl

hire on a computed distance instead of the time actually employed,

might in the first instance militate against the economy of any

arrangement for hiring boats, says Major Carter; but if a few boats

were purchased or built at Dacca or in the Sunderbunds, and manned

by a private individual, the result would prove the correctness of

these calculations. A good boat could be built for 500 rupees, and

in six trips, at the above rate, would yield 300 rupees, leaving 60 for

casual repairs, this would repay itself in less than two years; but a

boat is expected to last seven or eight.

Cuttack. |

About ten years ago a specimen of coal found in the Cuttack

district was sent to the Asiatic Society, probably with some particulars

which do not appear to have been noted in the proceedings ; the

circumstance was however suggested to the Committee by Captain

Jenkins, in 1837, and soon after Lieut. Kittoe, then. with his regi-

1840. | Report of the Coal Committee. 207

ment at Cuttack, obtained a specimen, together with some particulars

which he communicated to the Committee ; on which he was requested

to visit the spot, when he collected the following particulars. Half a

mile from the Fort of Talcheer* coal seams are exposed along the banks

of a smal] Neila called Belajooree (at a spot where workmen employed

by Mr. G. Becher, had a few years before extracted some specimens

of coal). Mr. Kittoe formed an excavation to the depth of 15 feet, in

which he found at a depth of 13 feet a bed of ‘‘ good glistening coal,’

1 foot to 14 foot thick, reposing beneath ten feet of ‘‘ shengle” and two

beds of shale and blue clay, each 13 foot thick. The latter, as well

as a grey rock beneath the coal, both containing fossil plants.

Mr. Kittoe states, that a native contractor offered, in the event of

coal being raised at Talcheer, to convey it down the Bramenee river

to Himsuagola, on the coast, where large sloops may anchor, at four

annas per maund ; but Mr. Beetson, the contractor for the transport

of salt from thence to Calcutta, was of opinion, that two annas per

maund at the utmost would be sufficient. From the coast to Calcutta

the transport of coal would be the same as that of salt.

The next coal to which Mr. Kittoe by his guide was conducted,

is a few miles higher up the Bramenee, and at a distance of sixteen

or eighteen miles from that stream, so that its conveyance would be

considerably more expensive. The coal is here exposed for a mile on

either side of a nulla called Sungurra, a tributary of the Bramenee,

averaging in height from five to fifteen feet above the sand. The coun-

try is said to be level from the coal to the bank of the Bramenee, so

as to afford every facility for the construction of either a road ora

eanal. Iron ore is found in great abundance throughout both these

coal districts, and the ore is smelted to some extent, and by the same

process as that which prevails in other parts of India.

Such is the substance of Mr. Kittoe’s Report.{ The specimens of

coal furnished were not of good quality. Three specimens of Talcheer

coal examined at the Mint, afforded the following average results :—

Gece! Chav UY 90! Boo. Sots Fee a AL BGO

a olatile matter,;. 2. ©....0105.. -89 00

Mei rile fh) a wisher aise hie thd, Se NAA ie

marty matteriw. )) siiue h-oeiis. 150

100 0O

* Talcheer is a town on the Bramenee river, 140 miles from the coast.

+ At present there are three contracts for the conveyance of salt from Hunsew to

Calcutta; the rates are 18 Rs., 17 Rs. 8 annas, and 17 Rs. per 100 maunds.

} Vide Asiatic Journal of 1839, pp. 137—144.

208 Report of the Coal Committee. [No 98.

Talcheer and Hingolar may be regarded, we think, without much

doubt, as an extensive and valuable coal field. 'The workable beds

will probably be found to be some distance from the surface at the spots

visited by Mr. Kittoe, but the district appears to have been subject to

so much local disturbance, that more favorable positions for coal mines

may be expected, when the country has been properly examined.

Since the above remarks were written, the Committee have re-

ceived a communication from Mr. Mills, the Commissioner of Cuttack,

enclosing a report from Mr. Beetson, whom he deputed on 22nd

February last, at the instigation of Mr. Smith, the President of the

Coal Committee, in order to procure further information on the subject.

Mr. Beetson reports, that ‘‘ the samples laid before the Committee

by Lieut. Kittoe, were far inferior to those I have now brought with

me. The latter are equal to the best Burdwan; but to satisfy the

Committee as to its description and quality, if Government will pay

the expenses, which will amouut to a mere trifle, I shall be happy to

undertake the delivery of one or two hundred maunds in Calcutta by

next December.” Mr. Mills observes that the specimens, as far as

he and other gentlemen at the station are able to judge, are so very

good, that he authorized Mr. Beetson to procure 100 maunds for trial

in Calcutta. This coal is derived from the second, or more distant

coal field visited by Mr. Kittoe. The locality in which the coal occurs

is, according to Mr. Beetson, called Gopal Pushad, and the nulla by

which it is laid bare, Sangra, which corresponds with Mr. Kittoe’s

name Sungurra. Mr. Beetson states, that the distance from Gopal

Pushad to Talcheergur is from fourteen to sixteen miles, and recom-

mends that the coal be carted by buffaloes (the common draught cat-

tle of the country) to Talcheergur. From Talcheer the coal could

then be conveyed in ten or twelve maund boats to Kumalung, six

miles below Talcheergur, where it should remain till the setting in

of the rains, and from thence it may be conveyed for six months

of the year in from 100 to 300 maund boats to Hunsuah on the coast,

where it would be available for sea-going steamers at from three to four

annas permaund. From Hunsuah, Mr. Beetson would undertake to

convey the coal to Calcutta at 18 Rupees per 100 maunds, and indeed

he thinks he could supply it to the Calcutta market at six annas per

maund, including every expense.

Adjt.

Since our last report, little has been elicited regarding the nor-

thern boundary of the Burdwan coal field, where the beds advance

1840. ] Report of the Coal Committee. 209

towards the Adji river. Mr. Erskine in reply to a circular from the

the Committee, dated October, 1638, recapitulates the different places at

which coal has been found. Mammudpore is the most eastern situation.

The pits are here four or five miles from Seedporeghat. The mineral

is better to the westward at Parihorpore, about ten or twelve miles

above Seedpore. Seedpore is eighteen miles from Cutwa or Culna on

the Hooghly, and the river is pretty open during the rains for boats

of 400 maunds burden from Maulyghat to Cutwa, a distance of

forty miles. The upper portion of the river rises and falls suddenly,

so as to render it difficult to manage a larger boat than 200 maunds.

_ Mr. Erskine observes, that considering the difficulty of the Adji na-

vigation, and the scarcity of boats at present, and also the high price

that it would be necessary to offer to boatmen to induce them at first

to undertake the carriage of coals; he does not think the coal could

be delivered at Cutwa under four annas per maund. Should the

regularity of the employment induce people to build more boats (as

has been the case on the Damooda,) prices might fall to about 3 annas

per maund. Adji coals are now used for the Dhoba Sugar Works to

the extent of 10 or 15,000 maunds per annum.

Rajmahal.

When our last report were written, coal was known to exist

in two situations only in the Rajmahal hills; namely, Sicrigully and

Hurrah. In April 1838, Major Forbes was informed by Mr. James

Pontet that he had found a bed of coal in the Rajmahal hills, on the

banks of anulla called the Bramenee, sixteen miles distant from the

water carriage during the rains, about thirty miles west. of Moor-

shedabad, and nearly in the line of the canal proposed by Major

Forbes. A specimen of this coal afforded the following on analysis: —

Specific gravity, .. bs se ee E370

Volatile matter, .. bal bs pare! CN 1)

Carbon, af ae igs .. 448

Earthy matter, ot ai Bs ty oP}

100

A sample consisting of a few maunds furnished by Mr. Pontet

sometime before to Mr. Scott, the commander of the Jumna steam

vessel, also proved of favourable quality. Mr. Pontet having been

desirous of procuring the means of extending his observation, these

were provided, and on the 20th June he dispatched ten bags of coal

to Calcutta, this also proved favorable; but a subsequent dispatch of

400 maunds consisted of shale and inferior coal. In explanation

210 Report of the Coal Committee. [No. 98.

of this last unfortunate circumstance, Mr. Pontet stated that the

necessary aid did not reach him till the rains had set in, when the

place being unhealthy, he was obliged to leave the raising and dispatch

of the coal to inexperienced natives.

The following is an extract from Mr. Pontet’s letter, in which

he describes the operations in which he was engaged—‘ After the

first vein of coal, we came upon a hard black stone, and finding the

operation of boring through it so very tedious, I took upon myself

to select a spot for a shaft, and procured well-diggers, and stone-cutters,

who have been for the last two months at work, at present to all appear-

ance with satisfactory prospects, as one of the stone-cutters who opened

a shaft at Burdwan says this mine bears some resemblance to it. 1 am

induced to persevere a few feet more, in hopes of coming to a useful

vein. The first twenty-three feet of soil is red and black earth mixed

with kunkur, and under that, toa depth of forty feet, are thirteen

different strata, three of coal, and the rest various kinds of stone.”

Mr. Pontet transmitted to the Committee specimens of all the differ-

ent beds passed through, which are remarkably characteristic of the

true coal measures ; and of eleven different beds passed through in the

last seventeen feet of the excavation, three were coal of good quality, but

too thin for working, and in the shale we observed excellent specimens

of Vertabrea Indica, one of the few abundant fossils of the Burdwan

beds that happens to have received a name.

The excavation was formed on the N.W. side of the Bramenee

nulla; but Mr. Pontet states that he traced the coal a mile S.W. of

the Bramenee river, from which he concludes that the Burdwan and

Rajmahal beds are connected.

Soan River.

In a letter from Mr. Ravenshaw, Officiating Commissioner of Patna,

to the Government of Bengal dated 6th January last, that gentle-

man states that a Cazee had found a bed of coal at a place called

Chupree, four miles from the Soan, near its junction with the Koila, and

estimated the expense of delivering coal from this bed to Dinapore to

be five and a half annas per maund. On this information 300 rupees

were advanced to the Cazee to enable him to commence operations ;

but after extracting 100 maunds, precisely similar to Palamow coal,

the bed assumed a slaty character, and the Cazee abandoned his ope-

rations. If the Cazee’s statement regarding the existence of coal so

near the Soan be correct, the circumstances under which it occurs

ought to be fully investigated.

1840. | Report of the Coal Committee. 211

Palamow.

Mr. Tytler, an engineer employed under the Controller of Steamers,

having been deputed, under the authority of the Marine Board,

to Palamow, describes a bed of coal six feet thick, exposed to a great

extent on the banks of the Amanath river, where Mr. Homfray

a short time before could only find a 33 feet bed, so interrupted by

ravines as to render the field very limited. There is however evi-

dence enough in the reports of Major Sage, and Mr. Tytler, as well

as in the information furnished to Mr. Ravenshaw, the Commissioner

of Patna, to show that coal is here abundant enough, the only doubt

is as to its quality. The samples of Palamow coal that we have

seen have been vitiated by the inexperience of the miners with an

intermixture of shale, so as to render them unfit for trial. Major

Sage, Executive Engineer, Dinapore, states that he had formerly

been in the habit of receiving supplies of coal from Palamow,

which he considered a good and useful fuel. We have no doubt

that a good coal may be procurable in Palamow, but such samples

as have been hitherto sent to Calcutta for trial have been inferior,

partly no doubt from their having been ill chosen from the numerous

beds that seem to occur in that district. Major Sage found the

following results from comparative experiments instituted between

Palamow and Burdwan coal, from which it would appear that the

former has the advantage in point of quality.

Palamow. Burdwan.

Ole ala ceaisece 4B! 9.2 Assarvarsihdyetlt cuyeeht AB 2

Volatile matter, ... 47 0O Svea etiaas phn ielviiar pad Or: 2O

Earthy matter, .. 6 8 pes EE wh Sed bad Suda DN GAS

oo ee oO

In experiments of this kind on a small scale, every thing depends

on the specimens selected for comparison. The Burdwan coal varies

in quality in different mines, just as Palamow coal would vary if

mines were once fairly established in that district.

The best Burdwan coal we can induce the contractor who supplies the

laboratory of the Honorable Company’s Dispensary to furnish, affords

25 per cent. of ashes, but the kind used on board steamers is said to be

very superior to this, and the Ranygunge variety with which other

coals are compared, is the best in Burdwan. Much judgment is

therefore necessary in selecting samples for trial from new coal dis-

tricts, when the object is to compare them with Burdwan coal. What-

“7s

212 Report of the Coal Committee. [No. 98.

ever coal it has been customary to use will always have the advantage

of a new coal in such trials, in as much as the form of the furnace,

and the manner of keeping up the supply will be such as are suited to

the old coal, while the necessary experience is wanting with regard to

the most favourable circumstances for burning the new.

If the draught of the furnace be too great for the coal, the fire will

burn down too rapidly, and the coal will be wasted in an unnecessary

quantity ; and if not sufficient, the fire will burn too slowly, and

the stoaker perhaps accustomed to throw in fresh fuel at certain inter-_

vals will keep the fire choked, so as to require more frequent stoak-

ing than necessary, and (as Colonel Presgrave remarked on the late

trial of Palamow coal) every time the door is opened for this purpose,

a volume of cold air enters, the effect of which is to lower the steam.

On board the Jumna steamer, 13th March last, three samples of

Palamow coal were tried, one furnished to Mr. Ravenshaw by Cazee

Mohumdee, mixed however with Chupree coal, and the other two

from Mr. Tytler; the first seemed to answer best, though evidently

raised without judgment, and mixed with shale. The faults of this

compared with the best Burdwan coal were, that it required a much

larger quantity to keep up steam, and that it ran into slags or clinkers,

which choked the bars of the furnace. This last effect may have been

owing to the coal being mixed,* and perhaps would not have taken

place had the bars of the furnace been wider apart. Mr. Tytler’s

sample from Lower Miral appeared to burn very freely, but compared

with the best Burdwan coal, twice the quantity was required to keep

up steam. On a third sample from Upper Miral being tried, it was

found that even with an excessive consumption of the fuel, it could

not keep the engine at full work. The value of these experiments will

however depend on two circumstances, namely, whether the samples

tried were the best that could be chosen, and whether the furnaces of

the Jumna are as well suited to the nature of the coal as any that

could be constructed.

Mr. Ravenshaw thinks he can procure a contract for the supply of

Palamow coal at Dinapore for six annas per maund, it would therefore

be of some importance to have the question of its quality fairly set at

rest.

* A small quantity of carbonate of lime or soda would have the effect of rendering

the earthy parts of coal fusible. We think in another trial of Mr. Ravenshaw’s mixed

coal we could easily select the pieces which formed slags from the general mass, as

they are covered on the surface with an efflorescence of soda. We think they belong to

Singra, one of the Palamow beds, and the peculiarity is probably very local.

1840. | : Report of the Coal Committee. 213

Assam.

A report having been furnished on the subject of the Assam

coal beds since the last general reports of the Committee were writ-

- ten,* there is little to say on the subject. Lieutenant Brodie, principal

assistant to the Commissioner, found coal of good quality about a year

ago in a very favourable position on the Disung river, a specimen of

which was forwarded to the Committee in July last, and found to

afford —

Specific gravity, .. ay ti an Pere We

Inflammable matter, . . i a A 40)

Carbon, A ahs aM Ne 4 55

Earthy matter, 5)

100

We believe the Assam Tea Company are already about to open a

colliery in this situation, with the intention of keeping a depot sup-

plied from it at Dikoo Mookh, on the main river.

Mr. Brodie had before found two and a half feet bed of coal about

three and a quarter of a mile above the falls of the Jumna. A boat

on average would reach the falls from Gowahattee in twenty days,

and return in ten. Some years ago coal was raised by Mr. Bruce,

under orders of the late Mr. Scott, from beds near the banks of the

Sufry, a tributary of the Disung ; on trial this proved to be the best

coal ever found in India, but the situation was inconvenient, the

Suffry being unnavigable at all seasons, and a small ridge of hills

would render the formation of a hackery road difficult. In February

1838, Captain Jenkins found two beds of coal, one of them 100 yards

in length, and eight feet in thickness, projecting from the banks of the

Disung river. about a mile above the village of Boorhath; the other

situated in rising ground, about a quarter of a mile from the first, was

exposed for 200 yards in length, and numerous small springs of petro-

leum emerged from beneath it. From these Captain Jenkins’ servants

collected about five seers of petroleum ina few minutes. The Disung

is navigable for six months of the year.

Beds of coal were also observed by Captain Jenkins at Jeypoor,

about ten miles east of Boorhath, on the Bora Dihing river, a quantity

of which was raised by Captain Hannay and sent to Calcutta, but not

approved of. Like all similar experiments on the quality of coal

the results proved little, especially as we now understand the Assam

* Published in Journal As, Soc. 1838, pp. 948, 959.

214 Report of the Coal Committee. [No. 98.

‘Tea Company have established a colliery in this situation,* in addi-

tion to the one already alluded to on the Disung ; thus two principal

depéts will be supplied on the main river at Debru and Dikoo, from

distinct coal districts capable, if necessary, of supplying other depots

along the whole line of the Bramaputra.

An excellent coal was found by Lieut. Bigg and Mr. Griffith on the

Numroop river, in Upper Assam, and Mr. Bigg states that immediately

opposite the village on the west of the river is another range of hills

similar to those in which the coal is found ; in these they found eight or

ten springs of petroleum.

Nerbudda.

With regard to the Nerbudda coal, the Committee have received

no communications since their last reports were laid before Govern-

ment, but it appears to have been since tried at Bombay, and found to

be of very excellent quality.

Specimens of coal were found by Captain Burnes during his

mission to Cabul in 1838, in the following districts, viz., 1, Shukur-

dura, near Kala Bagh, where it occurs in a hill two miles south of the

village, and other situations in the neighbourhood ; distance from the

Indus about 15 miles. 2, near Muckud, locality doubtful. 3, fifteen

miles SSE. of Cabul near Moozye, in the vicinity of copper mines.

4, Jamoo, in the Punjab, near the Chenab, where it would be as

valuable as if found on the Indus. 5, between Tak on Kaneegoorum,

NW. of Dera Imael Khan, 13 coss East of the small village of

Sungarkhyle, in the neighbourhood of the Indus, where the country is

said to be poor, and labour cheap. Captain Wade, Political Agent at

Lodiana, also found specimens of coal in the Maundi Hills north of the

Sutlej: more recently we believe Mr. W. Jameson, whose observations

will be of peculiar value in every point of view, has found extensive

tracts belonging to the coal formation, approaching as near to the

Indus as he had been able at the time he wrote to carry his inquiries.

( Signed ) J. M‘CLELLAND,

4th April, 1840. Assistant Surgeon,

Secretary Coal Committee.

* As well another at the place.

OMrnees

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1 alley

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fh es ark

215

Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

( Wednesday Evening, 6th May, 1840.)

The Honorable Sir E. Ryan President, in the chair.

Read the Proceedings of the last Meeting.

The President read the following letter addressed to him by Dr. O’SHauGuNESsy,

stating that in consequence of the pressure of other business, he was reluctantly

obliged to resign the office of Officiating Secretary to the Institution, and at the

same time informed the meeting that Mr. SurTHERLAND who undertook to co-operate

as Joint-Secretary in the Oriental department during the temporary absence of Mr.

J. PRINSEP also wished to be relieved. He therefore wished to be relieved.

To THE HonoraBLeE Sir Epwarp Ryan,

President of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, &c. &c.

Sir,—I beg you will have the goodness at the next Meeting of the Asiatic Society

to submit my respectful request to be relieved from the duties of acting Secretary.

My time is so much occupied by engagements which I cannot neglect, that the general

business of the Society must fall into confusion if allowed to remain any longer in my

charge. Under such circumstances the best proof I can give of my anxiety for the

prosperity of the Society, is by retiring from the honorable office they conferred upon

me, at a time when there is fortunately no difficulty in finding at the Presidency

individuals qualified in every respect to discharge the duties of the appointment.

Any aid I can afford in the Physical Department, and as a Collaborateur in the

continuance of the Journal, I am most willing to give, so long as the Society may have

the least occasion for my humble assistance.

“ I have the honor to be, Sir,

Cabcutta, Your obedient servant,

6th May, 1840. W.B. O’SHAUGHNESSY.

Resolved—That the resignations tendered on behalf of Dr. O’SHAUGHNESSY

and Mr. J. C. C. Surnervanp, of the situations of Joint-Officiating Secretaries of

the Asiatic Society, be accepted; and that the offer of Mr. H. Torrens to undertake

the duties of Officiating Secretary, during the illness and absence of Mr. James

Prinsep, be cordially agreed to.

_ Resolved—That the thanks of the Society be given to Dr. O’SHauGunessy and

Mr. J. C. C. SurHerwanp for their zealous and able services, and for the assistance

they have rendered to the Society in the management of its correspondence, in the

conduct of the Journal of the Society, and in the promotion of its scientific and

literary objects, during the period of their performance of the duty of Secretaries.

Read the Proceedings of the Committee of Papers, in which is noticed the

applications received for the office of Curator. The Committee recommend that Mr.

Assistant Surgeon THompson be selected to officiate in the office.

Resolved—That the recommendation of the Committee be adopted.

Mr. J. G. Grant brought to the notice of the Committee, that he accidentally had

been made aware of the existence of printed Catalogues of the Society’s Library, and

suggested that the Catalogues and Appendices should be circulated amongst the Mem-

bers as revised and printed. Mr. Grant’s suggestion was adopted.

216 Asiatic Society. LNo.. 98.

Library.

Read letters from Mr. Secretary Bususy, forwarding the following books on the

part of Government .—

Notes on the Law of Storms, applying to the Tempests of the Indian and Chinese

Seas, drawn up for the use of the expedition to China, by H. PrppineTon.

Arabian Nights, in Hindustani, vol. 2nd.—From Government.

A Manual of the Political Antiquities of Greece, Historically Considered, from

the German of CHarLes FREDERICK HERMANN.—By the Translator.

Answer to a Sketch of the Arguments for Christianity and against Hinduism, by

HvurRocHUNDER TURKOPUNCHANDN, Calcutta, Feb. 1840, in Sanscrit.—By the

Author.

Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia. History of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway.—

Purchased in England.

Cyclopedia of Anatomy and Physiology, by R. B. Topp, 2nd vol.—Purchased.

Literary.

The following Papers were received from Government, for publication in the

Society’s Journal.

Report on the Country between Tatter, Sehwun and Korachee in Sindh, by

Capt. De ta Hoste, Assistant Quarter-Master General.

Memoranda respecting the existence of Copper in the Territory of Lus, near

Bela, by ditto ditto.

Some Account of a Journey from Korachee to Hinglaj, in the Lus Territory ;

descriptive of the intermediate country, and of the port of Soumeanee. By

Capt. Hart, 2nd Grenadiers (Bombay Army.)

Dr. Inwine on the Application of Machinery to Indian Agriculture.

Read a letter from Capt. J. Jenxins, Governor General’s Agent N. W. Fron-

tier, requesting the loan of two or three Tibetan works for the use of his interpreter,

Mr. KELLNER, to make himself fully versed in the Tibetan language.

The Secretary informed the Meeting that the subject of inquiry was referred to

Mr. Csoma de Koros, the Librarian of the Society, who reported that all the

Tibetan works belonging to the Society were in general on religious subjects,

and of which there were several duplicates. |

Resolved—That the subject he referred to the Committee of Papers.

Physical.

Read a letter from Mr. W. B. Turner, Chief Engineer on board the ‘ Seaforth’

Ceylon Colonial Government Steamer, forwarding a paper on a new mode of making

charcoal.

Resolved—That the Paper be referred to the Coal Committee. .

Read a letter from Dr. J. T. Pearson, forwarding a few Geological specimens for

transmission to the Museum of the Honorable East India Company.

Meteorological Heiter, Jept at the Surveyor Genera , Caleutta, for the Month of May, 1880.

“Minimum Temperature obverved Maximum Presare: obearved i Observations made at apparent Noon. °

4 Tomporature. | Wind, e Temperature, | Wind 2 al Temperature, | Wind =

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TS; 7.19) 305

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Journal of a Mission from the Supreme Government of India to

the Court of Siam.—By Dr. Ricwarpson. !

February 10th.—Being Sunday, I had little communication

with any one. In the evening Coon-Sit paid us a second visit,

accompanied by Radsithee; he is the son of the Pra-Choolia,

who is chief of the natives of the Coromandel Coast settled here,

and from whom Mr. Crawford and Colonel Burney received all

the annoyance and opposition in his power ;_ he is descended from

the natives of the other side of the Bay, and retains his dress

and religion. Mr. Hunter called this morning on the Praklang,

where he met his brother Pya-si-pi-pat, and some other of the

officers who have been ordered to sail with a reinforcement of

about 7000 men, (of which Pya-si-pi-pat is the generalissimo) to

assist the Rajah of Ligore, against the Malays of Queda. Out

of all the royal war vessels, not one was fit to put to sea, being

destroyed by white-ants and other causes. They are ordered to

start immediately, and are afraid to tell the king the state of the

navy; they were consequently at their wits’ end for ways and

means, besides there being an evident disinclination for the ser-

vice. The Puttanee people have joined the insurgents, and it is

expected they will attack Sangora, which still holds firm its

allegiance. The proper heir to the throne of Siam, the late

king’s eldest legitimate son, who entered the priesthood when

! Continued from p. 30. vol. ix.

No. 99. New Series, No. 15. DF

220 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 99.

the present king (who is a natural son) took possession of

the throne, hearing that I spoke Burman, sent a message to

the Praklang, that he wished to see me, as he also has a

knowledge of that language. I have not heard whether his

request was granted. The king has for some time wished this

brother to throw off the yellow garment, and has promised

to advance him to high office, but he has vowed, it is said,

never to prostrate himself before the king, and does not

seem inclined to accept his offer ; being in the priesthood, when

they meet, the king is obliged to reverence his cloth.

Mr. Hunter intimated to the Praklang my wish to call

on him again to-day, and as they have not made any

offer to assist us, it would probably be advisable at once

to apply to the Praklang for an order to the South-West

chiefs to permit the sale of elephants and cattle, as the

season for passing through the country’ is rapidly wear-

ing away, and especially as a letter had been received by Mr.

Hunter a day or two previous to my arrival, from George

De Castro,* dated Chumpahoon, the 7th January, to which place

he had been sent from Mergui for the purchase of elephants

and cattle, which the Myo-won had refused to sell without

an order from this government. In the evening, accompanied

by Mr. Hunter only, I went to the Praklang’s, he was waiting

for us in the hall in which he previously received us, along

with his assistant and several other government officers; my

reception was cordial and friendly as before. I took with me

a present of two rolls of Brussel carpeting, a pair of pistols,

a pair of porcelain essence bottles, and a few articles of cut

glass; he said he was much obliged to me for not only coming

through the desert I had passed, to make the bands of friendship

stronger between the English and the Siamese, but in addition,

for bringing presents. I remarked.the presents were valuable

only as pledges of that friendship ; he said true, and that friend-

ship was invaluable. From the white elephant of Maulmain,

* A person sent by the commissioner in the Tenasserim provinces to

purchase elephants and cattle on the public account at Chumpahoon,

on the Gulf of Siam.

1840. | Mission to the Court of Siam. . 221

and about which they did not display much curiosity, the con-

versation led to that at Ava, and hence to Ava affairs. Generally

from the whole tenor of his remarks, it was impossible not

to see that his sentiments were the same as those of his son

and Radsithee. After waiting till the subject was nearly ex-

hausted, and he had several opportunities of offering his assis-

tance and co-operation, without having done so, I produced

George De Castro’s letter, which Mr. Hunter, who interpreted,

had before explained, and begged he would send an order

to Chumpahoon, and all the officers on that frontier, to permit

the people to dispose of their cattle without interference,

and that I might be furnished with a copy to transmit to

Mr. De Castro. He said he had already seen that letter, but

that as I was daily expected when it was received, he had

not yet mentioned it to the king. He made the usual objec-

tions on the score of religion to furnishing cattle for slaughter ;

I said there was no denying that we killed cattle for food,

and that we did so without attaching any criminality to it. I

mentioned the fact of the Burman army round Rangoon having

slaughtered and eaten cattle which we had refrained from

killing ; that many of the Laos and Siamese people killed bul-

locks, and that I had never heard any of them refuse to eat

beef; that 300 pigs were killed daily at Bankok, and, moreover,

that before we bought the Laos cattle, they were sold to the

Red Kareens, who killed and eat them under the name of

sacrifices to the Nats; but that the cattle now required were

for the carriage of supplies, and not for slaughter. I also re-

quested an order to the Isoboas of the northern Laos towns

not to interfere to prevent their people from selling their surplus

cattle, and requested permission to take it up myself, as we

wished to make arrangements for an efficient supply of cattle

reaching the Provinces by the beginning of May, and that I

would return here if the king and ministers wished ; that I should

remain for a short time, to keep the ministers informed on

the true state of affairs between the British Government and

the Government of Ava. He inquired on what route I should

wish to travel; I said by land, up the banks of the May-Ping,

or any route he thought shortest and best. He replied there

222 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 99.

was no road that way for elephants; and Mr. Hunter said,

he had seen. elephants brought down the river on rafts. I

said it was merely my personal dislike to travel in a boat

that made me wish to go by land, but that that must not be

allowed to interfere with public duty; if I were obliged to go

by water, I should wish to leave the boats as soon as I could

proceed by land, and buy elephants for the rest of the journey. :

He said I might go how I pleased ; that the Isoboas have had

orders to allow the people to sell, and had never interfered

with their doing so. I said they had never in so many words :

ordered them not to sell cattle, but he well knew how easy

it was to prevent it without such an order; as difficulties were

thrown in the way, and the people were indirectly brought

into trouble and fined, who did sell their cattle. He said the

Isoboas were only tributary.

I asked when I was to have the honor of paymg my respects

to his Majesty; he said, he was but minister, and could only say

I should have an audience; it remained with his Majesty to fix

the day. I have been visited to-day by the Portuguese Consul

and his Secretary, by the American Missionaries, and have re-

ceived presents from his Majesty and the Praklang of fruits, &c.

February 12th.—Received presents of fruits, &c. from the King

and Praklang, and a message from his Majesty to know if we

were supplied with every thing we wanted, and whether my

people wanted any thing. Benedito, the native Portuguese,

the head of the native Christians here, (of whom there are a

good many), was the bearer of the message, and said he had

orders to call on me daily and attend to my wants. The Chow-fa,

the second legitimate son of the late king, a very extraordinary

man for a Siamese, has been expressing a strong wish to see

me; he is about thirty years of age, reads and writes English

with very great facility, has his house furnished expensively in

the English style, and is on terms of intimacy with Mr. Hunter

and other English gentlemen here, notwithstanding the strictness

of Siamese etiquette. He was nearly coming to see me this

evening, in fact he came down to the house and spoke to Mr.

Hunter and Captain Browne for an hour or so. I have seen none

of the officers of Government to-day, nor shall I before my

1840. | Mission to the Court of Siam. 223

audience with the king, which is fixed to take place on the 17th.

The Praklang is a great epicure, and withal liberal of his

good things; he sends me daily several dishes of what he thinks

the best, and is always particularly anxious to know if I eat any ;

he made very particular inquiries on that head, of Piadadie

to-day. Itseems to be with him quite as important a matter as

any state duty he has to perform, in which he is not parti-

cularly interested. Patience is a virtue almost invaluable here.

February 14th.—Went to the Praklang’s garden this morning,

in hopes of meeting him, and hastening him: in some little

matter I was anxious he should settle, but did not see him.

Mr. Hunter was sent for by him in the evening, to explain

a view of London I had brought as a present to the king. I

fear I shall have no business done before I obtain an audience

of his Majesty. Piadadie called this evening for the king’s

presents, which I handed over to him.

Some of my Taline followers crossed over to the city to-day in

a boat of Mr. Hunter’s (as no Siamese or Taline dared furnish

them with one) to see their relatives ; there is a good deal of

excitement amongst them, as a belief prevails that I have

come to demand their release. The circumstance of the people

crossing was reported to the king, who ordered that they

should go wherever they pleased; he does not, however, wish

me to take any of them to the audience, and they complain that

their friends are still prevented coming to them.

February \15th.—Mr. Hunter saw the Praklang, who had

sent Coon-Sit, his son, for my tents, to see them pitched, as

he wished to have one made should he be obliged to go against

the Malays. I had sent a message to him in the morning by

Benedito to say my Taline people were very anxious to see the

king, and as they were not subjects of Ava but England, I

wished he would get permission for them to do so. He told

Mr. Hunter I was to be received with higher honors than he

had ever witnessed at Siam, and that they could not be admitted

this time, but should I afterwards have a more private audience,

they should then be allowed to accompany me. He also told him

letters had arrived for me at Camboorie, but that the Myo-won

was afraid to allow the messenger (who would not give up

——— eee

224 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 99.

the letters) to come on, without orders; the Praklang had

immediately dispatched an order that he should be forward-

ed forthwith. I doubt there is little chance of their arrival

here in less than a week.

February 16th.—Benedito visited me to-day to make arrange-

ments for the audience. Mr. Hunter had, however, settled

all these matters with the Praklang. In the evening I heard

prince Chow-fa, who will probably succeed to the throne, was

going on board the whale ship Hamilton, and as I knew he

wished to see me, but did not wish openly to come here till

after the audience, I went on board just before dark, and

soon after it was dark he came on board. He was in a small

boat, and only four or five men with him, dressed, as all

ranks usually are, with a cloth and crape scarf round his

loins ; he is a stout dark man, about 30, with a good tempered

appearance, of which he has the character, laughs heartily, and

speaks English with very tolerable proficiency ; he is intimate

with Captain Browne and Mr. Hunter ; shook hands with me on

coming on board, and said, “‘ oh, oh, I should not have seen you,

till you had seen the king”. I told him I had heard much of

him, and was very anxious to see him, but this meeting was of

course quite accidental. He remained about an hour talking

familiarly with us all; he expressed a wish to see the map I had of

Ava, and the North of Siam, and talked of my route and observa-

tions. He is himself an excellent observer, and much attached to

the English and English manners and habits.

February 17th.—This being the day appointed for my audi-

ence with his Majesty, about half-past nine, Benedito, who was

to accompany us from the house, reported the boats ready to

take us over the river, and at 10, we started; Mr. Hunter and

myself in one boat, such as is used by the ministers ; Captain

Browne, of the whale ship Hamilton, Mr. Smith, and Mr.

Hayes, gentlemen belonging to Mr. Hunter’s establishment, and

an officer of Captain Browne’s ship in a second boat, like a Bur-

man poung; and my followers in a third. In a few minutes

we crossed the river, and passing up beyond the landing place

used by the king, landed near some large sheds, where we found

Piadadie, and several other native Christians, officers of the

1840. ] Mission to the Court of Siam. 225

Siamese army, dressed in their embroidered uniforms, with gold

epaulets, &c. waiting to receive us. Benedito had a spare cocked

hat, with tawdry embroidery and some rubies of small value,

stuck about it, carried before him on a thing like a barber’s wig

block. Mr. Hunter and myself had brought with us two ham-

mocks furnished us by his Excellency the Praklang, in which

I was carried by eight of my own bearers, and Mr. Hunter

by four of his own servants. We had here to wait several

minutes for the horses which were provided for the other gen-

tlemen; they at length arrived, and we moved forward, preceded

by Benedito, Piadadie, and others. Though within a few paces

of the southern entrance of the palace, we were as usual not

allowed to enter there, but carried round through one or two

small streets by another gate, further from the palace. Outside

the inner gate the native Christians took off their shoes and

stockings, and immediately within it we got out of our hammocks,

and walked through two lines of soldiers, who on this occasion

were all standing up, some with shouldered arms, some at ease,

some muskets on one shoulder, some on the other. Though

there are said to be an immense number of muskets in the

country, many of those used to-day were so covered with rust

as to be useless. The men were all dressed in a sort of uniform

jacket, or red shirt, with a conical red cap of varnished basket

work. Some, I suppose the native Christian artillery-men,

were dressed in better jackets, and blue cloth caps, with a little

yellow embroidery. They generally were I think under sized,

decidedly inferior in point of muscularity to the Burmans, and

some of them mere boys. There was a formidable body of

what the Burmese call “‘ dank yea,”’ brave “ sticks,’ armed with

clubs, any one of whom is said to be able to keep off two Siamese

swordsmen ; there was also a body of spearmen, and close to the

door of the palace the band, composed chiefly of drums, trum-

pets of various kinds, and hunter’s horns. Outside the first

enclosure there was a small body of cavalry, perhaps fifty horses,

and inside the second enclosure, close to the road, fifteen

elephants, each with two riders besides the mahout, all dressed

in red cotton velvet jackets, some were plain, some embroidered,

with caps to correspond. A short way from the palace door we

226 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 99.

were shown into the Praklang’s hall of justice, in which a carpet

was spread, and a seat prepared for us; here, with Benedito

and some other of the Portuguese officers, we were detained

for forty-five minutes, till the princes were assembled. The

people were perfectly civil, and with a little mild persuasion of

the rattan, tolerably quiet. My people came with me to this

hall, and followed me to the door of the palace, where they

might have remained quietly, had not some of them attempted

to come into the hall; they were in consequence conducted

back to the hall where we had halted, outside the gilt door of

the palace, which was closed. The Siamese and native Chris-

tians who accompanied us fell on their knees and made as

many prostrations as they could, for a minute or less, while

the door was opening. We walked in, taking off our hats

at the door, Benedito creeping in before me on his knees

and elbows, and some of the others crawling near us. Im-

mediately inside the door, is a gilded screen, near which

the people were lying so close that only one could pass at a

time; after passing it we came in sight of the king; beyond this

we advanced a few paces, and sat down on the carpet (which

covered the whole centre of the hall) in the place pointed out to

us, making two or three salams to his Majesty, after which

he called us to come nearer; myself and Mr. Hunter then

went in advance of the presents I had brought, and the other

gentlemen close up behind. At one side, and immediately in

front of us, was Pia-pil-pat, the second Praklang, who was

the channel of communication with his Majesty. The Pya

read a list of the presents, commencing and ending with a long

list of his Majesty’s titles; after which, the king at intervals

put the usual questions, and as Piadadie (the interpreter) who

met us when we landed, had been taken ill and obliged to

go home, Mr. Hunter was requested to act as interpreter, and

spoke sometimes in the Portuguese of this country to Pas-

cal, and sometimes in Siamese to Radsithee. The king asked if

it was the same Governor General who had sent Colonel

Burney, who now ruled India; how long the present Gover-

nor General had had his sway there; asked after the Queen,

the Right Honorable the Governor General and the Com-

1840. ] Mission to the Court of Siam. 227

missioner’s health, how long I had been on the road, how

treated, &c. &c. Near the end of the audience, he inquired

on what terms we were with the Burmans; I detailed fully

the state of our relations with Ava. He said, the Siamese had

always been the foes of the Burmans, who are never to be

trusted ; the Cochin-Chinese are also of the same character ;

for though he had been a benefactor to the present king’s

father, they had gone to war with him; but with the Chinese

they had always been friends from the beginning of time,

and hoped they should be friends, through all time coming,

with the English. I took the opportunity of saying, that

the Right Honorable the Governor General would be happy

to hear how entirely his Majesty’s wishes for increasing

friendship and intercourse between the two countries coincided

with his own. He said he was much obliged to the Governor of

Bengal for the present Mission. From the knowledge I have

of the Laos language, and its affinity to the Siamese, I could

make out that my answers to the king’s questions were

modified to meet the royal ear. Mr. Hunter, however, told

me that the entire substance of what I had said was com-

municated. At the end of the audience his Majesty said, if I

had any business to transact, the Chowkoon-booden and Chow-

koon-maha-see-na (the Praklang) would attend to it, and

that any wish of the Governor of Bengal was the same as if it

were his own. He requested Mr. Hunter (whom they consider

as a Siamese officer) to pay me every attention, and let me

want nothing that was to be had in Siam; he then gave a

few strokes with a ratan on some metallic substance, and

the gold cloth was drawn across the hall before the throne,

the courtiers all made repeated obeisances, and the audience

closed. We remained a few minutes after the king had retired.

Coon-Sit came over to us and introduced me to Chowkoon-

booden, who said he should be glad to see me, and _ hear

every thing I had to say. The hall of audience is about

120 feet long, and 60 broad, with two unsightly rows of square

brick pillars, about 15 feet from the wall; and between these

pillars there is a space of about 45 or 50 feet covered with

carpets ; close to the curtain, a little to the left of the throne,

228 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 99.

with their heads towards the king, crouched upon their elbows,

were the princes of the blood, perhaps 20 or 30 in number;

immediately behind them, the Chow-pya Praklang (who is

also Kalahon, a higher office than Praklang, in virtue of which

he controls the affairs of one half of the kingdom towards

the west and south); beside, and behind him were a number

of the highest officers, inferior to him; on the right of the

king, in a line with the Praklang, Chowkoon-booden, the prime

minister, (who rules the eastern and northern half of the king-

dom) was crouched, with officers the same as the Praklang

near him. The whole of the rest of the hall was crowded

with officers of less note, except a space of 10 or 12 feet wide

right down the centre, where we were seated, about one-third

of the way up to the hall, the presents immediately behind

us; Piatschadook Pia-pi-pat, the Praklang’s deputy, and

Pia-Choolia, the chief of the natives of the Coromandel

Coast, immediately in front of us; Mr. Hunter on my right,

and Radsithee close to him. The king, who was seated on his

highest throne, on which Mr. Hunter had never before seen

him, addressed Pia-pi-pat, who repeated the questions to Rad-

sithee, he again to Mr. Hunter, who communicated them to me.

The hall is painted to resemble paper, with a paltry looking

glass above, and a miserable print between each window. The

courtiers were all dressed in their robes of ceremony, muslin

with flowers of gold, and heavy gold embroidery on each arm ;

the six first on each side of the hall had, besides these, a gold

betel apparatus, diminishing a little in size from those of Chow-

pya-koon-booden and the Praklang, which were in size and

shape like an old fashioned soup tureen ; those behind them had

the same apparatus, and some of less costly materials. The

throne was raised about 15 feet from the floor, apparently all

of gold, in shape something like a boat, with four pillars and

a small canopy, all of the same metal ; close to the feet of it was

a child about 11 years old, I believe the youngest son of the

king; near him was a musical clock, which was sent out a pre-

sent to the emperor of China from England, with Lord Amherst,

and was bought for the king by Mr. Hunter.—On the whole,

my reception (as I was frequently told it would be) was one of

1840. ] Mission to the Court of Siam. 229

more state and cereniony, and of longer and more friendly

nature as regards the time of its continuance, (lasting one hour

and 20 minutes) and number of questions put, than has been

granted to any Mission for many years, which I presume may

be attributed to the more just idea they now have of the power

and resources of the British Government. The conquest of Ava,

and the long retention of the provinces, are however the only

data on which they form their estimate, in addition to the per-

sonal character of Mr. Hunter, who, in a residence of 14 or

15 years, at first under very trying circumstances, has, by

honorable dealings and a proper degree of self-respect, obtained

for himself great influence with the king and officers of Govern-

ment, and (by the influential people to whom he has familiar

access) a nearer approach, as far as their ignorance and arro-

gance would permit them, to a more just appreciation of our

relative rank in the scale of nations. On leaving the hall we

visited one or two of the richest Kyoungs, or convents for

the priests, the gilding and gold ornaments of some of which

were solid and expensive; one of the chandeliers, of which

there were many suspended from the high roofs of the build-

ing, was pointed out to me as having cost 100/. in London.

In the same Kyoung is the famous image, said by the Siamese

to be one entire emerald, of about 18 inches or two feet high,

which was pronounced by Mr. Finlayson to be either Chinese

figure-stone or a peliotrope, but as it is raised on a pyramidical

pedestal (richly gilt and inlaid with gold) of about 16 or 20 feet

high, it is difficult to say what it is. The whole of the outside

_ of the building is also gilt, and inlaid with stained glass, and the

appearance is altogether rich and unique ; round the edifice are a

number of grotesque figures of fabulous animals. From this we

visited a second, somewhat inferior to the first. My Burman fol-

lowers have remarked, that there is not a pagoda or priest’s house,

hat they can hear of, in Bankok, that has not been built by the

king, or some of the very highest officers of the kingdom ; who,

as they remark, can oblige the poor people to do the work,

whilst they take the credit ; and there is no doubt, that though

the Siamese do not perhaps extort money from the lower orders

in the way the Burmans do, they exact so much more personal

230 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 99.

service from them, as they have no time to acquire any by

extortion. We were then taken to see the large guns, one of

which, in particular, a brass one, was cast by the nobles, the

king superintending. The mould was placed upright, and sur-

rounded by stairs on all sides, the princes and great officers

were all seated round with bellows and smelting pots ; when the

metal was ready, at a signal given by the king they all ran up the

steps with their pots, and poured the contents into the mould.

This gun is probably not less than seventeen or eighteen

feet long, and the bore about six and a half inches in diameter.

There were a great number of good iron guns of different -

calibers, piled up in sheds, in various parts of the palace enclo-

sure, and a good many others mounted in a shed near the wall.

We then visited the white elephant, one male now only remain-

ing of the five which were here at the time of Mr. Crawford’s

Mission ; he is a large handsome animal, much like the one in

Ava, excepting that from vice he has broken off both his tusks

nearly close to the jaw. They made some inquiries about the

one in Maulmain, which is very much darker than this, though

said to be an Isadan. From the elephant-shed, which is close to

the river, outside the palace enclosure, we embarked in the boats

which had come round for us, and returned home. In the

evening the Praklang sent for Mr. Hunter to inquire how I was

pleased with my reception, who told him that I was highly

pleased with every thing.

February 18th.—To-day I returned the visit of the Portuguese

Consul, Mr. Marcelleeno. In the evening Coon-Sit called on his

way to the palace, where he and a number of others, who are

honored with the title of “ ma-lik,” or little dogs, nightly attend

from about 9 or 10 o’clock till 1 in the morning, when all the news

of the city is talked over ; sometimes they are detained even later.

He asked me how I sat in the presence of, and how I addressed,

the king of Ava; I told him, I sat as I had done yesterday at

the palace, and addressed the king as familiarly as I did him

now ; he confessed it was better than the way they were obliged

to lie here like dogs. There has been an absurd story current

in the town to-day of an attempt I wished to make on the

king’s life; it was said, I had brought three boxes as presents,

1840. | Mission to the Court of Siam. 231

two of which I opened and shewed the contents, but the third

I had refused to open except in the presence of his Majesty

alone, who had, however, with great sagacity, discovered it

to be filled with some explosive materials, and gave orders

that it should not be admitted into the palace. Absurd as this

story may appear, it was firmly believed by a number of people.

Scarcely any thing is too ridiculous to gain credit, even with

the highest officer. Some Siamese had been in Maulmain last

year when the European Regiment was landing there, and on

their return, reported to the Praklang that an immense force of

Kuropeans in fifty ships were at Maulmain, destined to attack

Siam; he immediately sent for Mr. Hunter and questioned

him about it, who used all the reasoning he could to convince

him of the falsehood of the report; he at last told him, which

at all events prevented them from saying any thing more about

it, that the English would certainly not collect fifty ships to

take Siam, as two would be quite sufficient ; he heard no more

of the intended invasion.

February \9th.—About three o’clock this afternoon Bene-

dito and Pascal came to conduct us to the house of Chowkoon-

booden. Josis Piadadie continues sick, and Mr. Hunter was

kind enough to act as interpreter; Captain Browne and Mr.

Smith accompanied us. After about half an hour’s detention,

(attended by the Portuguese above mentioned and Radsithee)

whilst coffee and sweetmeats were served in a small shed

10 feet by 20, outside the enclosure of his present habitation,

where a band of dancing women (he and Cromaluang-rak,

the king’s uncle, and the head of the princes only are allowed

to have dancing women) exhibited for our amusement,—we

were conducted into the hall, where we found him seated on

an elevated platform, the second Praklang and several Siamese

officers on one side, and some 20 or 30 Laos chiefs on the

other. Chairs and the Praklang’s coffee equipage were placed

for us on the same side as the Siamese chiefs. After I had

expressed the thanks of the Right Honorable the Governor Ge-

neral in the terms of Mr. Prinsep’s letter, and of Mr. Blundell,

as conveyed in his letter to the ministers, nearly an hour was

spent in compliments and general professions of friendship for

232 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 99.

the English ; and in return, I assured him of the deep interest

the Right Honorable the Governor General and high officers

in India had in the welfare of Siam, and their sincere wish for

the continuance of the very friendly relations at present existing

between the two countries. I said I was much obliged to

the king for the honor of an early audience; and that I

could not forget his friendly assurance, that the ministers

would attend to any thing I had to say, and that any wish

of the Right Honorable the Governor General was the same

as if it were his own. He replied, that when the king was

so friendly, the ministers must of course be equally so.

We remained until half-past six with this minister, discussing

various points of business. His Excellency inquired if I wished

to take certain orders to Laos myself, and whether I intended

returning from thence to Bankok; I replied I wished to be

the bearer of the order to Zimmay, but that my return here

depended on the wishes of the king. He replied we were

good friends, and I might take the order and return by any

way I pleased; if I wished to return here, I might do so. I

thanked him for the permission to proceed to Zimmay.

After leaving the minister’s house we went to the palace of

Chow-fa-noi, which is a short way above our residence, on

the right bank of the river. It was built by Pya-tack, the

Chinese king, who re-established the monarchy, and built a

new town here, on the site of the old French factory, after

the old city of Yodea had been taken, and the royal family

carried off by the Burmese. It is a brick building, and stands

in a small fort close to. the river, on the angle formed by

the junction of the Maha-tchi canal; it was full of pointed

gables and cross roofs, like an old farm house in England; it

covers a great extent of ground, and has an immense number

of apartments and passages, some covered, some open. In

the morning, as he was going down the river to get up a

mast in one of Pya-pi-pat’s war junks, he called at the

factory, and requested me, if I intended calling on him to- -

day, to come about 7 p.m. It was just seven when we arrived

at his house, and in ten minutes he came home. He is the

second legitimate son of the late king, and will probably

1840. | Mission to the Court of Siam. 233

succeed his half brother, the present king. He is intimate

with Mr. Hunter and Captain Browne; the latter has in-

structed him in observing and finding the longitude, in which

he was a very apt scholar; he is easily accessible to all English

frequenting the port, and much attached to us. The room

we were received in was fitted in the English style, and on

the table was a splendid gilded lamp with cut-glass shades,

which was made for William the Fourth, the walls were

decorated with English prints, and he had a small library

of English books, of which the Encyclopedia Britannica formed

a part. He was kind and cordial in his reception, and fami-

liar in his conversation with us all. Our entertainment con-

sisted of a light supper, coffee, and sweetmeats, after which he

went to look at his band in an ante-room ; it consisted of twelve

or fourteen musicians. Several of the instruments were of his

own invention. He moved freely about the room, in which

we followed his example. He introduced us to his wife,

who is a tall fine woman of Taline descent, of unusually

pleasing manners for a Siamese. He had his little son, who was

asleep, brought out to us; I have seldom seen a finer child, he

is about five months old, and was dressed in a red English

frock and blue cap, with a gold band round it; he had been

inoculated four or five days ago by Dr. Bradley, and the disease

promised to be favorable. The small-pox is raging here with fatal

violence; it is treated by the natives by repeated bathing or

rather effusion of cold water five or six times a day from the

commencement of the pyrexia. Chow-fa-noi also shewed us his

jewels, which must be of considerable value; there were three

_ broad gold belts studded with diamonds, the smallest of which,

by rough calculation, contained 1300, many of them large and

valuable ; a box containing thirty-five rings, many of them dia-

monds of considerable value; he had only one or two rubies, and

those inferior ones; the jewels were strewed about the table in

perfect confidence. His reception of us was frank and cordial.

His servants, to one or two of whom he speaks in English,

and in which language they are obliged to answer, stand up and

move about his house withfreedom. There were none of the no-

bles of the land present. We took our leave about 104 o’clock.

234 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 99.

February 20th.—1 proposed, through Mr. Hunter, to meet the

Praklang and Chowkoon-booden together, as each appeared to

have a separate jurisdiction, and could not give an order on my

business without reference to the other. There was no objection

made to my proposition. The Praklang suggested that I ought

to visit Cromaluang-rak, the king’s uncle, the head prince, who

would be prepared to see me on Friday; in the meantime, I

should have received my letters from Maulmain. I am most

anxious to get on a more intimate footing with the ministers,

but fear I cannot succeed before all the visits of ceremony are

got over. Old Benedito called in the afternoon, and told me

privately he had no doubt all my wishes would be complied

with ; he is however an insignificant old gossip. Coon-Sit came

also in the morning.

February 22nd.—Called to-day, at 4 p.m., on Cromaluang-

rak, whose house is to the south of the palace enclosure,

about five minutes walk from the bank of the river. On the

way we crossed a new Nat, building by the king ; the pagodahs,

Kyoung’s temple, rocks and small trees, (of which, much is in the

Chinese style,) may cover ten or twelve acres. Betwen the walls

of the palace and the house of the prince is the race-course,

where the horses are exercised, of which there were perhaps

twenty gallopping about for our amusement; there were also a

small Arab and Cutch horse in gilded saddles paraded, with

about fifteen or twenty elephants. Though this is the country

of elephants, I did not see one good looking animal; some of

them were large, and one with very large tusks we had seen

before in the palace. The horses are inferior to the elephants,

and apparently for no other purpose than to look at. Here we

were detained about twenty minutes, outside the prince’s gate,

in an open shed, the native Christians, Benedito and Pascal, the

Praklang’s son, and some Siamese officers whom I did not know,

were also present. The prince’s house is sadly out of repair,

and he is about building a new one. The hall in which he re-

ceived us, was a low room about forty feet long by twenty-five

broad, nothing at all rich or showy about it, except a curtain

cloth of gold. He was seated on a sort of low pedestal, like the

thrones of the Laos Isobaos, and a white umbrella behind him.

1840. | Mission to the Court of Siam. 235

A large concourse of people were collected outside ; on inter-

rogating some of them, they said they had come to see the (Kek

Moung’s) visitors. There might be about 100 people, princes and

others, in the hall. He asked nearly the same questions as the

king, to which the same answers were returned. I complained of

the detention of my letters, and said the Mya-won of Camboorie

should be reprimanded for stopping them contrary to the cus-

tom of all civilized countries. The prince appeared affable and

good tempered; but Mr. Hunter, who sees him frequently, says

he was distant and constrained, evidently at a loss what to say.

The visit lasted about an hour, (the round-about questions and

answers occupying nearly all the time) when we were asked to

go into a large hall outside, where a table was spread and re-

freshments offered us and fruit, sweetmeats, the Parklang’s coffee-

set were again in requisition ; here we remained perhaps half an

hour, and then returned home. The visit was altogether one of

ceremony; no one spoke but the prince and myself. Mr. Hun-

ter again kindly accompanied me.

February 24th.—Yesterday received dispatches from Mr.

Blundell. Isaw the Praklang to-day, and pushed for the delivery

of the Thugs, as they are in his division of the kingdom,

and said, I would write with them to Captain Macfarquhar,

who would pay the person on delivery, and sent in charge of

them, fifteen rupees each, to defray any expence the Siamese

government might have been at on their account; he said

they should be given up; and remarked that they paid three

catties (160 ticals), for each man so delivered, and asked

me to give up six Cochin-Chinese, who had escaped to Maul-

main. I said that as I did not know their crime, I could

not promise their being given up, but that if he could furnish

me with a copy of the evidence against them and their sentence,

I would forward it to the Commissioner, and in the mean time

tell him whether I thought it likely they could be given up; if

they were only run-away prisoners, it would be unreasonable to

expect them; several of our people came here voluntarily, we

did not dream of demanding them ; he said if I examined their

backs, I would see the marks of the ratan; I told him they

might have been punished for faults which was in some sort an

24H

236 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 99.

expiation, but certainly did not render them criminals for life;

their case was, I believed, very different from the Thugs, who,

for murder of the most cold-blooded character, were condemned |

to imprisonment for life. The subject was then dropped. I in-

troduced that of the Chinese caravan, and requested him to give

orders to the Zimmay chief not to prevent them from coming on

to Maulmain; he said he had sent for the Zimmay Chow-Hona,

and in presence of Mr. Hunter had given him positive instruc-

tions on that head, and he had assured him, the Chinese had never

been interfered with, but that finding the market at Maulmain

did not suit their goods, had, of their own accord, declined

going there. I mentioned the facts of the case, which were,

that the Chinese from the first had expressed an earnest wish

to trade directly with us, and in spite of the lateness of the

season, several of them had come to Maulmain, (sent by the .

head man of the caravan) after my first meeting them in Laos,

and so satisfied were they with the market, that a large party had

last year come to Zimmay, where they had been prevented pro-

ceeding by the Chow-Hona of that place; many of the goods in- _

tended for Maulmain not suiting the Laos market, they were

obliged to take back with them, or dispose of at a considerable loss.

It was now half-past eleven, and the old gentleman intimated

that it was time to go to the palace. I pressed him to settle

these matters as soon as possible, as the season was wearing

away, and I wished to start for Laos in a few days; he said I should

go any way I pleased; if I wanted boats, he would furnish them ;

if I wanted to go by land, I could do so; and that I should not

be detained longer than necessary. The old gentleman was ex-

ceedingly affable, friendly, and good tempered throughout the

whole discussion. We took our leave, and he immediately got

into his boat to go to the palace.

February 28th.—In the morning I went to the camp (so

called) of the native Christians, who live about a mile above

the town. In going there, we went down the river a few

hundred yards, and entered a small branch which forms the

island on which the town is built; it is not more than per-

haps 120 feet wide, houses are built close down to the water

on both banks, and the stream, except in the centre, crowded

1840. | Mission to the Court of Siam. 237

with floating houses and boats ; several other small branches

or canals run at right angles from this through the town,

the walls of which are of brick, about eighteen feet thick, and

perhaps twenty or twenty-five feet high, following the slight

sinuosities close along the banks of the stream, but could

only be seen occasionally from the crowded state of the houses

on the banks. There is at each angle of the walls a pro-

jecting sort of bastion with a double wall, and a turret of flimsy

construction, and the whole works seem exceedingly contempt-

ible; the passage of this branch, which surrounds a little more

than one-half of the town, occupied about forty minutes, and

about twenty more from this to the Christian location. Every

thing about them, except the houses of the chiefs, Benedito and

Pascal, was mean, dirty, and disgusting, beyond any thing I have

seen in this part of the world, and the character of the inha-

bitants is said to correspond; we visited also the priests, both

of them Frenchmen, who are highly respectable men in their

station. The bishop is just now absent at Singapore. Besides

the descendants of Portuguese, who amount at this station,

which is called the Cambodea Camp, to 700, there are 1400

Cochin-Chinese Roman Catholics who fled from that country,

being persecuted on account of their religion, about four years

ago. Though the hovels they live in are miserably small and

dirty, yet they are said to be tolerably contented, and find it

easier to obtain a livelihood here than in Cochin-China, where

they say there are hundreds of families who never knew what it

was to be possessed of one coin of the smallest denomination; they

chiefly occupy themselves, I believe, in fishing, though many

of them, beg about the town. We remained at Pravie-tsets

(Benedito) about two hours, and returned home by the main river.

Visited the Praklang after dinner. When we arrived at his

house, we found the second Praklang and other officers there

as before ; there was a good deal of conversation regarding Bir-

mah and England, on which last subject the Praklang, from

his intimacy with Mr. Hunter, is better informed than people

on this side of the Ganges generally are, though I am cer-

tain he does not believe what he has been told of the extent

and number of our colonies, the tonnage of our shipping, &c.

Pe an

<r pe ee a

238 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 99.

On matters of business little was done. With reference to my

returning here, he observed I might do as I pleased ; to tell me

not to come back, would not be friendly, and to tell me to do

so would not be proper. I complained again of the detention

of my letters, contrary to the custom of civilized countries,

at Camboorie; he excused the act on the ground that the

customs of the Siamese and English differed; the Mya-won

dared not allow them to come on without reporting it to the

ministers. I said I had no wish to infringe any of their cus-

toms, but requested that whilst I was here, as they knew the

people with letters having a pass from the Commissioner of

Tenasserim must be coming to me, and that the letters were for

the information of the ministers, that he would give orders that

they should not again be stopped. |

March \st.—A dispatch arrived last night from the Governor -

of Songora, reporting that the Malays were within two miles

of that place with 3000 men, and begging immediate assis-

tance. The Rajah of Ligore though he promised on his depar-

ture from this immediately to recover Queda and put a stop

to all the disturbance on the peninsula, has not yet left Ligore,

and as even Siamese report gives him no more than three

thousand men, the truth probably is, he has not half that num-

ber yet assembled.

March 2nd.—Radsithee and Coon-Sit called this evening.

March 4th.—The Praklang sent to tell me that the Taung-

thoos I left at Neamgben are at Camboorie, and wished to know

whether I intended them to come on here; I told Piadadie to

tell him they were merchants, and ought never to have been

stopped, and begged they might be allowed immediately to

come on if they wished it, as this is a direct infringement of the

treaty. [hope I shall now be able to put an end quietly to these

absurd stoppages of our people at Camboorie on my next visit.

March 6th.—Sent to the Praklang to beg he would allow

me to see him for afew minutes to enable me to answer my letters

and dispatch the messengers to Maulmain, who have now been

most unexpectedly, and much to my annoyance, detained eleven

days. As this was the day till which I was requested to wait, on

my last message to him, I was much disappointed about four

1840.] Mission to the Court of Siam. 239

o’clock to get a message from him by an old Portuguese begging

me to give him to-day and to-morrow; that the preparation and

embarkation of the troops for the Malay expedition had fully

occupied all his time. I fear I shall still be disappointed, and

obliged to close my letters without any positive information on

certain points on which I depend for answers from this most

dilatory government; it will take a month to reach Zimmay

from this, and from thence it is twenty-three days more to

Maulmain, which will bring it to the middle of May, (supposing

I even start on the 10th of this month, which is the earliest I

can possibly expect, and have no detention in Laos,) before I

can possibly reach Maulmain.

March {th.—The force for the reinforcement of the Rajah

of Ligore having dropped up with the tide last night for his

Majesty’s inspection, sailed down again to-day, after firing a

salute of a few guns, and is considered as having started, though

they will not finally leave for two or three days. The first part of

it which I saw passed down about 12 o’clock, it consisted of

twelve war boats, two large and three small junks. The largest,

a very fine vessel which the Rajah of Ligore was six years in

building, and which he presented sometime ago to the king,

was commanded by the commander-in-chief, Pra-si-pi-pat, the

Praklang’s brother, it was very gaily decked with red flags and

streamers, and himself habited in a red dress, with a good deal

of embroidery, looking at the distance from which I saw it,

much like the war dress of the Burman chiefs; on his head he

had a broad brimmed beaver hat, with a sort of gilt spire at-

tached to the top of it; he had a splendid gilt cabin erected

above the taffrail, and a chatta bearer with a large red

chatta shading him from the sun. The smaller boats were

towing his junk, and pulled by the soldiers, all of whom were

dressed in red jackets, or shirts, and white trowsers. There

might be perhaps 1,500 or 2,000 men in this part of the fleet,

and one or two junks sailed down afterwards with perhaps

500 or 1,000 more, called by the government 5,000.

There is a deficiency of transports, though the king has

borrowed every junk he could get hold of, many of which

will probably never be restored again, as the people put in

i i =

240 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 99.

command on such occasions sometimes sell them or run off

to the eastward, instead of bringing them back to Bankok.

The troops with their new red jackets certainly looked tolera-

bly formidable, though more in appearance than reality, many

of them never having fired a musket in their lives, and it is

also the general’s own debut in a military capacity. It is said,

I know not with what truth, that a little jealousy on the part of

the king (to whom he is related) obtained him the high

distinction. | A few months ago, his son and eight others (four

women, amongst whom was the guilty fair one, and four men)

were beheaded for an intrigue with one of the palace ladies,

and for causing an image of the king to be made and running

a javelin through its heart to cause him to turn away this

woman. They were tried by the fathers of the two culprits,

condemned, and beheaded. It is said, the king wished to

spare them, and asked their fathers to be security for their

future good conduct; but fearing the king might think they

supposed the punishment undeserved, or some other motive

equally Siamese, or slavish, they refused. It is said, the king

supposes Pra-si-pi-pat to be discontented, and hopes the Malays

will give a good account of him, as the commander-in-chief ;

however, he choses his own position, and as putting himself

voluntarily where there was a chance of danger would be

viewed as utter folly, he will probably return. I should think,

however, the king has little reason to fear him, and I doubt if

there be any ground for the report. As the Praklang’s anxiety

about the equipment of the troops is now at an end, I sent to

him this evening (Mr. Hunter was kind enough to go), and beg-

ged, I might now have the boats to dispatch the messengers ;

he promised that I should have them to-morrow, and wanted to

know why I was in such a hurry!! I yesterday sent one of my

people overland to Nak-outcha-thee to look at the elephants, he

returned this evening ; the distance is about eighteen or twenty

miles, and after crossing two small canals near Bankok, the

road is perfectly good and dry, as I expected he would find it.

March 8th.—Being disappointed in receiving the boats, I called

on the Praklang (whom I had not seen since the 28th ultimo)

this evening, he said he had given orders about the boats, and

1840. | Mission to the Court of Siam. 24)

supposed I had got them; those which had brought the people

from Camboorie had been detained for them, and the man in

charge of them was ordered to wait on me. The Praklang

offered to deliver the Thugs over to me, but I could not take

charge of them ; I warned him of their character, and told him

that they annually in India committed many hundreds of mur-

ders, where more care was taken to prevent it, than could be

done in Siam. I told him I was anxiously waiting for the letters,

and (in answer to his question) that I wished to start on Mon-

day or Tuesday, (the llth or 12th). He told me the king him-

self, Cromaluang-rak, and Chowkoon-booden would each return

an elephant for the presents I had brought them.

The J aung-Kieuk of the Gyne district, who had accompa-

nied me with a view of obtaining the release of his wife, (who

had been separated from him at the emigration of the Talines

from the district of Martaban in 1816, without his knowledge

or consent, as he was at the time of the rising absent with the

Mya-won of Martaban, some miles from the town), who by

Burman law, and I doubt not Siamese law also, ought to be

given up to him, has been making all the interest in his power

to get this government to allow her to accompany him to Maul-

main; amongst others, Mr. Hunter has repeatedly spoke to

the Praklang about her, and as he would give no answer one

way or other, I this night spoke to him for the first time on

the subject, explaining at the same time, that it was a private

request; he told me she might go if she had the leave of the

person with whom she now lives, and was willing to go, but that

he had been told she was not willing. I said I had seen the

woman myself, and she had told me she was most anxious to

return, as her mother and relations were at Maulmain; he

promised to inquire into the subject, and we took our leave

about 8 P.M.

March 9th.—About noon, dispatched the boat with the letters,

giving the messenger ten rupees for the boatman, if he reached

Takanoon in ten days. In the afternoon Mr. Hunter was sent

for to translate the letters to Mr. Prinsep and the Commissioner,

which are almost transcripts of those of which I was the bearer.

The force destined for Sangora is still in the river, about five

242 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 99.

miles below the palace. Pra-si-pi-pat is said to be full of trouble.

They discovered yesterday that they had forgotten to embark

their ammunition, and in the night all the soldiers from ten

of the boats deserted. Though so many muskets have been

imported within the last few years, so little care is taken of

them, so many have been destroyed by white ants and rust

(they are never cleaned) that they are very imperfectly supplied,

and for appointments they appear to have none ; on the whole,

it would be difficult to imagine a people more contemptible in

a military point of view, than the Siamese.

March 1lth.—Sent Piadadie to the Praklang for my letter

and orders to the Laos people; the clerks told him they had

brought them to me, and I had refused to receive them. The

Praklang was too much taken up with the dispatch of the

fleet, to give much of his attention to my business. They find

now they have no water, and nothing to put it in, and are obli-

ged to borrow some casks from Mr. Hunter.

March \2th.—Sent to the Praklang to propose calling on

him this evening, and found he had gone to Pack-nam to

endeavour to get the fleet off, from whence he will not return

till to-morrow. Received yesterday from the king 240 ticals

for another month’s expense.

March 13th.—Piadadie came over this morning, and on the

letter to the Laos chief being translated, I found it was not

entirely what I required. Pra-Sooren, an inferior officer, (called

also Kaloung, or king’s slave) and one of the king’s personal

attendants, (ma-lik, little dogs) are to go up and see matters

settled in the Laos country, and on no account is a misunder-

standing to be allowed to take place. At about half-past five I

went over to the Praklang with Mr. Hunter, who has always

been kind enough to act as interpreter, Pra-see, Chowkoon-boo-

den deputy, and one or two other chiefs more immediately

connected with the Laos country were present. The Praklang

asked me if I had made up my mind when I would start. I said,

I had been some days wishing to get away, as the season was

getting late, and had now come to speak to him about the orders

to Laos. I thought also it was right that I should have an

audience of leave from the king, and should take leave of the

1840. | Mission to the Court of Siam. 243

prince and Chowkoon-booden ; he said neither Mr. Crawford

nor Mr. Roberts (the American envoy) had an audience of

leave, and that it was not at all necessary; and that the

prince and Chowkoon must have notice before I visited them ;

that as my business was principally in his own department

he saw me at any time in a friendly way. I said, though

disappointed of not again seeing his Majesty, of course [I

must be guided by him, and wished to pay my other visits,

so as to get away by the 16th. On starting, he said he did

not wish to detain me, as he wanted to go down again to the

fleet, and could not leave whilst I was here. He then told Rad-

sithee to inquire when the prince and Chowkoon would see me.

I requested him to give an answer about Jaung-Kieuk’s wife ;

he said she might go, but she had some debts here which she

must pay. I told him the woman denied owing any money,

but stated she had a good deal of property and some slaves ; he

said the slaves could not accompany her, but he knew she had

debts, part of which he believed had been paid, and part was

still due. I begged him to order the business to be settled, as I

wished to start on Saturday. He wished me health, a plea-

sant journey, and all kinds of good wishes, and said he should

think of me when I was gone; indeed, that he thought of me

every day now, and always sent me something to eat ; and con-

cluded by complimenting me on my knowledge of Siamese cus-

toms. I reciprocated his good wishes, and said I was obliged for

his attention to my private wants and comforts ; and we took our

leave amidst expressions of his esteem. On our return home

-we found the prince Chow-fa, who remained an hour; and

about 10 p.m. Radsithee came in and told me the prince Croma-

luang-rak was too unwell to see me. To-morrow is the com-

mencement of the new year, and the Praklang told Mr. Hunter

to-day he knew the prince would not give up his plays to see

any body. The Chow-pra-koon-booden said he would see me

on Friday evening. I have been fortunate in obtaining permis-

sion to proceed to Laos, by which journey I hope I shall be

able to throw some light on the geography of 5° of latitude

in this country, hitherto never visited by a European ; and the

very act of traversing the country, when done without violence

244 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 99.

to any of their prejudices, will tend to break down the

hitherto insurmountable objection to any intercourse with the

interior of the kingdom.

_ March \4th.—Went round part of the town, and along an

excellent bazar well supplied with fish, vegetables, meats,

manufactures, and drugs ; in short, a continued line of shops for

a mile and a quarter down the left bank of the river, and

notwithstanding their religious objections to slaughtering bul-

locks, the same favour is not extended to pigs, of which it is

said, not less than two or three hundred are daily slaughtered

in Bankok alone. <A few paces off the main street was a cage

for some of the public women, with a row of twelve or fourteen

small rooms, perhaps six feet by four, opening into a common

verandah of about four feet wide, and perhaps six feet high, closed

in front with bars like the cage of a wild beast. After break-

fast, I sent to the Praklang for a copy of the Laos letter, and

was fortunate enough to catch him just on the point of starting

for Pack-nam; he gave a copy of the letter, and said he had

given orders to the Pra-pi-pat, his deputy, and Pia-taip to settle

the Jaung-Kieuk’s business. Radsithee came in the evening

to say, Chowkoon-booden would prefer seeing me to-morrow

morning, and knowing, that he is looked on as a man of

great ability and has much influence in the council here, I

took an opportunity of letting him know my sentiments.

March 15th.—Crossed over to Chow-pya-koon-booden’s this

morning, and found him with his deputy and some other officers

engaged in the important duty of looking at some dancing girls,

with a band of music close to him, and about sixty people

each knocking together. two pieces of hard bamboo, and I

should think not less than 2000 spectators; the noise was of

course stunning. We were seated on chairs below his dais,

on which was his deputy crouched at the foot of his couch, and

Radsithee, who acted as intermediate interpreter, though Mr.

Hunter speaks familiarly with him on ordinary occasions. He

asked me at entering, after returning my salute, when I

intended to start; I said it was my intention to have started

to-morrow, but I was detained for the letters to the Laos chiefs.

The banging and noise of the bamboos and music continued ; we

1840. | Mission to the Court of Siam. 245

could scarcely hear ourselves speak ; we sat a short time to look

at the actors, and taking leave of him, we returned home. About

ten girls were enacting a play; the scene was laid in a wild

forest in Java, with rocky mountains at one side of the theatre,

constructed of boards painted blue and red, and a few branches

and artificial flowers stuck about them, with steps concealed,

at least where we sat, for the actors to climb amongst them. The

theatre had no stage nor any shifting scenes, but was cover-

ed in, and had raised standing room for the spectators in rows

above and behind each other, as in the Roman theatres. The

piece represented a princess, who by philters was induced

to run away with some low person. The old man seemed to

take a childish interest in the thing. He is the most famous

general in Siam, and distinguished himself amongst the Siamese

in the last Cochin-Chinese war. After coming from his house

we went for a few minutes to the house of the prince Chow-fa,

where we met Mr. Jones, one of the American Missionaries.

From the prince I got Mr. Crawford’s account of his mission

to this court, which he had understood; he did not, however,

make any comments on it. I asked him, in return for the map

I had given him, for any geographical information he had re-

garding Siam ; he said none existed, and expressed his surprise

at the extent and correctness of Mr. Crawford’s information. He

said he was anxious to get the king’s leave to make a map of

the kingdom from survey, but as he was the only man in the

country who could do it, he could expect no assistance.

March \7th.—Received the letters for Mr. Prinsep and Mr.

_ Blundell; the former is in a stand representing a lotus flower,

the latter in a red silk bag, and the same large boats which

brought us from Tat-Chin, were sent for our conveyance to

Nak-outcha-thee. In part for the sake of seeing more of the

country, and in some measure from necessity, as the water is so

low in many parts of the Zimmay river above the junction of

the May-nam that much time would be lost at this season in

digging away the sand, I have made up my mind to proceed to

Nak-outcha-thee by water, and thence by land to Zimmay. I

have been furnished with a passport from the ministers bearing

their official seals, and stating that i had come with presents

246 Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 99.

from the chief of Bengal, and was proceeding to Yahine,

Zimmay, Lagon, and Lebong, and ordering all the different

chiefs of towns to pay us attention, and supply us with all ne-

cessaries. I conceive it might be turned into a sort of roving

commission, as the Praklang told me when inquiring about

the road, that he knew nothing about it, he had never been

there, so no particular chiefs are mentioned, but to all we may

fall in with. The person who is appointed to go with me to

Nak-outcha-thee came this evening, and told me it would be ne-

cessary for him at this season (new year) to renew his oath of

allegiance, so that I fear I shall not be able to get away to-

morrow.

March \8th.—The Praklang returned last night from Pack-

nam where he had been to see his brother and his fleet off,

and as the detention of the people to swear allegiance to-day

had detained me, I sent the port captain to him to say I

wished to see him to take leave this evening, as I intended to

start early in the morning ; he excused himself (as I expected)

on the plea of indisposition, but wished me a pleasant journey,

&c. In compliance with the Praklang’s instructions, Pia-pi-

pat and Pia-Taip on the evening of the 14th sent for the

Jaung-Kieuk and his wife to the Praklang’s hall of justice,

to determine whether, and on what terms, she would be allowed

to accompany him. It is one of the highest courts of law in

the kingdom, and I thought it too good an opportunity to wit-

ness a trial to be missed, and went down to the hall privately ;

the judge, Pia-pi-pat, gave me a seat on the bench, that

is, on the floor beside him ; plaintiff and defendant set them-

selves down before us, without regard to any particular arrange-

ment, one or two other low officers were seated near the

litigants, and several other people lolling about the. floor near

us. The place was the passage up to the Praklang’s house,

and looked like any thing, according to our notions, but a

hall of justice. All the people spoke at once, some laughing

and joking in the middle of the proceedings. The deci-

sion was, that the woman should go as a matter of favour,

but that she must pay 7595 ticals debts due, and 319 ticals

lawyers’ fees. -On some old law pleas this last sum, however,

1840. | Mission to the Court of Siam. 247

she was told should be remitted, but the form of a reference to

the Praklang must be gone through; and this evening I told

Piadadie to ask him to give an order on the subject.

March \9th.—Left Bankok at noon, and in fifteen minutes

(against the tide) entered the creek just below Chow-fa’s

palace, which communicates with the Soop-Ham river; and in

ten minutes reached the landing place on the left side of the

creek, where the road to the town of Nak-outcha-thee com-

mences. Here one boat being much crowded, I landed fourteen

of the people, with a pass from a writer in the department who

accompanied us, to proceed thither by land. At 2 p.m. the

tide set so strong down the stream, that we were oblige to halt

till 5 p.m., when we started again, and at seven were overtaken

by a boat with a present of dried fruit and pickles from his

Majesty ; after taking which on board, we pulled on for the

greater part of the night.

March 20th.—At 6 a. M. reached the new fort and town of

Moung-tat-chin, where we breakfasted. The Myo-won, a very

intelligent person, came to the zeat after breakfast, and express-

ed much interest about our present position with the Birmans.

We left Tat-chin at 10 a.m., but were obliged to come to a halt at

eleven, from the strength of the tide. At 3 p.m. the tide being

nearly done, and having little but the force of the stream to con-

tend against, we started again, and at 4 passed the branch of

the river which running westerly communicates with the May-

klong. On the angle of the right side of the bifurcation stands

the old town of Tat-chin, even now a very long village, contain-

ing four or five hundred houses in a row, two or three deep,

along the bank of the main river, and this branch. At 8h. 20m.

entered, on the left side of the river a small creek, which

cuts off an angle of it, so narrow that at one or two turns

we had some difficulty in getting the long boat round. There

were two or three small villages on its banks, and a few cane

fields, but, generally the banks were low, and covered with

dunie or nipa. From this, at 11 p.m., we again entered the

main river, and pulled on for a great part of the night.

March 2\st.—Start at 5 a.m., and at ten halt an hour for

breakfast, (myself and people having had no dinner yesterday,)

248 Mission to the Court of Siam. [Non 28: ~

that of the boat people was brought ready cooked from Tat-chin.

At 4h. 30m. landed at Nak-outcha-thee, where our people had

arrived yesterday. I found the Palat and Yenkabot, (Tset-Kay

and Na-Kan), waiting to receive me, the writer who accompa-

nied us, having arrived an hour or two before us. I requested

they would this night hand over the elephants to us, as I wished

to see all right now, and start at daylight in the morning ; they

wished to put it off till the morning, but as I insisted, they sent

people to bring them in. I told the writer I expected he would

see, that a guide was furnished to the next halting place, as I

could not, after the falsehood they had told me here on my way

to Bankok, put any trust in what their people said; it would

disgrace the king and nation of Siam, when heard in other

countries, that men at the head of a town condescended to such

meanness. They attempted some explanation, but did not ap-

pear at all ashamed. About ten o’clock the people came back,

and said one of the elephants had broken his hobbles, and that

two of the remaining three had gone after him, so that they

could not give them over to us this night; which will I fear

cause another day’s detention.

March 22nd.—Received the elephants to-day at 12 o’clock,

which the government return for the presents brought, none of

them remarkable for their appearance, and I did not receive the

howdahs, which were in a most rickety condition, till about

7 p.m. Had a visit this afternoon from a lad dressed in a blue

jacket and cap, white stockings and shoes, (and half a dozen

other lads in the same costume, except the shoes and stockings)

who pretended not to be able to speak Siamese, and as he could

not speak any other language I was acquainted with, our com-

munication was of course extremely limited. After he was gone

I learned that he was the son of the priest, the eldest legitimate

brother of the king. |

March 23rd.—Ban-Sao, four hours fifty minutes, thirteen

miles. Left Nak-outcha-thee at 6h. 25m. this morning, and tra-

velling along the bamboo jungle, (which ran to the N. E. of our

march on the way to Bankok,) reached this place, having halted

some time for the elephant at noon. There were a few inhabitants

in the immediate vicinity of the road, the villages lying along

1840. | Mission to the Court of Siam. 249

the edge of the jungle, near the plain which runs down to the

head of the Gulf, as before mentioned. At 7h. 45m. we crossed a

muddy nullah, and at 8h. 5m. a larger one by a bridge ; at Sh. 15m.

passed Ban-pa-neat ; at 9h. 15m. Banroi; at 9h. 25m. Bon-ta-ko ;

at 9h. 55m. a larger village, say sixty houses; and at 12 halted

here. The elephants came up at 1h. 35m. Last evening we heard an

unusual rumbling noise, exactly like distant artillery, and in the

night felt three or four shocks of an earthquake; the weather

has been hot and sultry for some days, and yesterday at noon

the thermometer stood at 106° in the tent; and some of the

people from the heat did not come up till seven o’clock in the

evening. We have had several sick for the last ten days, two

cases of fever, one of small-pox, and one severe diarrhea.

March 24th.—Ban-soap-la, four hours, twelve miles. Started

this morning at 5h. 45m. and almost immediately entered the

bamboo jungle, quitting the plain on the edge of which we halted

last night, and have not seen it since. The road throughout the

day, and since 8h. 5m. yesterday, has been good, and practicable

for the carts of the country, one of which, drawn by buffaloes,

hired by some of the traders has accompanied us. Water is scarce

at this season, and what there is, is bad. At 6h. 25m. passed

Bancong of fifty houses; at 6h. 45m. a small plain with a

little cultivation; at 7h. 15m. a Laos village, of about thirty

houses; at 7h. 25m. another of the same people, of ten

houses; at Sh. 15m. Bantoom of ten houses, inhabited by

Siamese ; at 9h. a plain of some nine or ten miles circumference,

apparently fertile, but from the great depth of the water in the

rains could not be brought under cultivation. At ten we halted

here near a Laos village of fifteen houses, about one long day’s

march west from the Nak-outcha-thee river, which between this

and Soop-Ham winds away east. The country continues thinly

populated, notwithstanding the endeavours of the Siamese to

make it less so, by locating here the unfortunate prisoners from

Weeang-tchan, in southern Laos, which was taken by the Si-

amese in 1826 or 27, and the most horrible cruelties practised

on the miserable inhabitants. Isoboa was kept during the

short time he survived in an iron cage, with different instru-

ments of torture along side of him, and obliged to proclaim, that

250) Mission to the Court of Siam. [No. 99.

the king of Siam was merciful, and his punishment deserved ;

being an old man, his brutal enemies were not long gratified by

the sight of his sufferings.

March 25th —Nong-Keam, 5h. 20m. fifteen miles. Started at

5h. 25m. and continued our march through the same descrip-

tion of country ; viz. nearly a dead level soil, and a sandy loam

covered with bamboo jungle; at 6h. 35m. at Banyong, a small

village of Siamese. Cross the water, the banks of which we

left at day-light, and which I now find is a stream uniting itself

with the Nak-outcha-thee, though it was so choaked with water

lettice and other aquatic plants that no stream could be disco-

vered in it. Here we obtained a fresh guide, and proceeding a

few miles, entered a tree jungle, more open, which continues till

10h. 30m. The village Kalay-Book, of ten houses, from whence

to this place, Nong-Keam, a muddy swamp of bad water, which

we reached at 11h. 30m.; the jungle is again bamboos. We

have seen no cultivation to-day, and both the small villages we

have passed clear the jungle (which only grows on grounds

slightlv elevated), for their paddy, and do not cultivate the plains

which have too much water on them; one in this vicinity is

only now becoming dry. The people had been employed in tak-

ing fish left in the mud, and appear to have been very successful;

at 9h. 30m. we passed the Nakan (Yenkabot) of Nak-outcha-

thee in the jungle ; he said he had been sent by the Myo-won to

see to my provisions, and that the people did not take me by

the western road, on which water is very scarce at this season ;

he came up the river, which is distant east six or seven

hours march. The people of the village (Kalay-Book) where

he slept last night, were obliged to furnish him with a large

portion of their fish. Weather exceedingly hot, thermome-

ter at 2 p.m. 130° in the sun. The elephants did not come

up till 3 p.m.

agree ~—

251

Points in the History of the Greek, and Indo-Scythian Kings

in Bactria, Cabul, and India, as illustrated by decyphering

the ancient legends on their coins. By Curistian Lassen,

Bonn, 1838.

The translation of this interesting and erudite work has been under-

taken for the Journal by Dr. Roer, of the University of Berlin, a gentleman

whom high acquirements, and sound knowledge of general literature, ren-

der fully competent for the task. The critical nature of much of the work

calls for as close a rendering of the original as may be possibly given

with reference to ordinary difference of idiom. Should the style there-

fore appear at times too German, it must be remembered that grace of

expression has been voluntarily forfeited to secure what is so infinitely

more valuable---as indeed it is the only real merit of a translation of this

kind,---accuracy and fidelity as respects the original.

This work will, it is hoped, be generally welcome to our readers in its

present form. It is invaluable to the historical student, and numismatist,

while the extreme ingenuity exhibited in treating the subjects discussed, is

such as to command the attention of the general reader. Founded as it is

in a great measure on the researches published in this Journal by Jamzs

PrinseP, we must receive it with pride, as a tribute to his genius, his

singular intelligence, and indomitable zeal for the cause of knowledge,

while with a more chastened feeling, we see in it honourably preserved

the memory of one, who was for so many years the chief ornament of this

Society, the recorder of its transactions, and the most eminent of all its

members in many branches of science.

The translation will be continued in the Journal till the work is complete,

a hundred copies of each paper being struck off above the number re-

quired for our circulation in order to supply the whole in the form of a

book, to those who may desire a readier means of reference to its contents

than the Journal might afford. I should mention, that I owe the notes

signed H. T. P. to the kindness of Mr. Henry Thoby Prinsep.

(Ty

252 Lassen on the History traced [No. 99.

INTRODUCTION.

Among the different empires which were formed on the

dismemberment of the conquests of Alexander the Great, none

were placed in a position more remarkable and peculiar, in a

geographical and historical point of view, than the Greco-

Bactrian kingdom, and the Indo-Grecian kingdoms, which found

their origin in it. These were called into existence, when the

course of those great historical events was already complete,

by which the plastic, and intelligent genius of the Greeks

had been united to that of the imaginative and pious, or ac-

cording to the view of others, superstitious Orientals, and by

amalgamation of the west with the east, produced a new forma-

tion of historical relations, viz., Hellenism. Though the Greek

in Bactria proved still the strenuous soldier, inspired with the

remembrances of the exploits of Alexander the Great, and his

companions, yet he was no longer the rugged Macedonian of the

old campaigns, full of local nationalism: for he had become,

in the luxurious capitals of the Seleucidan kingdom, already too

well accustomed to Oriental manners and modes of worship,

and when proceeding from the banks of the Tigris and Orontes

he reached the eastern parts of the Greco-Asiatic empire, he

met there with natives already in a great degree acquainted

with his peculiar customs and institutions. Thus the wounds re-

ceived in the first fierce shock of jarring contrasts were already

beginning to close.

Now as by the establishment of the Bactrian empire, the

mighty process involving the formation of a new era was

roughly completed, elements must have been admitted as agents

in that process from the remotest east of Bactria and Sogdiana,

congenial to those countries. The Bactrian was, as an inha-

bitant of the highland of Iran, far other than the Oriental of

Syria, Egypt, or Asia Minor, and he was, even among the tribes

of Iran, of a peculiar stamp. If any where, Zoroaster’s doctrine

of light must here have been preserved most purely, and thus

in the amalgamation of Oriental and Hellenic character, Bac-

trian Hellenism must have been formed from the beginning in

its own way, a smaller circle in the great revolution of the east.

DID

1840. | Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. ‘

But when the Greek power passed the Indian Caucasus,

a new contact of the Greek character with the Oriental was

the necessary consequence; there it met with an essentially

Indian civilization, seldom affected by any foreign influence.

After Alexander had flashed like a radiant meteor through

those Indian regions, they soon returned under the sway of

Indian rulers, and this happened at a period when the power of

a new Indian religious doctrine, viz. the Buddhistic, was about

to propagate itself with zeal in this direction, together with

political dominion. In consequence, the Greek kings of Bactria

found in the valley of the Cabul river the peculiar characteristics

of India more vigorous and more deep rooted than Alexander

did before, and Hellenism* therefore was compelled to begin

anew in a narrower circle, and on new ground, the same career

it had already run through in a larger one. However, time

and strength were wanting to carry out this last experiment.

For as the Greek character, at such a distance from the reviving

influence of its home, could not manifest itself in these re-

motest regions with the same degree of vigour as in the more

western spheres of its activity, so it was here most early

overthrown.

With the dominion of the Scythians over Bactria and on the

borders of the Indus, the political influence of the Greeks was

abolished for ever, and in the sphere of art that influence is only

obvious in efforts, waning more and more, though it may be

traced even among the Scythian Nomades.

Thus Bactria and the country to the south of the Caucasus

appears as that territory in which Hellenism was first restrain-

ed from spreading to the east, and Asia proved here triumphant

against the Greeks, but only as destructive of their systems,

not as creative of others. For a longer period Greek influence

continued to prevail in the empire of the Arsacides, the friends

of the Greeks, who did not engage in warfare against Greek

civilization, but only against the Roman spirit of subjugation,

while the Sassanides called in the spiritual power of a revived

* Norz.---It is proper to remark that this word is used in a peculiar sense

by German writers, as referring to that moral and social state consequent

on the union of Greek and Asiatic character at that period.---Trans.

254 Lassen on the History traced [No. 99.

religious doctrine to assist them in general opposition to all

attacks from the west.

Upon no other ground than the above mentioned, on both

sides of the Indian Caucasus, have the various forms of doctrine

and life, which antiquity has produced, approached each other

so nearly and so immediately, in successions alternately at-

tractive or repulsive, vivifying or annihilatory. In Cabul the

paths cross, which lead down through regions more and more

torrid eastwards to tropical climates, which pass through Aracho-

sia westwards to the mountain-valleys of the Iranians, to the

plains of the Semites, and to the coast of the Javanese Sea,

which traverse mountains of eternal snow northwards to Bac-

tria, and as they separate, give the caravans a free passage

to the pasturing plains of Tartary, to the remote towns of

the peaceful Seres, and to the infinitely varied nations of the

west; there met the worshippers of Zoroaster and Brahma,

the apostles of the Buddhistic quietism, and the artists who

opposed the plastic forms of the Hellenic gods, to the grotesque

symbols of the east; here came together the cautious Banian

with the merchant from China; and in the royal armies, Hindoos

upon their elephants and the bowmen of Sacia halted near the

serried Macedonian phalanx and the well ordered squadrons of

Bactria.

On this cross road of historical formations was the Greek

placed in Bactria. He was privilege at this post, most advan-

ced to the east, as it were, to open with the right hand the Vedas

of the Brahmans, and the Nosk of the Mazdajasnes ; with the left,

to shake the locks which closed the gates of the great Chinese

wall, and the entrance into the empire of the “ Central land.”

In our days has the western world first achieved a similar

position ; from a far greater distance indeed, yet though with

infinitely more increased, and multiplied means, perhaps not

with greater success? neither has the Chinese empire yet be-

come more accessible, nor has Indian heathenism lost even an

inch of ground.

These intimations may suffice to bring to mind the import- :

ance as respects universal history, which might be claimed :

for the history of the countries at the borders of the Oxus

—<«“O”, ——

1840. | JSrom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 255

and the Cabul river, from the time of the death of Alexander

the Great to the expiration of the dominion of the Sassanides :

on the other hand the succeeding history of these provinces

under Mahommedan sway, is as cheerless as the Arabian desert.

The interest and importance of the Bactrian history will

scarcely be disputed, although it appears far from being pos-

sible to trace this history, not in general shifting intimations,

but in clear, lively, and distinct outlines; for our information

about it is in inverse proportion to the importance which the

Bactro-Grecian empire ought to enjoy in history. Bayer’s*

learned treatise has long ago proved, how little the Greek histo-

rians thought it worth while to pay attention to the fate of their

own countrymen in the distant east. The geographical work

of Strabo would be infinitely more valuable for the historian,

if he had stated such facts as he knew, instead of giving some

few detached, and confused notices on the Bactrian kings. I

for my part, would willingly resign for this all his discus-

sions on the Curetes, and many similar things.

Thus this history was hitherto only the subject of the labo-

rious diligence of the learned collector, not of the narrating

historian, and it will probably remain for a long time in this

state ; however, every hope of acquiring at a later period a firmer

base and a more fertile field of inquiry is not lost. This hope

rests upon the discoveries of the last few years, as well as upon

the supposition, that their mine may not yet be exhausted.

Just a hundred years ago Bayer signed the preface of his

acute treatise, and during the ensuing eighty years nothing ap-

peared, that could have corrected or enlarged in any essential

point his investigations. The history of the Bactrian Hellenes

continued to be a catalogue of mere names of kings; a catalogue,

as destitute of facts as laboriously arranged, and scarcely plausi-

bly complete.

The last decad of years, and chiefly its latter half, has brought

to light new monuments of that history, so unexpected and so

valuable, that the hope above alluded to, seems not to be quite

* Historia Regni Grecorum Bactriani. Auctore Theophilo Sigifredo

Bayero. Petropoli, mpcexxxvir. 4to.

256 Lassen on the Mistory traced [No. 99.

fallacious. The external outlines of the Bactrian empire, and

of those Indian states that originated in it, come out already

more distinctly in connection with many detached facts of their

internal formation. From things scarcely noticed, while the loss

of written accounts on the fate of those empires, viz. the Bac-

trian, and the Indian, (for more to suppose, there was no reason)

was lamented, even from those neglected things we have deriv-

ed that unexpected benefit, and this from a quarter whence it

was least hoped for. There have been found coins of those very

kings at the seats of their former dominions in Bactria, on the

banks of the Cabul river, and in North-western India. These are

the most authentic sources we can desire, and what assistance

coins may supply, where written accounts do not exist, has long

been evident from the history of the Seleucides and Arsacides.

It is the design of the following pages to examine those newly

acquired relics, in a light under which they have been hitherto

looked on as least likely to afford results to the historical inves-

tigator. I do not intend to relate here the history of these newly

cultivated numismatics, chiefly because my work is not to be

a numismatical treatise. It is rather for the numismatical in-

quirer, who may hereafter compare all the coins of the Bactrian

and Indian empires, and the Greek kings, to relate that history.

Here the following outlines may suffice.

Since Bayer wrote, and before the last rich discoveries,

some few single coins arrived in Europe by different ways,

and were then published. Being merely unconnected, and

scarcely supplying single deficiencies, they still excited the

hope, that by degrees so much might be collected, as in time

to yield more important advantages :—thus the coins receiv-

ed through Russia, which Koehler in Petersburg, and Tychsen*

at Gottingen have described, and likewise those which were

previously collected by Tod in India, and afterwards publish-

ed in England.t

This state of things continued till the year 1834, when

* The latter in the Comentt. Recentt. Gottingg. v. vi. ct. phil.; the

former in detached little treatises.

+ In the transactions of the Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ire-

land, vol. 1. p. 313.

1840. | Jrom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 257

the celebrated French academician, Mr. Raoul-Rochette, pub-

lished some new coins of the Greek Bactrian kings, and their

Indo-Scythian successors, which were received by way of

Russia.*

While he was editing that learned work, those investigations

and discoveries had been already made, which have so much

enlarged our knowledge, and will probably furnish us with

still ampler stores.

At that period Burnes had already wee i the journey,

by which the Indian Caucasus and Bactria were again opened

to us. Nor had his journey been unprofitable for Bactrian

numismatics, as the appendix to his well known work proves.

But all these detached acquisitions are inferior to those

which were effected at the same, or the immediately ensuing

period in India; we shall briefly mention them. Three

nations share in them.

The generals Ventura and Allard, as well as another officer,

M. Court, three Frenchmen in the service of the Raja of the

Sikhs, were first favoured with a rich crop by collecting on the

spot, but chiefly by digging in the tombs which are called fopes,

particularly in the tope of Manikyala. An Englishman settled

in Cabul, Mr. Masson, made further collections in the ruins of

ancient towns of that country, out of hill-tombs, and by zealous

inquiries in the bazars ; at the same time a German from Vienna,

Dr. Martin Honigberger, who travelled much about in the East,

was successful in collecting by the purchasing coins and opening

topes. ‘These rich and surprising discoveries, published at short

intervals, have excited among the English in India an increasing

ardour of investigation, and the number of collectors is already

too great to publish here the names of all. Upon these dis-

coveries, and upon the hope of extending the inquiries to yet

untouched seats of former civilization, is based the confidence,

that our acquisitions are not yet closed.

* Notice sur quelques médailles greicques inédites, appartenant a des rois

inconnus dela Bactriane et de |’ Inde, in the Journal des Sav. 1834, p. 328,

Here are likewise enumerated the numismatic acquisitions made from the

time of Bayer up to that period.

258 Lassen on the Mistory traced | No. 99.

oad

It will be necessary to specify more accurately the writings

in which these discoveries are described, and the coins re-

presented.

Mr. Masson has described his discoveries in three accounts,*

his statements being of singular value, concerning the places

of discovery, and the geography of some points in Cabul. His

collection contains already more than 7000 coins, not all of

which, however, refer to the Bactrian Greeks and to their Indo-

Scythian successors. The interpretation of the coins, and the

inferences joined to it, prove indeed, that Mr. Masson has not

enjoyed a learned education; he is beside destitute in Cabul of all

scientific materials; grateful therefore for such a laudable expen-

diture of time and labour, and for such a noble zeal, we shall not

criticise his deficiencies, and willingly receive from him all that is

capable of proof. Mr. Masson, I believe, served first in the

artillery, and he knows certainly much better how to deal with

numismatic inquiries, than most numismatists would know

how to serve a gun.

The most instructive accounts from India on the newly dis-

covered monuments of the Greco-Bactrian and Indo-Scythian

period, we undoubtedly owe to Mr. James Prinsep, Secretary to

the Asiatic Society in Calcutta. He has communicated to us

continued accounts of all new discoveries, has carefully and

accurately edited the coins, and has, with great diligence and

acuteness, tried to explain them, and by demonstrating the con-

nexion between the Indian and the Indo-Scythian numismatics,

first established an entirely unexpected new and important fact.

His decypherings of the native medalography, and his interpre-

tations of the native legends in Greek characters, leave to succeed-

ing inquirers only the task of rectifying and defining more

precisely a few isolated points. He deserves the higher praise,

as he is his own teacher in the province of numismatics, origi-

nally foreign to his studies. His beautiful discoveries in the old

Indian paleography, concern, more nearly than he perhaps pre-

sumed himself, the explanation of the Bactrian coins, and we

are entitled to expect still richer contributions from his ardour.

* In the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. iii p. 152, with en-

grayings, which leave much to be desired.

1840. | Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 259

By his treatises, published in the above-mentioned Journal, we

are best able to observe the course, and the gradual increase of

those discoveries.*

The collection made by Dr. Honigberger, as well as that of

General Allard, and a portion of Ventura’s collection, have been

brought to Paris, where Mr. Raoul-Rochette edited and describ-

ed them.ft Mr. Raoul-Rochette is so well known to all European

learned men as a solid and acute inquirer into antiquity, as well

as an experienced and judicious connoisseur of ancient art,

that I need hardly declare that the explanation of those coins

could not have been intrusted to more skilful hands. He who

is not a numismatist, will be doubly obliged to him for the

exactness with which he exhibits every trace of historical refer-

ences, preserved in the coins.

Though the Germans could not share in editing the coins,

yet they have been fellow-labourers, as well in the collecting,

as in the interpreting of them. I have to mention here

two learned men,—Mr. K. O. Mueller, at Gottingen, who had

already publishedt a detailed account, full of striking remarks,

on the newly acquired coins. But of much greater importance

is his lately published treatise on Indo-Grecian coins.§ It is an

example as clear as solid, of the new results which the history

of those countries has gained by those coins.

* They are chiefly the following, vol. 111. p. 313. On the coins and

relics, discovered by M. le Chevalier Ventura, in the tope of Manikyala.

P. 486. Continuation of observations on the coins and relics, &c. at the

same place, p. 562. Notes on the coins, discovered by M. Court, vol. 111.

iv. p. 317. Further notes and drawings of Bactrian and Indo-Scythic

coins; at the same place, p. 621. p. 668. On the connection of various

ancient Hindoo coins with the Grecian or Indo-Scythic series. vol. v. p. 548.

New varieties of Bactrian coins from Mr. Masson’s drawings, and other

sources ; at the same place, p. 639. New varieties of the Mithraic or Indo-

Scythic series of coins and their imitations; at the same place, p. 720. New

types of Bactrian and Indo-Scythic coins.

+ Supplément 4 la notice, ete. Journ. des Sav. 1835. Deuxiéme supplé-

ment 4a la notice, etc. at the same place, 1836. Both likewise in a separate

edition, after which I shall make the citations.

{ Goettingen Anzeigen. 1835. No. 177. p. 1761.

§ At the same place, 1838. No. 21. p. 201.

260 Lassen on the History traced [No. 99

Dr. Grotefend, from whom we have since received an excel-

lent essay on the decyphering of the Celtiberic alphabet, had

proved already, by his work on the unknown writing of the

Bactrian coins,* that he possessed the zeal and talent to

aspire after the fame his worthy father had acquired in the art

of decyphering;—his work having been independent of that of

Mr. Prinsep, is a direct recommendation of their labours, as

both have obtained almost similar results. I shall shortly men-

tion, what still may be amended in them.

It is then the design of the following work, to rectify and

enlarge the decyphering of the alphabet; to define the language

of the native words imprinted on the coins ; and to illustrate the

relics of the written history of the Bactro-Indian kingdoms, ac-

cording to a paleographic and philological view.

The author being no numismatist, does not conceal to himself,

that he cannot depend upon his own judgment in numismatic

investigations. However, for this part of the explanation of the

Bactrian coins, he was so much prepared by the preceding works,

that he was, while at work, but seldom sensible of the insuffici-

ency of his knowledge in this respect. Should he sometimes

have ventured to recede from the inferences of the numismatists,

they will, he hopes, excuse him for this little deviation from

their authority if, on the other hand, he may succeed in com-

pleting in some instances their inferences by his investigations ;

for perhaps few of them will be familiar with those authorities by

means of which he proposes attempting to advance the whole

subject a step further.

As the Bactrian empire was placed in the centre of communi-

cation, crossing from west and east, from north and south, the

modes of research for interpretation of its documents and res-

toration of its history, must unite from various parts, in order

to complete the investigation. The Grecian, the old Persian,

the old Indian, and the Chinese philologies meeting here, in

close contact, must mutually supply their respective deficien-

cies. |

I shall now more distinctly define the subject of my work.

* Blaetter zur Muenzkunde (leaves on Numismatics) 1836, No. 26.

1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 261

When we meet upon the coins with legends of a twofold writing,

viz., a Grecian and another unknown, we dare positively assert,

that. the names written on the one side in Grecian characters,

must be repeated on the reverse. From this point of view

Messrs. Prinsep and Grotefend have also found the alphabet,

which I have to rectify only in a few points; for in the main

point the decyphering of the alphabet is already completed.

If I may be allowed to state beforehand, in what respect both

have been mistaken, it appears to be the following :—Neither of

them has succeeded in the choice of words to explain the

appellatives in the native language, in consequence of which,

both have adopted some spurious letters. Mr. Grotefend had not

at his command coins enough to observe this mistake in the ap-

plication of these words to proper names; besides, the legends

have become so indistinct, that without comparing many copies,

it is often impossible to find the real shape of some letters,

or the proper native orthography. Mr. Grotefend appears in

general not to have borne in mind, that the native language

might be of such a nature as to require an orthography

different from the Grecian, and he therefore adapts also the

vowels to the latter, though the native writing has its pro-

per system of denoting vowels, from which it is not allowed

to depart.

Mr. Prinsep has arrived at this system; but as he does

not apply it with sufficient exactness, he is mistaken in the

reading of an important letter, and obstructs his own way to

an accurate knowledge of the native language. Though he

is quite correct in supposing, that the native orthography

must not always copy every Grecian letter, yet, he does not

accurately define the nature of those deviations, and is too

easily satisfied with a groundless difference in the orthography.

With regard to some ietters, the proposed alphabets present

also differences in shape too great to allow their adoption,

without a more careful examination.

It would be unjust to mention this censure, without adding

at the same time, that my alphabet is entirely grounded upon

that of my predecessors, and that the merit of the real de-

cyphering is due to them.

262 Lassen on the Mstory traced [No. 99.

FIRST BART.

DECYPHERING.

Fundamentals of Decyphering.

I first put together a number of letters, about which there

cannot be any doubt, and which have been read in the same

way by Messrs. Prinsep and Grotefend; to these I shall add

some others, concerning which I differ in opinion from one or

the other, and I shall state my reasons. In connection with this,

T shall make some previous inferences, as well on the character

of the alphabet, as of the language.

1. 9, A. This is established from the names Apollodotos,

Antialkides, Antimachos, Azes, and Amyntas, in which it is the

first symbol. Mr. Prinsep observes this letter to be written as

only initial.* This is so far to be limited, that it is only written

when the syllable commences with A, just as 3yT in the Indian

alphabets; for in the name Antialkides, we find 9 in the

middle of a word, according to Mr. Prinsep’s own latter remark.t

Mr. Grotefend, according to the coins, has stated four varieties

of the shape, but they are all really the same, and well pre-

served copies represent only the foregoing character.

After a consonant which has the vowel, A 9 is never met

with, from which we infer, that the sound A is accounted inhe-

rent in the consonant, and is not represented by an express

symbol. On the other hand, we shall find proper symbols of

vowels, whenever a consonant is followed by any other letter

than A; it appears here, therefore, the same system of ortho-

graphy as in the Indian alphabets, and in the arrow-headed

writing. For the omission of A, when the syllable has a final

consonant, and for which the Indian alphabet has adopted the

symbol of pause (Virdma), there is not found any symbol in our

legends, as it does not occur in the arrow-headed writing.

2. ~, O. This symbol occupies always, (with the excep-

* As. Jour. No. vy. p. 722: + As. Jour. No. tv. p. 329.

1840. | Jrom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 263

tion of a single word, viz. the name in the native legend upon

the coin of Agathokles,) the final place of a word ; all authentic

words do also end in P. Hence, because O is the termination of

the nominative singular masculine in the Zend, and because an

omicron occupies the final place whenever native words are

rendered by Grecian letters, as for instance PAO, KOPANO,

Mr. Prinsep infers,* that P must be the same with O. Mr.

Grotefend has arrived at the same result, and has noted eight

varieties of the symbol, two of which will prove genuine, (the

fourth and fifth), the others, however, are partly mutilations,

partly real, but indifferent deviations. In accordance with

Mr. Prinsep, I can admit only two varieties. P appearst often

with a small cross line below, a peculiarity, which, however, will

recur in many other letters. But whether the round above be

closed or not, is quite incidental.

To the reasons alleged by Mr. Prinsep, I add also, that the

most common dialect of the Pracrit, instead of the A of the

Sanscrit, substitutes likewise 6 in the nominative sing. masc.

This is indeed the case only with masculine words, ending in A ;

but they form, as well in Zend, as in Sanscrit and Pracrit, by far

the most numerous class of words. This nominative, therefore,

refers also to India, as the native country of the Zend, and

decides nothing about the language upon the coins.

Whether P must be read as 6 long, or as short 0, a-+-w, is not

easily to be decided. The Sanscrit has but a long 6 (compound

ofa + u). In the Zend, 6 is likewise a diphthong, to be con-

sidered as the coalescence of a and u, though one of both

forms of 6 may have been shortened in the pronunciation ; for

* As. Jour. No. rv. p. 329.

+ For a long time Mr. James Prinsep, with Mr. Grotefend and the author

of this essay, read the character D as a form of the 3 u or 6, but he

latterly rejected this reading, and adopted the Sanscrit genitive as Ainstead

of the Zend one of O. The character was universal as a final of names,

and was evidently an inflection. The reasons for his reading ) as an S

will be found in pages 642 and 643, vol. vii of the Journal, that is, in

the Journal for July, 1838.

Mr. Lassen has admitted his preference of the reading of this letter as S,

in a letter to Mr. Prinsep we shall presently quote at length.---H. T. P.

264 Lassen on the History traced [No. 99.

it appears in instances where the Sanscrit renders A by the

Greek O for instance, Bharait (Bharét) Zd. Bardit, Gr. péoou.

The long 6 of Sanscrit is generally kept in Pracrit,* parti-

cularly in the terminations, though the shortening of this vowel

must be admitted in some instances. The contiguous languages,

(for I scarcely need to say that the language upon the coins

must among those three meet with its relation) seem to coincide

in proving the Pto be 6. That P cannot be an entirely short O

is evident from the fact, that the Greek omicron is never

rendered by ®, as for instance in Apollodotos. But because for

the termination P the Grecian paraphrase puts also an QO, this

intimates, undoubtedly, that the pronunciation of FP is at least

shortened in the terminations.

For the above reading of the letter P I could not plead its

use in the legend upon the Agothokleian coins, for the authen-

ticity of the word is not quite settled. Mr. Prinsep supposes

this legend to consist of two words, both ending in P ; I rather

think it a Greek word, in which P would correspond to ».

The Parthic name Vononest requires » in the second syllable,

according to Grecian orthography ; however, the native repre-

sentation of this name is matter for discussion, which can-

not be entered upon at present, I shall therefore be satisfied

now to denote P by 6, and with the above mentioned re-

striction, I think it long P.

3. u M. The fixing of this letter belongs to both my

predecessors, and is confirmed by the names Antimachos,

Menandros, Hermaios, Diomedes, and Amyntas.

The symbol often has below the small cross line ¥ already

alluded to; it may even be connected with the main figure

by a perpendicular line ¥

The form w occurs for the syllable ME in Menandros, for

MH in Diomedes, for MY in Amyntas.

From the name Menandros, and from the application of this

symbol to other consonants, followed by the vowel é, Mr.

Prinsep has inferred, that the perpendicular line must be the

sign of short é. This opinion is certainly right, and will be

* My Grammar, p. 150.

+ The noting of Vonones has been given up by Mr. Lassen.

1840. | Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 265

fully confirmed. The i, following consonants, is always re-

presented by this line, which, in favour of the figure of some

consonants, is rendered also obliquely. In similar manner

the e or iin this place is denoted in the old Indian alphabets

by a mark above, connected with the consonants. Mr. Grote-

fend, following the Greek alphabet, has incorrectly adopted a

as the representative of the vowel in W; if this be so, the

same sign must represent y in Amyntas, é in Diomedes,

and i, if there is i in the Greek, as for instance, with “ in

Antimachos. It is evident, that it always is the same vowel,

which did not sound differently in different words, but is always

i, and that the native language substituted the same one for

those four Greek vowels together; this supposition agrees also

much better with the nature of those languages. They all

reject the uv; in consequence, we find wv in Amyntas, as it was

the sound, most congenial to the ear. When upon the coins

Dijamido is written for Diomedes, we ascribe it to the pro-

nunciation of the 7 as an i, which already had stolen in; the

vowel, however, in this instance must be long. But because

we also do not find the long A differing in orthography from

the short A, the objection taken, that our line is likewise sub-

stituted for a long i, will be of no consequence.

The position holds good, when the vowel-line may represent <.

Why was é not written for &, seeing that we observed before,

that P though really 6, is still sometimes put for 6? Now just,

because the language has an 6, I am inclined to infer, that it had

also an é.* He who is acquainted with the analogy of languages

used in lands contiguous (to Bactria,) will admit of the inference.

In the Sanscrit there is no é, but there is ané ; on the other hand,

the Zend has even three és (é, €,é,) the first of which is decidedly

a short vowel; lastly, there is an é in the Pracrit,+ which is still

more frequently shortened than 6, but being shortened, alter-

nates with i. In the Zend, the manuscripts give also sometimes

i for €; but otherwise the é is not related to i. Why then was

the sign e not written for the Greek «, if that sound was to be

*T have above endeavoured to express the German sound of @ by A

which it resembles : I shall hereafter leave it as it is.

+ Vide my Grammar.

266 Lassen on the Mistory traced [No. 99.

met with in that language? That this was not the case, the

names Philoxenos and Hermaios will hereafter prove. The na-

tive € must have been considered too grave to be equivalent to

the light Greek ¢; the written characters at least had not an é,

as evident from its not having been used in the above named

instances; consequently there remains scarcely any other course

than to write i. For the principle of Historical Comparative

Grammar, under which in Zend and Greek, é would be pro-

duced by shortening an original 4, cannot be applied to words,

written down* from merely hearing them pronounced. We

might rather here apply the analogy of the Pracrit, which seeks

to substitute an i for the shortened é, as in shortening the sound

é, produced by the coalition of a and i, the element i prevails.

Were the language upon the coms Zend, we must expect

an é; but if it were the dialect of a country upon the Indian

side of the Hindu Koosh, we should not be surprised by fall-

ing in with the Indian system of vowels.

On the fact, that upon the coins, i only is always substituted

for the four Greek vowels ¢, ¢, , v, or for the sounds a, e, ee, y,

I ground the proposition, that the mode of writing Greek names

was based upon the system of native sounds, according to which

the foreign names were changed. It is included in this proposi-

tion, that it will by no means be necessary to refer in every

peculiarity (observable in the native character), to Grecian or-

thography. Should we misapprehend this principle, we should

run the risk of thinking we recognized the native characters in

incorrect positions.

4. h P. Apollodotos is sufficient to establish this letter.

Both my predecessors have already adopted it. In Philoxenus

also occurs the initial P, from which it is evident, that, the

Greek ¢ not being in the native language, P was substituted

for it; the Zend, and the old Persian have f, the Sanscrit and

Pracrit only ph, or P, with a prolonged aspiration. By the

want of f in the language upon the coins, we may observe an

affinity to the character of the Indian languages, and a diversity

from that of Iran. But because there was no letter corres-

ponding to the Greek ¢, it still does not follow, that f did not

* As they would be in the language under consideration.---TRANs.

1840. | trom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 267

exist ; this cannot be clearly ascertained, until after the examina-

tion of the un-Grecian names Unadpherres and Kadphises ; for

the Greek # will be only the representative of an f in them.

I observe on this occasion, that thrice in the native legends no

vowel sign occurs for the o in Apollodotos, but only the

consonant with its inherent a. .Though it follows from this,

that the language of the coins owned not a pure 6, yet we must

also bear in mind, that as now in some Indian dialects, so

the a, as pronounced of old, when occurring in middle

syllables, approached to the pronunciation of o. Though

we otherwise had to expect to find the Greek rendered

by u (00), we nevertheless observe it once only upon these coins,

and even there it is not certain. On the other hand, in the

merely Indian alphabet of the coins of Agathocles omicron

is represented by u (00).

I maintained, that P was the initial in the name Philoxenos.

Where then is the i (ee)? on the copy R. R. II. No. 5 we

distinctly observe the trace of i, as the sign + appears there. It

is therefore to be restored as *. The other copies, R. R. II. No.6

As. Trans. Vol. rv. Pl. xx1. No. 2. have indeed only got hf, pa,

but the state of the coins proves, that a part of the character may

have been effaced. A fourth coin (As. Trans. Vol. tv. Pl. xxt.

No. 1) isso much spoiled in its initials, that no use can be made

of it. for pi will afterwards sufficiently be proved.

5. «4 is for lo in Apollodotos, 4 for li in Azilises, and for

ly in Lysias.* It is superfluous to repeat here the discussion on

‘ this vowel sign. I likewise adopt the | from my predecessors.

In the name Antialkides, there occurs an 4, though in Greek

1 is without a vowel. From this circumstance, however, we do

not consider ‘as a variety of 4, but here evidently is a trans-

formation of the Greek name according to the rules of native

sounds. The important consequences on this remark, here only

hinted at, will be proved hereafter.

On the character itself, I shall only observe, that the small

perpendicular line on the left hand is sometimes turned up-

wards; at least, if As. Trans. Vol. rv. Pl. xx1. No. 1. the

apparently well preserved word, by which avixnroc is expressed,

is faithfully represented by Mr. Prinsep. But the form I have

268 Lassen on the History traced [No. 99.

adopted is most prevalent ; we are not yet sufficiently prepared

to enter into full’ discussion on the -h, which denotes lo in

Philoxenos.

6. “1, t and, d. It is difficult to distinguish these two

symbols, and they are so often confounded, that we might

take one for the other. We might be even induced to think,

that the language of the coins did not distinguish between t

and d, that it perhaps always changed an* independent t into

d, as the common Pracrit does, or an independent d into t,

as the Paizdki dialect of the Pracrit,t assigned (as a spoken |

tongue) to tracts immediately under the Himalaya, and in the

Punjab.{ But let us cite some facts.

The same symbol for t and d occurs in R. R. I. No. 7;

there is at least no essential difference, though the i with t

is of course represented “1.

As. Trans. Vol. tv. Pl. xxv. No. 9, the ti is almost x, while

the dis nearly an angle ; at the same place, No. 10, the t is effaced,

and indistinct ; we find again upon No. 11, t and d quite similar ;

d has only got the small cross-line we already observed with +

and which never denotes a difference. In t (ti) and d in Antial-

kides, As. Trans. Vol. rv. Pl. xxv1. No. 9, and No. 10, t is in

both instances more crooked, while d appears quite angular ; on

No. 11 they are both alike, and the i in ti is effaced. The t in

Antimachos is likewise more curved, and serpentine. As. Trans.

Vol. rv. Pl. xx1. No. 3 and No. 4. The t in Amyntas, As. Trans.

Vol. Pl.xtvi.No. |.is quite angular,as d in other cases,in Diome-

des. As. Trans. Vol. v. Pl. xxxvi. No. 3, the upper part of d has

quite disappeared. Apollodotos finally puts t and d close toge-

ther. As. Trans. Vol. rv. Pl. xxvi. No. 4. gives to t almost the

angular form of d, while d is entirely rounded. No. 5 represents

- the regular d, but a much distorted t ; in the same manner, No.

7; and No. 6 is of no use as authority ; No. 8 gives t in the angu-

lar form with the small cross—besides, there is above at the left

* Vide my grammar, p. 442.

+ At the same place p. 15. |

t The reference by Prof. Lassen to his grammar (which I have not)

would explain the expression, which I am otherwise unable to gain the force

of.---TRANs.

1840. ] Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 269

angle a small line, turned upwards; the d is here more open

than an obtuse angle of 100°. The small line, shooting up to the

left, is however met with (R. R. II. No. 14, No. 13) likewise in

d, which here completely assumes the form of t, while the t has

become more slender, and more like a straight line.

This uncertainty in the character does not only occur upon

the older coins which represent a.native writing, less carefully

executed ; for though, according to Mr. Prinsep’s remark, it

becomes more distinct and exact in process of time, still the

same difficulty in distinguishing precisely d and t occurs upon

the well preserved coins of Azes. Thus upon the coin, As.

Trans. 1v. Pl. xx11. No. 10, No. 1, where the t of the word

mahaté (great) takes in both the angular form of d, once with

the cross-line below, the second time with the final stroke above,

shooting out (1), while there is upon a third coin (No. 2)

a t with a final stroke, turned upwards to the left (1),

If therefore a distinction between both letters is to be made,

we are at a loss what characters belong to either of them.

Since we are now only in search of the language, and the writing

gives us no explanation itself, I only know one way to come to

a conclusion. It is indeed proper to read, with regard to names,

according to the Greek, because there is evidently a tendency

to distinguish t and d from one another ; but this tendency may

here be attributed to the influence of the foreign names of kings,

and it decides therefore nothing about the original rule of

sounds in the language. For this the analogy of what occurs in

other organs would be the strongest criterion; if p and b, k

and g, be likewise not distinguished, we can maintain this as

being both t and d. We therefore shall defer the decision of

the question as to whether in the language of our coins, the

different grades of consonants were confounded.

Mr. Prinsep has explicitly noticed the uncertainty of the

characters ; Mr. Grotefend gives evidence of it in his alphabet,

and adds to d some entirely deviating forms. In order not to

copy in printing all those little varieties, I have always put

for t, 1, for ti, 4, for d, 1, and for di, 4, when I adopted the one

or the other according to Greek, or from internal evidence ; but a

final decision must by no means be anticipated, as to this point.

270 Lassen on the History traced [No. 99.

Lastly, in discussing this question, the great similarity of t and

d with r must be kept in sight, so that it becomes very difficult

to distinguish them ; however, it would lead to an extreme con-

clusion to throw these three letters in the same mould.

8. $n. For this Mr. Prinsep adopts ¢ ; so does Mr. Grote-

fend, who adds besides five other entirely different characters, as

representing n; but they have been produced from mistakes in

reading, as will be proved hereafter; s occurs indeed in the

syllable na of the name Menandros upon many coins ; As. Trans.

Vol. rv. Pl. xxxvi. No. | has ¢ ; on the other hand, No. 2. a. b.

has my character. No. 3. likewise has it, only a little distorted ;

also As. Trans. Vol. v. Pl. xivi. No. 5 and No. 8. particularly

the latter, where the curvature is more prominent than in my

character, and a point is superadded ({:) At the same place, No. 6

has indeed the character as exhibited by Messrs. Prinsep and

Grotefend. At R. R.I. No. 12, the form is quite indistinct, also

No. 8. No. 9; at No. 10, the drawer seems to have been incor-

rect. The copy, according to Tod,* is of much less use. In

Philoxenos, As. Trans. rv. Pl. xx1. No. 1, my symbol occurs ;

No. 2 has got the other R. R. IT, No. 6 some mixture of both.

The cross-line below, being proved to be an unmeaning

ornament, we have in fact but to choose between { and ¢ ; and

these appear to me varieties only of the same character, ac-

cording as the middle part of the letter was bent in another

way. But since the figure ¢ occurs also in instances, where it

cannot be n, I preferred the figure { for the type.

It might be supposed that, because n appears so often, the

distinction was to be easily effected, and the foregoing dis-

cussion therefore might be quite superseded. For we have

also to expect n in Antialkides, in Antimachos, and in Amyntas.

But on looking for n in the corresponding places, we find

nothing at all, and it must be directly evident to the unpre-

judiced inquirer, that here the letter n was not expressed, viz.

not before t, at least not by a symbol, placed in the line.

As to the supposition, however, that the point ({°) near {, often

Trans. of the R. A. S. vol. 1. p. xu. No. 2.

1840. ] from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 271

recurring in the name of Menandros, might denote the nasal

sound, in like manner‘as in the Indian orthography a point, viz.

the Anusvara, represents a nasal sound (@ Sanscrit @q:,

santah), there are two objections; first, the point is met with in

situations, where a nasal sound can by no means be expected, as

for instance directly with the following letter in Menandros,

where it is placed on the left ¢ (As. Trans. Vol. v. Pl. xiv.

No. 8) and secondly, after 1 (at the same place) where it could

only denote an 4.

The name Menandros never exhibits the second n, and for dr

there is but one symbol. Mr. Grotefend seems to be of opinion,

that the last half was omitted, and Menan only extant, but the

termination 6 is always found, and the name is complete accord-

ing to the native orthography. There must have been there-

fore, besides the omission of n before d, which is established

beyond doubt by the analogous omission before t, a further

alteration of the name. This may suffice for preparatory

observation.

9. For X in Antimachos the figure S$ occurs (R.R. II. No. 4.

and As. Trans. Vol. rv. Pl. xx1. No. 3): at the same place upon

No. 4, the character being a little obliterated, is like a 1. I

shall write kh; the fixing of this letter is due to both my

predecessors.

10. U is accounted by Mr. Prinsep as a variety of 1, though

he likewise was about to explain it by h.* He can adduce

authority for 1, only in the native word for king, which he

proposes to read malakdo, without giving an explanation, as to

how this Semitic word may have crept into this place. The

proposition to read this word as maharaé, he afterwards dis-

approves of. Mr. Grotefend, however, reads it thus, and he is

certainly right with reference toh. But in order not to be

hasty in deciding a point so important (for by reading h we

render the language decidedly Indian, and exclude the Zend)

let us look fer a name, in which h occurs. Hermaios is most

proper for this end, because the h is initial; we only have

to premise, that it must also exhibit the symbol of i, i being

* As. To 31voaol:

272 Lassen on the History traced [No. 99.

substituted for <. Now the name (R. R.I No. 13) distinctly

commences with X ; likewise (As. Trans. Vol. 1v. Pl. xxrv. No. |

3) at the same place No. 1 has i quite distinctly, with the

reservation, that the lower curve of the h is lost, and if the

coin be not put in proper position, the last letter appears

too erect, while the real position of h would appear to

incline to a slope. Upon No. 2 the h is effaced, upon :

No. 4 distorted, and the i has disappeared. The coin (As. Trans.

Vol. v. Pl. xxxv. No. 11) is distinct, but h here also is ina

more erect position than it occurs in usually.

The 1 often recurs in the title of king, and the beautiful

Azes coins define the character, while the native word for great

will sufficiently confirm us in reading it h; X as hi is equally

evident. |

11. The symbol, subsequent to hi, and placed before m upon

the above named coins of Hermaios, is more or less similar

to at; but since it must be an r, the great similarity of both,

before already alluded to, is evinced by it. Both my predeces-

sors also acknowledge the r in the figure 1; Mr. Grotefend only

adds from the name Eukratides, as it appears, a figure (*h) not

appertaining to r. Mr. Prinsep gives another, which he has

adopted from the Hermaios coins, before mentioned ; a more

accurate examination, and the comparison of the different copies,

however, proves it to be but a form of r on a more extended

scale. I have adopted the more angular form from the Azes

coins, and also kept the sketchy approach to the cross-line

below, viz. “1, to distinguish it from d.

12. Ican now take another more decisive step. The word for

BaciArsve So often met with, which Mr. Prinsep read malakdo,

and Mr. Grotefend maharaé, undoubtedly consists in accordance

with so many copies, of the following letters, P4alvu. We are

already acquainted with maharaéd. The character 4 which often

has two oblique lines, as upon the Menandros coins, (As. Trans.

v. Pl. xuvi. No. 6. No. 8.), but which in others, is defective in

the lower cross-line, is read 4 by both my predecessors. Neither

of them seem to have been aware, that if 4 be taken in this case

as written after r, it also must occur wherever a long a follows

a consonant; so that if the first half of the title be maha, the 4

1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Seythian coins. 273

must be also placed after h, as the word is maha; the

Semitic word malakaé is indeed a very doubtful interpretation,

while, as the second letter is an h, not an 1, and the third not

ak, every shadow of identity with it disappears.

If then & is not d, it must be a consonant, and this cannot

be but g, (dj. Sf) The word therefore is mahara-g'é, viz. Great

king. Against Mr. Prinsep’s* first opinion, that 4 did never

occur as an initial, it has been proved by a later discoveryf,

that the native translation of the word vikatwp commences with

a 4, the two first symbols are AY, and because A is j, we

must read g'aja, viz. victory, Sanscrit B@, and if there should

remain any doubt, I beg to add, that vixngdpoc is also trans-

lated by the same native word, as upon the Archelaos coins

(As. Jour. v. pl. xxxv. No. 1.)

Let us here only take up the new word, Maharag'é. Ra as

well as ha have in the Indian language a long vowel; but to

denote this there is no symbol extant-in the legend on the

coins. Upon some copies, as above mentioned, we meet

with a point below the h, as upon the Menandros coins (As.

Jour. v. pl. xuvi. No. 6. and No. 8;) but m has there also

‘such a point, and even the name Menandros at the last letter

before o. In no case can it be taken for a. The point

must have another meaning.

Hence it follows, that the inscription on the coins, does

not distinguish between a long and short a, as I have

already noticed, when observing on the letter i. This pro-

position is of highest consequence for the reading of indigenous

appellatives.

I therefore read mahdérdg'6. If it be even granted, that this

royal title might be introduced from contiguous India, and in

consequence of this not sufficient to decide of itself the rela-

tionship of the language upon the coins, yet, it serves as an

indication of the mode we are to follow in interpreting the other

titles.

13. The last syllable in Hermaios is PA (As. Trans. Vol. tv.

Pl. xxiv. No. 1 ;) upon No. 3, and No. 4, the 6 occurs in an un-

* As. Trans. tv. 332.

7 os. Trans. ¥. pl. xivi, NO, 2.

274 Lassen on the History traced [No. 99.

common form, which is perhaps only produced by the sharp

accentuation. Thus ends likewise the name of Lysias; at

the same place (As. Trans. Vol. rv. Pl. xxv. No. 12. R. R. II.

No. 8.) Mr. Prinsep inferred, that A was aj}; Mr. Grotefend ex-

presses it by i. But if we restore, according to Mr. Prinsep’s

striking remark, the upper line of the penultimate in the name

of Diomedes, (As. Trans. Pl. xxxv. No. 3.) we shall have

PAWAN, in consequence dajamidé, for no body would be

inclined to read daimidé; and on the other hand, daimidé

must be written Pw, A therefore is a consonant, and PAU x

is to be read hirmajé. In the same manner PAYA must be

accepted as lisajé.

Here I must however, remark, that we do not yet know

whether “| be not rather written as the initial in Diomedes. Mr.

Masson read PA at the end upon the coin of Archelaos,

(As. Trans. Vol. rv. Pl. xxxv. No. 1.) but the name upon the

coin has become illegible. According to the same analogy we

must rather expect Lisij6, PAA ; and here also we cannot come

to conclusion, but by recommencing the investigation of the

same coins, or by discovery of a new one. :

From these corrected readings some peculiarities of the lan-

guage become evident.

From Hirmajé, being substituted for Hermaios, it follows,

that the language did not favour an open diphthong, as ai, and

therefore changed the i into the affinative semi-vowel j. It

probably did likewise reject aw, and it would have been ren-

dered in av, if a vowel followed this diphthong.

From Lisajé and Dajamidé or Lisijé and Dijamidé, it follows,

that this language was averse to admit the use of i, followed by a

vowel, even if a consonant preceded thei; I use the expressi-

on “ is averse to” this admission ; for if the three first syllables

in Antialkides are expressed by atia, this is probably done only

in obedience to the order of a foreign king. So much at least

is evident, that the language rejected the hiatus in Lysias and

Diomedes ; in what manner it was supplied, must be left at pre-

sent undecided. However, the most obvious conjecture is, that

a j was evolved from i. Thus the Sanscrit in bhié resolves

the long i into i whence bhiyé; in yarti, ij is derived from a

1840. ] From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 275

short 2 (t-arti) ; likewise, rijadi from ri-ati. The Pracrit would

admit the hiatus in Lysias, and Diomedes.

I shall yet add on the orthography of hirmaé the following

remarks. We can find no affix to the r showing it to be r by

itself, and not ra. There is indeed no sign of pause, no virdma,

any more than is met with in the arrow-headed writing. We

must then also here decide on purely philological grounds, whe-

ther a consonant, having no other vowel sign, is to be read with

a or without it. The one peculiarity explains the other.*

Messrs. Prinsep and Grotefend read, according to the Greek,

the symbol 1 in Azes as z, and the symbol A in Azilises as i.

Mr. Prinsep is inclined to admit also its denoting g’ (a );T

but as we have found 4 as expressive of this letter, we cannot

agree in this supposition. On the other hand, it is more dif-

ficult to decide, whether A be the representative of z (soft s).t

I observe, however, that Azes and Azilises are not originally

Greek names. The Greek orthography may therefore exhibit

itself as expressive of permutative pronunciation, and the prin-

cipal question would be, what sound both kings gave those

names in their own tongue? Though this be here mere matter

of conjecture, yet, I think, I could maintain this one point, viz.

that the language, as related to the Sanscrit and Pracrit, had

not the sibilant sound z of the Zend and old Persian languages,

nor the French and Portuguese j, nor the Persians ; it must

therefore denote such a sound by another letter. A French j,

very softly pronounced, may indeed sound to the ear as a Y>

on the other hand, z as well as the French j, proceed from

y- If then those Indo-Scythian names sounded as Azes and

Azilises, the Greek representation of them would be, on the one

hand, a most proper one, and on the other, that. upon the coins,

would serve as helping to give a proximate idea (of the sounds.)

That A denotes j, is too much confirmed by the above men-

tioned Greek names, to be given up; and to adopt two different

* In this somewhat obscure passage I understand Prof. Lassen to mean,

that the absence of the virdma in the arrow-headed characters explains the

similar peculiarity observable here.--~Trans.

+ As. T.\iv. 830.

{ Diez Romanische Grammatik 1, 220.

276 Lassen’s Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. — [No. 99.

sounds for the same symbol, is foreign to the character of those

languages, which write in accordance with prenunciation, and

which are hardly acquainted with historical orthography, as the

French and English have now got it, (or the mode of writing

words arbitrarily, and as not pronounced.)

14. I will now observe succinctly on the s in the name of

Lysjias. In As. Trans. Vol. rv. Pl. xxv1. No. 12, we find X for

s; the y which follows it, which Mr. Prinsep believed to be a

t, is indistinct ; so also upon the copy, R. R. II. 8: both repre-

sentations by Mr. Masson (As. Tran. Vol. 111. Pl. rx. No. 15

No. 6) furnish only a scrawl, at which however, nobody will

much hesitate ; with R. R. I. is distinctly the character Y, there is

here indeed no trace of ani, and we had to read Lisajé. Mr.

Grotefend renders the y, by reading Lisié, i. But I have al-

ready previously stated, that we must here expect an i, and we

may indeed take the character in the As. Trans. so, as still to

preserve the trace of that letter. For by comparing si in the

name of Philoxenos, it appears, that in vy the i crosses the

triangle; upon the coins, (As. Trans. Vol. rv. Pl. xx1. No.

1 and 2,a x viz. si) twice before no, the difference being, that in

course of time the triangular character has taken an open form.

R. R. II. No. 5, is well preserved, and has V. I therefore adopt

also V as the perfect character upon the coin of Lysias.

I must prove hereafter, that vy 1s probably a sh (sch. q.)

(To be continued.)

277

Official correspondence on the attaching of Lightning Conductors

to Powder Magazines. Communicated by permission of Govern-

ment, by W. B. O’SuauGunessy, Assistant Surgeon, Bengal

Medical Service.

INTRODUCTORY NOTE. |

The great importance and difficulty of the question now under discussion,

here and in Europe, regarding the attaching of Lightning Rods to Powder

Magazines, led me to solicit the permission of Government for the pub-

lication of the following documents.

Opportunities are so abundant in India for the investigation of such

facts as may elucidate the difficulties still besetting this subject, that I

should be deficient in all public feeling, did I hesitate in publishing this

correspondence, although the high name of Mr. Daniell is arrayed on

the opposite side to that which I have taken.

Mr. Daniell conceives conductors to be at all times infallible in the pro-

tection they afford, and he would attach them closely to the Magazine. I

adduce facts on the other hand to shew, 1° that to derive perfect safety from

this apparatus, we must use many more conductors than are generally

directed; 2° that an inadequate number only increases the risk of a direct

stroke of lightning ; 3° that with any number, if placed close to the Maga-

zine, although they carry off aut the lightning to the ground, the Magazine

may still be blown up, by minute sparks occurring among the powder bar-

rels, by the disturbance of their own electricity, while the lightning is pass-

ing outside the building.

Mr. Faraday’s opinion in all the essential points at issue, coincides with

mine; and my lamented friend, James Prinsep, entertained exactly similar

ideas to those advanced in my first report to the Military Board; in Eng-

land, Mr. Sturgeon and Mr. Roberts take the same side in the discussion.

Our chief opponents are Messrs. Daniell and Harris, and both these gentle-

men, I know not why, have lost temper in the controversy. This indis-

cretion I strive to avoid, through respect for my distinguished antagonists

and for myself. The question is one simply of facts, and the inferences seem

sufficiently obvious; our sole object is to arrive at the truth, and this can

only be reached by the temperate and patient investigation of all the cir-

cumstances before us.

W. B. O'S.

3rd August, 1840.

278 On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. {No. 99.

(No. 1.)

To Dr. O’SHAUGHNESSY,

Medical College.

Ordnance Department.

SIR,

The Military Board having been called upon by Government

to report upon the expediency or otherwise of attaching light-

ning conductors to powder magazines, I have been instructed

to address you on the subject, in the hope that your scientific

knowledge may assist the Board in forming a correct opinion

on that point.

2. Should the use of lightning conductors be considered

by you desirable, the Board would feel obliged by any sug-

gestions that you may be able to offer as to their height,

position, size, and number for any given extent of horizontal

or vertical surface.

3. The accompanying memorandum was received from the

Court of Directors, and you are requested to return it with your

reply.

Fort Wilham, :

Military Board Office, Your obedient servant,

22nd December, 1838. W. Desupg,

Officiating Secretary Military Board.

I am Sir,

(Memorandum.)

The higher a conductor is elevated, the more its efficacy

will be increased.

Therefore for a powder magazine the conducting rod should

be elevated seven feet at the least above the highest point of

the building; should be placed standing out one foot from

the building, and be made as continuous and direct as possible,

branching out at the level of the ground, and carried under

ground in a dry brick drain six inches diameter, ten feet long,

from thence carried down a hole filled with burnt charcoal,

or ashes from the baker’s oven.

Copper rods pointed at top with platina are recommended.

ead Ee ee

—— -_—s

1840.] On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. — 279

ee!

As the electric matter from violent storms causes intense heat,

it is recommended to have the conducting rods one inch in dia-

meter, which is a quarter of an inch more than they are usually

made in England.

Strong wood brackets made of teak, or any other hard wood,

to keep the conductors firm in their places.

There should be a conducting rod upon the principle here de-

lineated at each end of the building.

And as the direction of lightning is often determined by that

of the rain, the surface on the side of the building might attract

it, it would be prudent therefore to have a conducting rod on

each side of the building as well as at the ends.

The rods should be united with the best screwed joints, with

a top screw of the same metal as the conductor.

(No. 2.)

From Assistant SurGEeon W. B. O’Suavucunessy, M.D.

To Capt. DEeBuDE,

Officiating Secretary Military Board.

Fort William, December 27th, 1838.

S1r,—I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt on the 24th

instant of your letter of the 22d, on the subject of the attach-

ment of lightning conductors to powder magazines.

2. The question you propose is one of much difficulty. I

doubt indeed, whether the existing state of knowledge regarding

the reciprocal action of atmospherical and terrestrial electricity,

especially during the paroxysms of tropical storms, is as yet suffi-

ciently advanced to warrant the expression of more than a very

diffident opinion on its several points.

3. Ishall take the liberty of premising some general remarks

on lightning conductors, before I take up the special subject of

your letter.

4. I am in possession of several facts hitherto unrecorded,

which seem to me clearly to show that in ordinary edifices

the attachment of lightning conductors, even when properly

280 On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. [No. 99.

constructed, is by no means the infallible protection so generally

imagined.

5. It is often no doubt easy to explain the occurrence of dis-

asters by lightning to buildings thus apparently protected, on

the ground of defective construction of the conductors, or of dis-

proportion between the number of conductors and the extent of

area to be guarded. By such considerations we may explain

the accident to Government house on the night of the 30th of

March 1838, and bearing these in mind, measures may be adopt-

ed which in all probability will preserve such edifices from simi-

lar visitations.

6. But it is a matter of greater difficulty to explain such

circumstances I am now about to adduce, in illustration of the

opinion expressed in paragraph 4.

7- On an evening in May 1837, the house No. 2 in

Chowringhee, then occupied by Dr. Goodeve, and next door to

the house tenanted by Mr. Trower, was struck by lightning

and much damaged.

Dr. Goodeve’s house had no conductor, Mr. Trower’s had

one at the face adjoining Dr. Goodeve’s, and only distant there-

from twenty feet. The conductor is well constructed.

8. On the evening in question, during a violent storm from

the North-west, Dr. Goodeve was walking in the verandah (c)

when Mr. Trower’s conductor and the corresponding angle of

Dr. Goodeve’s house were struck by the same discharge, and

the lightning in Dr. Goodeve’s house followed the course of the

vertical window bolts represented by the dotted lines in the plan.

9. This case seems to me completely to falsify Biot’s opinion,

that within sixty feet interval between conductors no accident

can occur—and to shew that occasionally in tropical climates

there is such vast disproportion between the quantity or inten-

sity of the atmospheric electricity and the conducting capacity

of protectors, that the excess of the discharge must pass to adja-

cent bodies.

10. In Chowringhee alone, in an area of one square mile,

there are over 300 lightning conductors of proper construction,

1840.] On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. 281

yet scarcely a season passes but we hear of accidents within that

area, and not unfrequently too in houses actually provided with

conductors

11. I attribute these accidents chiefly to the vertical win-

dow rods which constitute all over Calcutta, as in Indian houses

generally, a multitude of interrupted conductors, the inducing

influence of which is sufficient to counteract much of the bene-

fit of the well constructed rods. These vertical window rods

are on a large scale, precisely identical with the models contriv-

ed by instrument makers to shew at the lecture table the dan-

gers of ill-contrived and ill-applied conductors.

12. Were I called on to protect an isolated house of two

stories, with angular edges and roof, containing articles of me-

tallic furniture and other good conductors of electricity—under

such circumstances I would attach at one angle a common con-

ductor several feet higher than the house, in order to divert the

lightning the house and its contents could scarcely fail, under

many circumstances of exposure, to attract, and at each cardinal

point I would place a rod about ten feet high, connected hori-

zontally by thick rods and rivets with the main conductor.

A building so protected I would consider to be as safe as it is

practicable to render it, according to the present state of our

knowledge.

13. But in the case of a powder magazine of the ordinary

construction, rounded in outline, of trifling elevation, contain-

ing no metallic furniture,* removed from other buildings, and not

necessarily in the contiguity of conducting objects, I think its

chances of being struck by lightning are very little more than

those of an equal area of soil or terrace.

14. We must remember that electric explosions are not

chance occurrences,—that they are governed and guided by

the influence of “induction,”? the effects of which are now

* “Fittings” should have been the expression, but the word must now

stand unaltered.---W. B, O’S,

282 On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. [No. 99.

comparatively well understood ; that it is only between objects

susceptible of rapid changes in their electric relations that the

explosion passes, but that the explosion may exceed in quan-

tity and in intensity the capabilities of the dischargers we usu-

ally adopt.

15. Another reason for objecting to the employment of

conductors in the immediate contiguity of powder magazines

is, the danger of their inducing what is called the “lateral dis-

charge,”’ of the nature of which I will venture to offer a few ex-

planatory remarks.

16. Suppose a violent discharge to take place along the

conductor a to the ground; during the passage of the electri-

city an opposite electric state is induced in contiguous ob-

jects, and a spark may pass in the interval between a@ and 4,

and all the articles contained within having their electric state

transitorily disturbed, will give sparks at the same moment ;—

if animate, will experience shocks or other effects in proportion

to the violence of the primary discharge. Thus the inmates

of Dr. Goodeve’s house suffered a shock like the discharge of

the Leyden bottle, at the instant the accident took place, des-

cribed at paragraph 8.

17. Were any peculiarly in-

flammable matter existing in the

interval a, 6, or in the interstices vA

c, d, the passage of aspark would =“ |

cause its inflammation, especially fete

if rain were falling at the same

time. The explosion of gunpowder by small electric sparks is

indeed never certain, but when water or moist substances forms

part of the electric circuit.

18. I will not enter on any detailed consideration of the

dangers connected with what is called the “seturn discharge,”

in which the electricity is believed to emanate from terrestrial

objects, and proceed to the atmosphere. Precise facts are want-

ing to enable us to form exact opinions on this subject.

“

1840.] On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. 283

19. With respect to the materials and dimensions of conduc-

ting bars, I think it is altogether unnecessary either to construct

them of copper, or to make them one inch in diameter.* Iron can

be preserved bright for an indefinite period by attaching to it small

pieces of zinc, on the principle of the galvanic preservation of

copper. If its point be gilt or platinized, the rod will on the con-

trary corrode much more rapidly than if entirely unprotected.

As to size, I have known very many instances of violent dis-

charges of lightning through window rods, through ill-con-

structed conductors, over picture frames, railings, through the

metallic head of a spear with a wooden shaft, &c. &c. and in no

case was complete fusion, or an approach to it, effected, except

at the ends where the discharge entered, and from whence it

proceeded. The drawing a shews the extremities of one of

the window rods from Dr. Goodeve’s house, and 6 of the spear

of the Britannia from Government House, Calcutta.

2). As’ for ‘the

silent passage of at-

mospheric electrici-

ty causing the heat-

ee ee

ing of conductors, 1 scarcely think it possible—certainly no

instance of it has been recorded, and even were it to occur, it

could not occasion any mischief.

21. To apply the preceding facts to the question before me, I

think it inexpedient to attach ordinary conductors, or such as

those described in your letter, to powder magazines.

i. Because, being of slight elevation, of rounded surface, and

of non-conducting materials, these buildings are scarcely more

exposed to lightning than an equal area of ordinary ground.

ii. Because a discharge may occur foo great for the capacity

of a single conductor, in which case the electricity will divide

itself to all adjacent objects.

iii. Because though the discharge may pass to the ground, the

lateral electric disturbance may occasion an explosion within the

magazine.

* That is where several conductors are employed as subsequently

proposed.---W. B. O'S,

——

284 On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. [No. 99.

22. But as it may be deemed inexpedient to commit a ma-

gazine even to the chances of an equal area of land surface, I

think a system of conductors on the following plan would pre-

vent all danger of explosion by direct, or lateral, or even return

discharge.

I would erect an iron rod, half an inch in diameter, protect-

ed by zinc, at every twenty paces, in a circle drawn round the

building, and at least twenty feet* distant from it. These rods

should be twenty feet higher than the building, be supported

by frames of wood or by pillars inserted at their bases, as

deep as the water level (so easily found in Bengal), and at

the surface of the ground they should be connected by ho-

rizontal rods secured by riveting. During storms the sen-.

tinels on duty should withdraw beyond this line, sheath their

bayonets, and pile their arms.

I cannot conceive the possibility of an explosion caused by

direct, lateral, or return discharge, taking place within this

metallic circle. By such arrangements it is that the electrician

discharges through a wire bird cage, without injury to its tenant,

batteries sufficiently powerful to destroy a horse, and that he

grasps the discharging rod in his naked hand while it is part

of a circuit sufficient to cause his instantaneous death.

I have the honor to be, Sir,

Your obedient servant,

Medical College, Calcutta, W. B. OSSHAUGHNESSY,

27th Dec. 1838. Assistant Surgeon.

(No. 3.)

To W. B. O’SHavcunessy, Esa. M. D.

Medical College.

Ordnance Department.

Sir,—I am directed by the Military Board to acknowledge

the receipt of your letter of the 31st ultimo, on the subject of

Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines; and to express

the sense which the Board entertains of the care and attention

with which the subject has been discussed.

* This by an error of the copyist was made paces in the MS. report.---

W. B, O'S.

1840.| On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. 285

2. As in many instances it would, from the proximity of other

buildings, be impracticable to establish a chain of conductors at

a distance of twenty paces from a magazine, the Board would

be glad to learn whether, in your opinion, a series of conductors

at twenty paces distant from each other, but as near the build-

ing as ordinary conductors are commonly placed, and secured

by wooden brackets, as shewn on the sketch forwarded by the

Court of Directors, would add materially to the security of a

magazine.

Fort William, I am, Sir,

Military Board Office,

16th Dilley, tava Your obedient servant,

W. DesuDs,

Officiating Secretary Military Board.

(No. 4.)

To Caprain DEBUDE,

Officiating Secretary Military Board.

Sir,—In reply to your letter of the 16th instant I have the

honor to state, that under such circumstances as you describe,

I would not recommend lightning conductors to be attached to

the buildings adjacent to magazines even in the numbers before

mentioned, as I feel convinced that placing one or more conduc-

tors in the immediate contiguity of the building increases all

the dangers attendant on the Jateral discharge. Indeed I would

consider a magazine safer if unprovided with conductors al-

together, than with any number placed as you allude to.

I believe we may certainly obviate all danger from direct

discharge by a multiplicity of connected conductors. I admit

too that the lateral discharge is not likely to occasion more

than a minute spark, such as would not harm a living animal,

or injure an edifice, but this spark, however insignificant, can

ignite gunpowder, and thus lead to as serious mischief as the

direct flash itself. I have the honor to be, Sir,

Your most obedient servant,

W. B. O'SHAUGHNESSY.

January 20th, 1839.

286 On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. [{No. 99.

(No. 5.)

Mr. FarapAy’s LETTER TO Mr. SECRETARY MELVILL ON

THE PRECEDING PAPERS.

Royal Institution, 5th September, 1839.

S1r,—I have the honor to acknowledge your letter and the

papers, and having read the latter, beg leave to state that my

opinion is in favor of lightning conductors. It is no doubt true

that low rounded buildings, such as I understand the powder

magazines in the Kast Indies to be, are but very little liable to

be struck by lightning, but then if they are struck, the destruc-

tion and injury may be very great. It is also, I think, very

probable that a lightning conductor may, under certain circum-

stances, cause an electric discharge to take place where none

would have occurred no conductor being present, though, on the

other hand, there is some evidence to show that conductors cause

a diminution in the number of electric discharges to the earth

at a given place. It is also very certain that a badly erected

conductor is worse than none, and may cause great injury. But

notwithstanding these considerations, I have the strongest con-

viction in my mind that conductors well applied are perfect

defenders of buildings from harm by lightning. Dr. O’Shaugh-

nessy’s papers are very valuable, and serve to confirm my pre-

vious impressions ; but it would be impossible for me to go over

the whole of the opinions and evidence sent me, without at the

same time going into a far greater mass dispersed here and there.

I would rather refer you at once to M. Arago’s popular view of

the subject in the Annuaire for 1838, pp. 221, 549, &c. with

which I, in almost every point, agree.

I would certainly recommend copper conductors instead of

iron, for the former metal conducts electricity almost seven times

better than the latter. When struck, it not only conducts the

shock much better, but in the pre-determination of the stroke it

determines more of the electricity to itself than otherwise would

fall upon it, and therefore tends in any case of a divided shock

to leave less to fall elsewhere in its neighbourhood.

I should prefer them pointed. I should not put them far from

the building at their upper extremity, or in their course down-

1840.] On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. 287

wards, but the part that is under ground I should turn from the

-building in its course through the earth, and take especial care,

by plates of copper, to make its contact with the moist earth

extensive and good.

Conductors should be of a certain height in relation to the

roof or summit of the building to be defended ; a lightning rod

rising ten feet above any part of the roof or chimneys of a

house, might defend that house perfectly if close to it, but not

if ten feet from it; a rod rising fifteen feet above the highest

parts of the roof would be more sure than one of ten feet.

A rod projecting ten feet which would protect a building of a

certain horizontal extent might protect a building ten feet wide,

&c. A lightning rod has been considered as able to protect

objects perfectly when they are not more than twice the distance

Srom it of its height above them: but for this to hold true, these

objects should not be themselves parts of large masses of metal,

approaching by their position or connexion to the character of

bad lightning conductors.

‘Ihave no fear of lateral discharge from a well arranged con-

ductor. As far as I understand lateral discharge, it is always

a discharge from the conductor itself; it might be very serious

from a badly arranged conductor (and in fact makes them worse

than nothing) but with a good lightning rod it can be but small,

and then not to badly conducting matter, as wood or stone, but

only to neighbouring masses of good conducting matter, as

the metals, which either ought not to be there, or if they are.

necessarily present, ought to be in metallic communication with

the lightning conductor itself. I am not aware that lateral dis-

charge can take place within a building when a lightning con-

ductor outside is struck, except there be porticns of metal, as bell

wires, or bolts, &c. which may form an interrupted conducting

train from the conductor to the interior.* It is true that cases

which come under the denomination of returning stroke, might

perhaps produce a spark in the interior of a building, but the

phenomena of a returning stroke cannot occur at the place

where the lightning strikes a conductor.

* Such as the copper linings of powder barrels in a magazine---W. B. O’S.

288 On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. (No. 99.

In my opinion, a good conductor well connected with the

earth cannot do harm to a building under its protection, i. e.

though it may induce a discharge on the building; and the

discharge in itself cannot give rise to any secondary effects

which are likely to place the building in more danger than it

would have been subject to, had the conductor not been there.

I am, Sir,

. Your obedient humble servant,

To JAMES C. Meuviu, Ese. —_ (Sigd.) Wm. Farapay.

&c. &c. &c.

(No. 6.)

LETTER FROM PROFESSOR DANIELL TO Mr. MELVILL.

King’s College, London, August 24, 1839.

My DEAR Sir,—I have carefully perused and considered the

papers which you have done me the honor to transmit to me,

relating to the subject of lightning conductors in the East Indies,

and now beg to submit for the consideration of the Chairman

of the Court of Directors, according to your request, the follow-

ing remarks upon them.

2. It is with the greatest surprise, I have learnt that the

question of the efficacy of lightning conductors, which has been

considered by all the leading philosophers in Europe and Ame- —

rica as settled by the uniform experience of nearly one hun-

dred years, is still thought to be undetermined by some of the

scientific men in the Honorable Company’s Service; and that

the Governor General and Council, under the influence of their

opinion, have come to the conclusion, that in “ attempting to

“* protect Powder Magazines by their means more danger

‘than advantage is likely to result from the measure.” Should

this conclusion be unfounded, as I believe all experience

will prove it to be, it must be of the utmost consequence,

that it should be corrected, especially in a country peculiarly

liable to the paroxysms of tropical storms. That Powder

Magazines unprovided with conductors are liable to be fired

by lightning, is proved by the blowing up of the Magazine

1840.] On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. 289

at Dum-Dum,* which gave rise to the correspondence, where-

as there is no instance upon record of a magazine properly

provided with them, suffering injury from the same cause.

3. In the year 1823 instructions for the erection of light-

ning conductors were drawn up, at the instance of the Minister

of the Interior of France, by a commission of the Académie

Royale des Sciences, composed of MM. Poisson, Lefevre, Ginian,

Gerard, Dulong, Furet, and Gay Lussac, and adopted by the

Académie. The Report is published in the 26th vol. of the

Annales de Chimie et de Physique.

4. So lately as the year 1837, the facts relating to thunder

and lightning again underwent investigation by M. Arago, who

has published in the Annuaire par le Bureau des Longitudes for

1838 a very detailed scientific notice “ Sur le Tonnerre.”’ +

5. These two reports have really exhausted the subject, and

ought to be sufficient, in my opinion, to convince the most pre-

judiced; first, of the impossibility of any extra danger arising

from lightning conductors of proper construction ; and, secondly,

of the protection which they are competent to afford.

6. I have lately had the honor of being appointed by the Go-

vernment upon a Committee to inquire into the efficacy, and best

form of lightning conductors for Her Majesty’s Navy, and we

have just handed in our report to the Admiralty, in which having

collected a great body of evidence upon the subject, and having

availed ourselves of the opinions of Doctor Faraday and Profes-

sor Wheatstone, we have unanimously recommended the general

adoption of Harris’s conductors on board Her Majesty’s ships.

The report has been ordered to be printed for the use of Parlia-

ment, and I will take the liberty of transmitting you a copy

‘as soon as it is complete. In the mean time, I will endeavour to

reply to some of the observations which Professor O’Shaugh-

nessy has made in his report, which is included in the papers

referred to me, and upon which, in conjunction with some pri-

* The building destroyed at Dum-Dum was not a magazine, see the

final report, No. 7.---W. B. O'S.

+ Arago’s admirable paper had not reached India when I was referred

to on this subject.---W. B, O’S.

290 On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. [No. 99.

vate observations of Mr. (James) Prinsep, which do not appear,

the Governor General’s opinion seems to have been formed.

7. First, I infer from the general tendency of the observations

of these gentlemen, that they entertain the notion that lightning

conductors have the power of attracting a discharge of lightning

to places where without them it would not occur.

8. Nothing can be more unfounded than this supposition.

The intense action which takes place between an electric cloud,

of the extent perhaps of many thousands of acres, and an equal

area of the earth’s surface, is much too extensive to be materially

diverted by the mere point which can be directed upon the lat-

ter; and which, as compared with the extent and distance of

the charged clouds, must be quite inconsiderable. The path of

the discharge which takes place, in the form of lightning is deter-

mined by what may be the line of least resistance in the whole

distance between the two great electrical surfaces, of which the

conductor can form but a minute, fractional part.

x 9. Over this fractional part, however, we may have control

sufficient for the protection required. It has been well and ac-

curately observed, ‘‘ that lightning conductors can no more be

said to attract the matter of lightning, than a water course can

be said to attract the water which necessarily flows through it at

the time of heavy rain.” It would be absurd to say that a hollow

water-pipe open at its upper end, and placed perpendicularly, at-

tracts or invites rain from the clouds, or that in providing our

houses with such pipes, we incur a greater risk of being inundated,

because they are calculated to discharge freely all the rain which

passes into them. No less absurd is it to say that a metallic rod

invites lightning, and may be productive of damage, because it is

calculated to transmit the electricity which falls on its point.*

10. Secondly, Dr. O’Shaughnessy refers to danger which is

likely to occur from the erection of conductors in the contiguity

of powder magazines from what is called ° lateral discharge.”

* A pointed conductor will indeed draw off silently and safely a consi-

derable portion of electricity from a charged cloud, but it.can possess no

power of determining a disruptive and destructive discharge at a point where

it would not otherwise occur.---Mr. Daniell’s note.

1840.| On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. 291

11. There can be no doubt, that a conductor in the moment

of a discharge of electricity passing through it, influences in a

degree, all good conducting substances in its immediate vicinity

by induction; but no discharge will take place from it to any

neighbouring body, unless it be insufficient itself to conduct the

whole of the discharge; or unless the body in its vicinity be a

better conductor than itself. A lateral discharge, in fact, is only

a division of a portion of the principal discharge, from an

insufficient conductor to another, which can relieve it. Now

the very purpose of a lightning rod is to provide a suffi-

cient conductor for the electric fluid which may fall upon it,

and which will never pass from it, if properly constructed,

to any building in its immediate vicinity, from the construc-

tion of which all metallic substances are, of course, carefully

excluded.

12. Thirdly, Dr. O’Shaughnessy refers to Dr. Goodeve’s

house having been struck by lightning, within twenty feet of a

well constructed conductor upon the house of Mr. Trower, which

was struck at the same moment, as falsifying the opinion that

within sixty feet interval between conductors no accident can

occur; but in another part of his report he attributes this acci-

dent, doubtless very correctly, to the vertical window bolts,

which he has marked upon his plan, and which constitute a line

of interrupted conductors to the ground. There can be no

question that the discharge was diverted in this instance ; but

it does not appear that any damage was done to either house ;

and if damage did occur to the unprotected house, it would have

been doubtless greatly increased by the absence of the conduc-

tor upon Mr. Trower’s house.

It would of course be an act of the greatest. folly and igno-

rance to place a similar line of bolts, or any other metallic fasten-

ing upon a powder magazine.

13. ‘The case by no means proves, as Dr. O’Shaughnessy seems

to think, ‘* that occasionally, in tropical climates, there is such a

vast disproportion between the intensity and quantity of the

atmospheric electricity, and the conducting capacity of protec-

fors, that the excess of the discharge must pass to adjacent

292 On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. (No. 99.

bodies” unless those adjacent bodies are also of a metallic nature,

and themselves good conductors.*

14. Dr. O’Shaughnessy states that “in Chowringhee alone,

in an area of one square mile, there are over 300 lightning con-

ductors of proper construction, yet scarcely a season passes, but

we hear of accidents within that area, and not unfrequently,

too, in houses actually provided with conductors themselves.”

interesting, and it would greatly benefit science if authentic facts

concerning it were collected, and published. It appears that

Dr. O’Shaughnessy only mentions the facts upon hearsay, and

such evidence is not of weight enough to counterbalance the

direct testimony of competent witnesses, which abound on the

other side of the question. I have no doubt that upon proper

inquiry, Dr. O’Shaughnessy would find that the accidents which

are said to have occurred in houses actually provided with con-

ductors, have arisen from defective construction.

16. It is not supposed that a large number of conductors will

avert electrical discharges from a district, though, if properly

constructed, they will open safe communication for their passage

to the earth.

17. Dr. O’Shaughnessy thinks, that “it is altogether unne-

cessary either to construct lightning conductors of copper, or to

make them one inch in diameter,’ but in this opinion I have

again the misfortune to differ from that gentleman. The best

authorities have recommended a rod of an inch in diameter as

the standard size, experience having proved that such a rod has

never yet been melted by an atmospheric discharge. It is cer-

tainly possible that a rod of less substance might be sufficient to

conduct away a flash of lightning, but it is impossible to ascer-

tain the minimum which would suffice, without incurring the

| 15. The electrical history of such a district must be extremely

* I must refer the reader to the succeeding paper, for proof of the error

into which Mr. Daniell has here fallen.---W. B. O’S.

1840.] On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. 293

risk of failure ; and it is a point of very little importance, pro-

vided absolute protection be assured.*

Moreover a rod of a less diameter would scarcely have suffi-

cient strength to resist the mechanical forces which might be

opposed to it.

18. The rod should be of copper, first, because the conducting

power of that metal is very much superior to that of iron, being

in the proportion of 1000 to 158. And, secondly, it is little liable

to oxidation and corrosion. I do not think that the application

of zinc to iron rods, in the way proposed by Dr. O’Shaughnessy,

would be, by any means, efficient in keeping them bright, at the

same time I would rather erect iron conductors, than run the

risk of a total want of protection.

19. Ihave no objection to make the disposition of the con-

ductors proposed by Dr. O’Shaughnessy, but I see no reason for

placing them at so great a distance as twenty paces from the

magazine. The most material points to be attended to, are their

perfect metallic continuity, and their communication with the

water of the subsoil. The instructions for the erection of light-

ning conductors are so minutely detailed in the two reports to

which I have already referred, that I think it unnecessary to add

any thing more at present, but it will give me the greatest

pleasure to afford any further explanations in my power that

may be required.

I cannot conclude, without again expressing my strong con-

viction of the necessity of procuring a revision of the opinion of

the Governor in Council upon the subject in question with as

little delay as possible.

1 have the honor to be, &c.

(Signed) J. F. DaNnrE.t.

To Puitie MELvILu, Esa.

&e. &e. &e.

* I did not allude to asingle conductor, but to a set of several combined.

---W. B. O'S.

294 On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. {No. 99.

(No. 7.)

Seconp Report FROM Dr. O’SHAUGHNESSY TO THE MiIxI-

TARY BOARD.

To Captain DEBUDE,

Secretary to the Miltary Board.

Srr,—In compliance with your request that I should draw -

up a further statement of my opinions regarding the attach-

ment of conductors to powder magazines, I have the honor to

submit the subjoined observations to the consideration of the

Military Board.

2. Ivregret much, that it is impracticable to accord to me the

full measure of time desirable for the collection and accurate

examination of the numerous facts bearing on the question

now before us, to which I have obtained a clue, and many of

which corroborate powerfully the views I entertain. I regret

this the more, as I have the misfortune to differ in a slight

degree with the opinions Mr. Faraday has given, while those

which Mr. Daniell somewhat dictatorially professes, are widely

at variance with mine.

3. I trust I may be pardoned by the Military Board for

here publicly placing on record a tribute of my deep respect

for Mr. Faraday’s labors in electrical science. This depart-

ment of physics he has made peculiarly his own. My pre-

sumption would be measureless were I to depart from the

utmost modesty and hesitation, when I venture to persevere in

an opinion, from which he ever so slightly dissents. I seek

however for no more candid a judge than this illustrious philo-

sopher, and on once more referring the subject to his consi-

deration, I will bow to his contrary decision, with the full con-

viction that I had acted upon erroneous views.

4. Mr. Daniell’s facts and arguments will be treated ad valo-

rem in the subsequent observations. I have only to observe,

that in the further discussion of this question, it would be well

if he would condescend to use a more courteous tone, and to

1840.| On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. 295

recollect that his opinions, as well as mine, have to bear the

scrutiny of individuals who are not very likely to be influenced

by the mere reputation of any of the parties concerned.

5. The question before the Board, is this exclusively, “ Are

we to attach lightning rods to powder magazines : and if so,

how are we to place them, so as to ensure the maximum of

safety from every accident ?” To this question and its bearings,

we must limit this discussion. It is altogether a different

matter from that with which Mr. Daniell has mixed it up,

namely, the attaching of conductors to private dwellings, or

ordinary buildings. All the circumstances differ so widely,

that many of the most important of the facts and arguments

which bear on one, are altogether inapplicable to the other.

6. The necessity for attaching lightning rods to powder

magazines in tropical regions, visited by frequent and violent

thunder storms, might at first sight appear so obvious, as to

need no further consideration. The document (A) how-

ever shews, that of all the magazines in the territories of the |

Honorable East India Company, during a period of forty years,

only one has been struck by lightning, namely that at Dum-

Dum, on the Ist of June 1836. It will be seen, as we proceed,

that the term ‘‘ magazine” was scarcely applicable to the build-

ing then destroyed.

7. I stated in my first report on this subject, that I consi-

dered a powder magazine when properly constructed, arched

and rounded in its outlines, of low elevation, and free from

metallic masses in its walls and roof, to be as little exposed to

accident as an equal area of soil or terrace, the chances of

which being struck by lightning are so infinitely small, as

scarcely to deserve serious consideration. The Dum-Dum

explosion took place in a common building of square form,

formerly a godown. It was not a magazine, but a mere store-

room for the powder used for the laboratory. It stood in the

corner of a yard crowded with guns, gun carriages, heavy metal

tools, shells, and other powerful conductors of electricity. It

296 On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. [No. 99.

was exactly what it ought not to have been, and the explosion

which occurred, by no means invalidates the position, that the

well constructed magazine has but an infinitely small chance of

being struck by lightning.

8. The questions now arise—First, Would even this minute

contingency be obviated thoroughly by a lightning conductor

being attached to the magazine, on the method advised by the

Honorable the Court of Directors? Secondly, Can the conductor

itself by possibility become a source of collateral danger ?

9. I will take up each of these questions in detail. I grant

in the first place, as the foundation of the argument, that

metallic conductors have the power, when properly placed, of

SILENTLY drawing off considerable accumulations of electricity

from the clouds; and, secondly, of guiding away to the earth

considerable direct explosive discharges or flashes of lightning,

without permitting the electric matter, whatever it be, to im-

pinge directly on any adjacent bodies.

10. The extent to which the protecting influence of a con-

ductor extends laterally, has long been a subject of attention

and discussion. Leroy, in 1783, asserted that a rod four to

five metres high, above the roof of an ordinary building, de-

fended a circle of sixteen metres radius, or more than three

times the distance of its own elevation above the roof.

11. The Academy of Sciences in 1823, in a report to the

Minister of War, adopted the opinion of M. Charles, that the

circle protected was of a radius double the total elevation of

the conductor above the roof. ‘This opinion seems to have

been generally adopted, but must be modified in consideration

of the facts which M. Arago has collected, and some which

have come under my own observation.

12. If masses of metal of any kind enter into the construc-

tion of a building, the protecting influence does not extend to

the distance above mentioned. ‘The powder magazine of Pur-

fleet, provided with a conductor erected by Franklin and

Cavendish, was struck by lightning twenty-four feet from the

1840.] On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. 297

nearest part of the conductor, which was twenty-six feet above

the roof—the distance being less than the simple height. The

parts struck contained a metallic cramp.

13. Dr. Winthorp, of New Cambridge, reports, that a tree

was struck by lightning, when but fifty feet from a conductor

attached to the steeple of a church, which may reasonably be

supposed to have been at least fifty feet higher than the

tree.* |

14. All that we are entitled to infer from the facts before

us, is—that in order to give safety from direct and ordinary

discharges, we must erect so many conductors, that no point

of the roof shall be further from the conductor than twice the

length of the height of the conductor above the level of the

roofs; and this applies only to flashes from clouds in a calm

atmosphere, and above the building. ‘The area of protection is

unquestionably much contracted, under the circumstances, so

common in India, of a thunder cloud being blown with hurricane

velocity across a plain, before a furious squall. Nothing but

a line or chain of conductors connected together by horizontal

metal bars, and surrounding a building, can possibly protect it

from discharge under these paroxysmal storms. This is the

opinion I offered in my first report, dated the 27th December

1838, and I have now but to repeat, that one or even two

conductors are not an adequate protection; and to ensure safety,

several must be erected. The subsequent considerations will

probably bear me out in repeating, that a properly built maga-

zine, with but one, or any inadequate number of conductors, is

in greater danger of explosion, than if it had none; and that

with ever so many conductors, these should be placed at a con-

siderable distance from its walls.

15. 1 proceed now in the attempt to sustain my opinion, that

‘“A magazine with but one, or any inadequate number of

conductors, is in greater danger than if it had none.”

* For details regarding the case, see Annuaire for 1838.

298 On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. (No. 99.

16. The cause of a lightning discharge selecting the con-

ductor is to be traced in the law of electrical induction, which

I hope to be pardoned for briefly exposing. |

A cloud highly charged with electricity of either kind

(let us say, posttive) approaches the earth, and by the approxi-

mation causes the natural electricities of the earth to sepa-

rate, and that of the negative kind to accumulate at the sur-

face opposite to the cloud. The intervening particles of air

are thrown into a polar state. The cloud is attracted by the

earth, the electricity of which becomes most accumulated on

the buildings and objects on its surface, in proportion to their

degree of conducting power. At length the resistance to the

rushing together of the two opposite electricities is overcome,

and a discharge by explosion takes place, the best conductor on

the earth receiving all the electric discharge it is capable of

conducting in the time the discharge occupies. Of all such

bodies a pointed metallic rod is the most likely to receive a

discharge, and will lead off the greatest quantity thereof to

the earth.

17. Mr. Daniell has indeed stated, that a pointed bar must

cause a silent discharge without explosion.* I am unable to

comprehend how Mr. Daniell could have fallen into such a mis-

conception. ‘The whole history of lightning accidents, teems

with instances of well constructed pointed rods having been

struck, and the points melted. Look at the accident to Mr.

Trower’s house for example.~ The conductor is faultless in its

construction, and the flash was seen to strike it by Dr. Goodeve.

* « 4 pointed conductor will indeed draw off silently and safely, a con-

siderable portion of electricity from a charged cloud, but it can possess no

power of determining a disruptive, and destructive discharge, at a point

where it would not otherwise occur.” Mr. Daniell’s paper. See para. 9.

+ Described in my first report.---W. B. O'S.

1840.| On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. 299

But let Mr. Daniell try this simple experiment. Let a bea Ley-

den jar, 6 a rod and ball,connected with the

inner coating, ¢ c a rod and ball connect- 6 b

ed with the outer coating, 0 represents the

excited cloud, ¢ e the excited surface of

the earth. To the ball of c apply one c

branch of a pointed discharging rod, and

then RAPIDLY approach the other point to

the ball 4. A hiss is heard for an instant

and a loud explosion then ensues. If the point had been

brought very slowly towards the ball 5, there would have

been nothing more than a silent, or at most a hissing, dis-

charge. Mr. Daniell will perhaps admit that it is the same

thing, that the earth carrying the conductor should approach

to the cloud, or the cloud approach to the earth; and he will

see in this experiment that it is simply the degree of velocity

of the approach that governs the nature of the discharge. The

electric cloud in a calm atmosphere will give off a constant and

quiet stream to the rod—but let the cloud be driven onwards

before the wind, or drawn within the vortex of mechanical

electrical attraction, and then EXPLOSION will inevitably ensue.

18. So much for the cause and nature of the direct lightning

flash to a single pointed conductor. Let me beg the Board to

honour me with their attention to this distinction, as it is

essential that no misconception should arise.

19. An explosion then, it must be admitted, may occur to a

pointed conductor. I have next to shew that this explosion,

or the flash, or the amount of the electricity passing (which I

use as convertible terms) may be so much greater in quantity

than the single conductor can convey in the téme of the dis-

charge, that a considerable part, nay, the whole of the excess,

must pass to the adjacent objects. To make my meaning

clearer ;—Let us suppose the cloud to be charged with 1000

parts of active electric matter—let us asswme the conducting

1 ee.

a ee

300 On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. [No. 99.

power of a lightning rod to be equal to 250 zn a unit of time;

I believe that the 750 parts in excess, will zn the same unit or

instant, pass off in every direction to surrounding objects, strik-

ing those which offer it the best conducting path.

20. In proof of this assertion, I refer to the accident to Dr.

Goodeve’s house, which I have already reported. Dr. Goodeve’s -

house is twenty feet from Mr. Trower’s. Dr. Goodeve while

walking in his verandah saw the lightning strike Mr. Trower’s

conductor, and at the same moment strike his own house ;

taking, as might be anticipated, the window bolts, and other

metallic bars in its course.

21. Let me cite another and a most important fact from M.

Arago’s rich collection. The house of Mr. Raven in Carolina

was provided with a conductor formed of an iron bar, fixed in the

roof—a brass wire outside the wall thence led to another metal

bar planted in the earth. The conductor was struck by lightning,

the wire was melted as far as the ground floor—the lightning

then pierced the masonry of the wall at a right angle, exactly

where a gun was standing against the wall in the kitchen; the

barrel was struck, but uninjured, the stock broken, and thence

the electric matter passed to the ground.

22, Here we have clearly lateral deviation from a conduc-

tor, and the excess passing to the nearest conducting object.

The wire was disproportionately small for the quantity of the dis-

charge; it was fused, and the excess passed to the adjacent

conductor. It will be objected, that this would not have hap-

pened, had the lightning rod, or wire, been of the ordinary

dimensions, that the conductor could not have been fused, and

the lightning could not have left it. In reply, I point once

more to Dr. Goodeve’s house. Mr. Trower’s conductor was

not melted, and yet Dr. Goodeve’s house was simultaneously

struck.

23. Look to another fact, cited by Arago. A French vessel —

of war, La Junon, was running before a brisk gale. A copper

conductor of twisted wires led from the main-mast head to

1840.] On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. 301

windward, and was secured by copper strips to the ship’s side.

A flash strikes the top, and a flash is seen by all on board, at

the same instant, to leave the conductor about on a level with

the cap of the main-mast, and to dart into the water over the

lee bulwarks. This is a clear instance of an excess of electri-

city leaving a conductor through which it cannot force an

instantaneous passage. All that the conductor could convey

was borne off to windward—the rest opened to itself another

and less difficult route.

24. It might here be the most appropriate place to discuss the

question, What is the greatest mass of metal a flash of lightning

can fuse ?—When we remember that the surface of a cylinder

increases by a simple multiple of the diameter, while the mass

increases as the cube—that every fact shews it to be the surface

which the electricity pursues,* while its calorific effect must

be in the inverse proportion to the mass—it will prebably seem

that the surface may be too small to convey a given quantity of

electricity, although this be insufficient to melt or even to heat

the whole mass of the metal.

23. Mr. Daniell, in reference to the efficacy of single con-

ductors, enters on the much disputed question, as to whether

these attract lightning, or are merely passive conductors for

its conveyance. He takes the latter view, declares the former

to be absurd,+ and compares the conductor to a water-

* Mr. Harris, a high authority on electricity, makes these remarks re-

specting the surface action of conductors :---

“The conducting power of a metallic rod has but little relation to its

solid contents, but is principally dependent on its surface, from which cause

the mere gilding of a ball of wood is found to conduct a proportionate

electrical discharge with the same facility as if the ball was a solid mass of

metal, hence a less quantity of metal formed into a hollow tube would

-be as a conductor, even more effectual than a solid rod of the same diameter,

because its superficies would be increased!” Harris on Electrical Conductors,

p- 3l.

t+ The Board are referred to the marginal note at para. 17, for Mr.

Daniell’s own admission, that pointed conductors “ draw off” a considerable

portion of electricity, &c. &c. Drawing off and “ attracting” are very like

synonymous terms.---W, B. O'S.

ES er vos

302 On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. [No. 99.

course, a favorite illustration of his as it occurs in more

than one part of his published writings. Practically, it is

but of little consequence whether the conductor be active or

passive; but of all the substances excited at the moment—en-

gaged in the vast induction we have described—of the cloud,

the air, the earth, and the things on its surface—the lightning

rod is that in which the induction is the most powerful, and

towards which the explosion is therefore the most likely to

occur. Call it passive, if Mr. Daniell so pleases, but the electric

fluid is more active in it than any where else. The discharge

takes place ;—the first instalment, or the head of the column

rushing to the point of the conductor, heats the air through

which it passes—rarifies it, and diminishes the resistance to the

outpouring of the rest of the electric accumulation. The excess,

unable zn a unit of time to pass over the bar, rushes to sur-

rounding objects.* Did it occur to Mr. Daniell that no pru-

dent man builds his house by preference on the bank of a

mountain water-course ? The water-course is doubtless passive,

and it will quietly and silently carry off the stream of an ordinary

* The Board are requested to consider Mr. Faraday’s opinion on this

point :---

“The fact however is, that disruptive discharge is favorable to itself. It

is at the outset a case of tottering equilibrium, and if time be an element in

the discharge, in however minute a proportion, then the commencement of the

act at any point favors its continuance and IncREASE, and portions of power

will be discharged by a course which otherwise they would not have taken.

“The mere heating and expansion of the air itself by the first portion of elec-

tricity which passes, must have a great influence in producing this result. -

“‘ As to the result itself, we see its effect in every electric spark, for it is not

the whole quantity which passes that determines the discharge, but merely

that small portion of force which brings the deciding molecule up to

its maximum tension ; then when its forces are subverted, and discharge

begins, all the rest passes by the same course from the influence of the favor-

ing circumstances just referred to, and whether it be the electricity on a

square inch or a thousand square inches of charged class, the discharge is

complete. Hereafter we shall find the influences of this effect in the for-

mation of brushes, and it is not impossible that we may trace it producing

the jagged spark, and forked lightning.” Furaday’s Experimental Researches,

p. 451. para. 14, 17---20.

1840.| On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. 303

shower; but the rains may sometimes fall in excess, the stream

swell to a torrent. As the waters require a given time for

the efflux of a certain quantity, the excess inundates the bank,

and the house is overwhelmed. The parallel seems to me

to be complete, although Mr. Daniell’s ingenuity may probably

succeed in placing the question in a different, and less intelli-

gible light.

26. With very great respect for Mr. Daniell’s acquirements,

I cannot help wishing he had the opportunity of increasing his

practical knowledge, by observing a tropical storm. Had he

seen the whole horizon one dense mass of electric clouds—had

he heard crash after crash, a hundred times repeated, like the

broadside of a line-of-battle ship—had he seen the lightning

strike (as I have) three times within a few seconds, and not a

hundred feet from my house—had he been in a storm in which

thirty-one persons perished,—he would very probably partici-

pate in my idea, that electrical accumulation very commonly

surpasses the conveying power of ordinary conductors; and re-

membering that ‘ when discharge begins, all the rest passes

by the same course” (see Faraday’s note, p. 302)—the conse-

quence might be as apparent to his mind as to mine, that the

excess must pass to the most adjacent objects, selecting among

these the best conducting materials.

27. ‘These facts appear to me sufficient to warrant my

opinion, that there is more danger in giving one conductor to

a magazine than in leaving it unprovided altogether. It

appears to me, further, as I have already stated, that even from

any number of conductors there is another source of danger

in what I term the /ateral discharge, unless the conductors

be placed at a considerable distance from the magazine.

28. As much controversy has arisen regarding this lateral

discharge, I wish to explain clearly the meaning I attach to the

term. If this be patiently considered, I think it will be found

that it is more about the fitness of words, than the nature of

the facts, that the difference of opinion exists.

304 On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. [No. 99.

29, I select an experiment with the Leyden bottle to exem-

plify my statement.

Let a, be a ball and wire connected

with the inner coating, 6 6 with the outer a

coating of a charged bottle—let c be a

metallic ball placed near, but not touching

the rod b; when the discharge is made by

bringing a and 6 into contact, by means of

the moveable rod d, as the electricity

passes through the rod 6 a spark takes

place between it and the ball c, although the ball ¢ is out of

the direct circuit.

30. This spark all electricians have seen; its existence

as universally admitted. 'The ball ¢ may be connected with

the ground, or with a long wire, and the spark will still pass.

If the ball be connected with a wire, and the opposite end

of the wire with the apparatus called ‘ Volta’s cannon,”

charged with inflammable air, at the Instant of connecting

the outer and inner coatings or discharging the jar, the cannon

is exploded also. -Gunpowder, spirits, and other inflammable

matters may be fired by this spark, although it is manifestly far

out of the course of the MAIN discharge.

31. There have been ‘several attempts to explain the oc-

currence of this spark. The older electricians, and Henry of

New York, regard it as the effect of induction in the bodies

adjacent to the main conductor ; that it is not a direct emana-

tion of electricity from the conductor to the lateral objects.

Mr. Daniell says it is only the Excrss from an insufficient con-

ductor which passes to the adjacent object. ‘This idea any

one possessed of a Leyden jar and a few pieces of wire may

set aside by a simple experiment, when he will find the success

of each attempt at obtaining the lateral spark increased by

increasing the mass of the prime conductor. Mr. Faraday how-

ever supposes this extra spark to be a direct expansion of the

electricity—that with a good lightning rod it can be but small,

, \©

ef eo eee

Bic 5. ge aes

1840.| On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. 305

and then not to badly conducting matter, as wood or stone, but

only to neighbouring masses of good conducting matter, as the

metals, which either ought not to be there, or if there, be in

metallic connexion with the conductor. It is on this point that

an apparent difference exists between Mr. Faraday’s opinions

and mine.

32. It is however always easy to obtain this spark to the

knuckle, and to many other imperfect conductors. Further, the

spark now alluded to, whatever be its cause or nature, may be ex-

pected to increase in power in direct proportion to the quantity

of electricity in the original flash. If with a quart Leyden jar

we can procure, as I have repeatedly done, a secondary or lateral

spark half an inch long, capable of inflaming gases and gun-

powder, I think I am not straining the inference too far, when I

believe that the discharge of 10,000 acres of excited cloud may

cause a secondary spark or flash capable of passing through the

wall of a magazine and exploding its contents. Mr. Harris has

indeed recently asserted that increasing the primary spark does

not increase the secondary one; but I must state, with every

respect to this gentleman, that I have repeatedly exhibited

to my classes, long before his paper was published, the experi-

ment described at para. 30—and that I have often shewn, that

while success is uncertain with a small jar, it is infallible with a

large one. I had not the means of measuring the spark, but

its increase was plainly visible, and palpable, as we increased

the battery and its charge. The magazine, moreover, contains

powder barrels lined with copper, and even though no flash or

spark pass through the wall, the barrels themselves may give

sparks to each other under the influence of the electricity

passing outside. Mr. Faraday has shewn in one of the most

perfect of all his matchless researches, that without the direct

conveyance of electricity, the wadls of an apartment in which

a common electrifying machine is worked, are in a state of

active electrical excitement.

33. Mr. Harris, who is doubtless a highly accomplished elec-

306 On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. [No. 99.

trician, has recently published some views regarding this spark,

which require a cursory notice. Mr. Harris, when ten years ago

he proposed his system of ship conductors, was either unaware

of the occurrence of this spark, or held it in such little respect

that he actually led one of his conductors through the after

powder magazine, and he has recently induced the Lords of the

Admiralty to order this system to be adopted through the

navy.

34, Mr. Harris admits the existence of the lateral spark, but

attributes it to what is commonly called the “residual charge.”

Thus after discharging a battery, it is well known that a small

secondary charge collects, and will give a spark or shock to any

conductor touching both the coatings.

35. I repeat, that it is but little consequence what the cause

or nature of the spark in question be. It is its existence only

that should influence this question. But if Mr. Harris will

repeat the experiment described at para. 30, he will find the

explosion of the cannon to occur at the very same instant of

tame as the discharge of the jar, and that after this, he will still

succeed in obtaining the residual discharge on contact of the

inner and outer coatings.

36. The accident which befel Her Majesty’s ship Rodney last

year in the Mediterranean, shows the occurrence of the lateral,

or extra discharge in a form which scarcely admits of mistake ;

the flash struck the main-top-gallant mast, and escaped from

the mast seven feet above the deck, and was seen by all on

deck to go over the lee-nettings, and strike the sea a short dis-

tance from the ship.

Sparks were seen by many of the officers between decks, and

many of the men declared they saw balls of fire on the lower

deck, and ran after them to throw them out.

Here is another instance of lateral or indirect effect. At the

moment Dr. Goodeve’s house was struck, Mr. Hutchins sitting

in a room on the ground floor, several feet from the course

of the lightning, received a severe shock. Whatever produces

1840.| On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. 307

a shock will in greater quantity cause a spark, and if the spark

be but the tenth of an inch in length, it can inflame powder,

which is the great matter we have to guard against.

37. In connexion with this subject M. Arago gives us some

very useful hints.

A few detached sentences may be quoted to shew M. Ara-

go’s ideas :—* Lightning once engaged in a metallic bar of suf-

ficient dimensions, and well constructed, does not quit it to

strike the materials of which buildings are usually constructed,

but in sUCH SMALL QUANTITY that no injury can arise, nor even

any appreciable effect.”

38. M. Arago is here writing of ordinary buildings. But

what would produce no appreciable effect on these, would cause

the explosion of a magazine.

39. M. Arago proceeds to ask, “Should conductors be placed

within, or external to, buildings ?” The Board will see how this

bears on Mr. Harris’ ship conductors, which run THROUGH the

after magazine. “1 confess,” says M. Arago, “that on this

point I would be much less affirmative. Voltaire used to say,

‘there are some great lords not to be approached without ex-

treme precaution, and lightning is one of them.’ I think the

illustrious author is perfectly right, especially when I recol-

lect the case of Mr. Raven’s house, already alluded to.

Doubtless the conductor was not sufficiently thick ; but here

is an occurrence in which all was apparently in good or-

der, the conductors acting as well as could be desired, and

nevertheless there was a deviation of the electric matter. * * *

“The 31st July 1829, in the Jail of Charlestown, at the

moment of an immense thunder clap, 300 persons received a

violent shock, the effects of which lasted for some seconds. * *

“The jail had three good conductors, eighteen feet apart, the

building was untouched by the lightning.” * * * (See the

Annuaire for 1838).

40. How did the inmates receive this shock? M. Arago

refers it to the large quantity of iron the building contained.

308 On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. (No. 99.

Can I be accused of exaggeration, when I express my belief,

that the same cause, which independently of direct discharge

occasioned the shocks here alluded to, might in a magazine of

powder barrels be sufficient to occasion minute sparks, and the

consequences to which these will naturally lead ?

41. Lastly, M. Arago alludes to the proposition of Toaldo,

sanctioned by the Academy of Science, that for powder maga-

zines, the conductor should be placed at two or three metres

from the walls, on vertical masts. He approves of the idea in

principle, but describes its practical application as too expen-

sive, owing to the number of conductors which would be required.

42. But there is one most important experiment by Prof.

Henry, of New York, to which I earnestly invite the attention

of the Board. I wish my humble voice could reach the Lords

of the Admiralty with effect, and that by an appeal to the

good sense of men, who have only public interests at heart,

and who have no previous scientific doctrines to combat for, that

I could induce them to pause before they provide the British

Navy with the dangerous conductors Mr. Harris has led them

to adopt. Professor Henry led a copper wire, forty feet long,

from the prime conductor of an electrifying machine, into a

deep well full of water. On working the machine, from every

part of this wire large sparks were obtained, and a voltaic

cannon was fired by one of these sparks close to the surface

of the water. Nay, more, Professor Henry repeated this ex-

periment on a lightning conductor attached to his house, and

properly constructed in every way. From every part of the

conductor sparks were given off.

43. But even in the paper by Mr. Faraday, I find ample

admission of many of the facts I have contended for. ‘It is no

doubt true, that low rounded buildings, such as I understand

powder magazines to be in India, are but little liable to be

struck by lightning.” “It is also I think very probable that

a lightning conductor may, under certain circumstances, cause

an electric discharge to take place, where none would have

occurred, no conductor being present.” ;

44, Let us hear what Mr. Daniell himself is candid enough

to allow. (See para. 11 of his report).

1840.) On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. 309

‘“‘ There can be no doubt that a conductor in the moment of

a discharge of electricity passing through it, influences in a

degree all good conducting substances in its immediate vicinity,

by induction, but no discharge will take place from it to any

neighbouring body, unless it be INSUFFICIENT ITSELF to con-

duct the whole of the charge.” * * *

45. 'To this I have only to add, that since my first re-

port (Dec. 1838), in a paper published by Mr. Sturgeon in

the Annals of Electricity for October 1839, precisely the same

ideas as those I entertain are fully and ably advanced. Mr.

Martyn Roberts, a well known electrician, advocates the same

-views—such also were the opinions of my admired and esteem-

ed friend James Prinsep, whose name alone is full proof, to the

Indian community at least, of the sterling value of the conclu-

sions he arrived at.

46. From the consideration of all these facts and reasons,

I think myself justified fully in adhering to the opinions ex-

pressed in my first report. I do not, and never did, deny the

protecting power of well constructed conductors erected in a

given number. I stated distinctly all the circumstances from

which danger might result, and how I conceived these might

best be avoided. I freely admit copper to be superior to iron,

but I wished to avoid expense in introducing the system I pro-

posed. On that system I conceive all danger would be obvi-

ated, while in the method proposed in the letter from the

Honorable Court at least two highly probable causes of

accident remain in full operation.

47, Having obtained through your Board the sanction of

Government to the publication of the papers by Messrs.

Faraday and Daniell, I will take care that the views therein

contained shall be generally made known. Im an early number

of the Journal of the Asiatic Society, I propose further to print

an abstract translation of M. Arago’s remarkable Essay “ Sur

le Tonnerre” which I saw for the first time when it was sent

to your Board, along with Messrs. Faraday and Daniell’s

papers. The interesting facts with which M. Arago’s me-

moir abounds, will doubtless lead many competent observers

to study the phenomena and effects of lightning on the grand

scale in which these may be witnessed in India. <A multitude

{

P at

fel

310 On Lightning Conductors to Powder Magazines. (No. 99.

of facts will doubtless be thus quickly accumulated, and from

these we may reasonably hope to found certain opinions on

the points still open to doubt and discussion.

48. The electrical history of Chowringhee I will take care

to collect for Mr. Daniell’s gratification, with the precision

he is good enough to recommend me to observe. I only regret

that this is not the appropriate place for noticing the very

courteous remark he has made upon this topic.

49. I designedly forbear from all observations on the attach-

ment of conductors to ordinary edifices, whether private or

public. No one is more convinced of their value than I am,

but I am at the same time as satisfied that as they are usually

constructed they are sources rather of danger than of pro-

tection; referring therefore, with great respect, to my first

report, I can only modify the suggestions therein given to the

extent, that I believe six to ten feet interval between the walls

of the magazine and the conductor will suffice, instead of the

more considerable space I first recommended. With this

sole exception, I am deeply impressed with the belief that

it were wiser to commit our magazines to the same chances

through which they have passed unharmed for the last half

century, than expose them to the possible dangers I have

described to proceed from the attachment, in the ordinary

manner, of an inadequate number of conductors erected at

but one foot from their walls.

50. To economize materials, it would be advisable to erect

a wall as high as the roof of the magazine, ten feet distant

from it all round. At each corner of this wall a conductor

twenty feet higher than the roof should be placed, and pro-

perly led to the ground as deep as the water level. Between

these conductors, at every ten or fifteen feet, I would place a

pointed bar six feet long, inclining outward at an angle of 45° ;

all these bars should be connected at their bases by a

broad strip of sheet copper led along the wall.

I have the honor to be, Sir,

Your most obedient servant,

W. B. O’Suaveunessy, M. D.

Assist. Surgeon and Prof. Med. Col. Calcutta.

Medical College, 22d June, 1840.

OOo

dl] |

Second Paper on a march between Mhow and Sagur. By Kuaw Aut.

On the Huli in Malwa.

The traveller in India can never be without something to interest

him, so little do we know of the country, and of its inhabitants ;

—thus, when no antiquities were at hand, we amused ourselves —

by attending the different ceremonies of the Huli, which was playing

all round us.

The Huli usually to be seen in our well regulated cantonments, or

the towns of our Provinces, attracts but little attention, the leisure

rendered so interesting by its classical: associations, being repressed

by order and decorum; while dirty water thrown about, constitutes

nearly all the fun; and the bon-fires are but a scanty collection of faggots,

hardly sufficient to warm one’s hands by. The festival to be appreciated

must be witnessed in all its native rudeness in the towns and villages

still ruled by Hindoos, far removed from Mussulman prejudice and

European police. (1)

In the villages in this neighbourhood, for instance, there is one grand

general bon-fire, (2) which sometimes rises to a height, beside which

an Eton 5th of November one would look dwarfish. The first stick is

planted on the 5th Sudi of Magh. (3) The potail, the village priest, the

boys and the idlers, assemble round the well known spot set apart for

the purpose, and the ground having been swept and sprinkled with

1. It was at first intended to note only such peculiarities of practice as we might

observe in the celebration of the Huli in this part of India, but it was found impossible,

in many cases, to separate local from general customs, and my remarks have thus

swelled into an essay, which though perhaps misplaced here, is allowed to remain,

as I am not aware of any detailed account of this festival in English; but you are at

liberty to omit the description, should any such have been published. The customs

more peculiar to this neighbourhood, are pointed out in the text.

2. In towns each muhul has its own bon-fire.

3. Improperly, the full of the moon being the orthodox time. This advance of

ten days is very unusual in our provinces, and is by no means general even here.

The 5th, however, the first day of Bussunt is, every where, one of much sanctity ; pooja

is said to Krishna and Rukmuni, to Camdeo and his wife Ruti, and it is proper to feast

Brahmuns, the family priest, and friends. The whole month of Magh, indeed, is

esteemed by the Vishnooees holy, above all other months, and serves as an introduction

to the gaieties of the Huli, in memory of Krishna’s sports at this season of his

minstrelsey ‘“‘ which delighted bees, birds, and deer,’’ and ‘‘drew down the rude

applause of the Gopis and Gopas,’’ and to his refreshing himself in the Jumna

after his fatigues. Laughing and singing, and clapping of hands, and bathing should

be the principal occupation of the month. The last is the most important duty: it

should commence from the 11th Sudi of Poos, and continue to the end of Magh, and

if regularly performed, (when half the rising sun’s disk appears above the horizon, )

washes away (according to the Pudum Puran) all sins.

312 — On the Huli in Malwa. [No. 99.

water, the poojari proceeds to hallow it, with certain holy mutterings

and a few grains of rice, a little betel, and huldi; and then fixes in the

centre, in a small hole dug for the purpose, a branch of Semul (cotton

tree) or more usually, a plant of Renda (the Castor) round which he

ranges five cakes of chinna. (4) This is called Huli ka har (or dunda

dhurna,) and the spot “ the Huli,” and for the whole ensuing month

nothing is thought of among the boys, but how to steal wood, grass,

cakes of cow dung, &c. to heap around it. The Huli however is played

languidly till the 8th Sudi of Phalgun, the Hul Ashtuk or Phag, from

which day till the full moon, business is dropped, and as at the Satur-

nalia, there is no betrothing, or marrying, no new work should be under-

taken, debtors are not harassed, (5) schools are closed, &c. But it is from

the 11th, the Amarduki, that they begin the sports in earnest. The

boys have by this time grown more bold, and rove about in all direc-

tions to feed Huli Mata. In the conduct of these foraging parties

they sometimes, and ought always, to mimic the bustle and preparation

of an alarmed camp, as enjoined in the Brimha Vaidertuk; “ as if you

were rushing to get your weapons,” says another Puran (6). One makes

off with a door, another runs away with a bed, and some old woman

perhaps, who has gossipped too long at the well, finds on her return

home, half her hut unthatched. ‘To make the matter worse, nothing

that has actually reached the Huli, can be taken back; though if the

thieves have been disturbed at their work, and drop their prey, it is

then redeemed by the owner. Sometimes indeed a sulky person will

insist on taking his property from the very pile, but the boys so tor-

ment him with abuse and raillery, shouting in his ear the dreadful and

infallible penalties of such sacrilege, the death of the first-born, &c.,

that shame, or fear, generally induces him to withdraw his claims, and

to join, with as good a grace as he can, in the general grin.

At last the longed-for night, the full of the moon, has arrived.—For

some days previous, the women have been busy making little cups of

cow-dung, called bullas, in the centre of which a hole is bored, so

that several may be strung together into a necklace. Each head of

a family, bearing in his hand, (like some Greek suppliant with his ever-

4. The local name for cakes of cow-dung, more commonly called kunda, ussara,

or gobur.

o. In the day similarly kept sacred during the Jewish Huli, the Passover, money

matters might be attended to ;—a characteristic distinction.

6. From the clashing of the sticks together on this occasion, and the sound of

kil kil made by it, some derive the name of Holica, others from Hodui to go, the d

and 1 being changeable.

1840. | On the Huli in Malwa. 313

green thallus) a plant of Castor, (6) to the top of which an ear (bali) of

jao has been attached, and taking with him as many cow-dung neck-

laces (bulla ka mala) as there are males in his family, proceeds to the

Huli, round which the old and young of the village have collected.

The potail having arrived with some little state, and the noisy accom-

paniments of singing women, tom-toms, blowing of horns, &c., the

poojari squats near the pile, his implements of worship, grain, cocoa-

nuts, rachna, (mixed huldi and lime) before him, and the usual pooja

rité peracta ; either he, or the head man of the village sets fire (7) to

the Huli, upon which all the malas have been previously thrown, each

householder however reserving one, which he takes home again. (8) The

moment the pile begins to blaze, they look anxiously to which quarter

the flame is driven by the wind. The East is the fortunate point, the

West and North are also good, but the South is the sign of blight and

famine. Ills also follow, should there be no wind, so that the flame

should rise up straight. (9)

The Huli is next perambulated seven times (10) by the assembly, who

6. Most of these ancient rites, now diffused through foreign countries, have been

so distorted and diverted from their original intent, by the adoption of new creeds

and other causes, that the analogies can be sometimes but faintly traced. The practice

here mentioned of bearing boughs, may have a like origin with the similar one

of the ancient and modern Jews, at the feast of tabernacles ; the suspending branches

to their houses of the Chinese and Japanese, at the festival of the new year, and

the like superstitious ornamenting of our churches at Christmas.

7. Some think that the Huli should be fired by a light newly struck froma steel,

or perhaps more correctly from two pieces of dry wood, the aram of antiquity; but

this distinction is frequently neglected. In the Deccan the outcasts have a separate

Huli, from which a lighted log is brought by force, to serve as a match for the

grand pile. See for an interesting account of this, the Sooni paper, Bombay Transac-

tions, vol. 3.

8. This has probably some connexion with a superstition (not wholly unknown

on other occasions in India) which was common to the Greeks and Romans, with

whom it was usual to carry home part of an oblation for luck’s sake. (Potter,

whom with Alexander ab Alexandro and Boulanger (l’antiquité dévoilée par ses

usages,) I have principally consulted for the parallel rites of ancient Europe.) The

reserved mala is kept in the house during the year, and on the succeeding Huli is

taken and burnt with the rest, and a fresh one laid by in its place.

9. The Greeks derived omens in a similar manner from the direction of the

flame of a sacrifice. See Potter’s Antiquities: I, p. 371.

10. Three times is the more correct number of perambulations according to the

Pudum Puran, and is certamly that which has been, in all times and nations, most

common, as in the “ Deasil’’ still performed round Cairns on Sundays and holidays in

our own country. It is also the number most usually adopted in India on this occasion,

(Bombay Transactions, vol. 3. Pinkerton’s Voyages and Travels, III, p. 602, 371. Pliny

28: 2; Potter II : p. 253, &c.) but the use of the number seven seems to be quite asan-

cient. A cow was led seven times round the temples at the Eygptian festival commemo-

314 On the Huli in Malwa. - (No. 99.

as they walk round, throw rice, &c. into the flame, and dip into it, so as to

scorch the jao, (11) their castor plants, mutter prayers and vows, and

offer up numuskar with joined hands. This ‘‘ Purduksheva” over, the

bugulgir (or embrace) succeeds. Friends embrace each other (12) as

if they had long been separated; (13) many exchange their reserved

malas or castor trees in token of regard; the chela touches his mas-

ter’s feet ; the son those of his father ; and the “ labratum” on this oc-

casion is not unfrequently extended by the young to any respected

senior. .

The scene now becomes very lively. Each kisan (cultivator) hastens

to secure from the fire a half-burnt stake, which he sets up in the

centre of his most productive field, where under the name of Huli ka

Raja, it acts in a triple capacity, attracting good crops, averting evil

eyes, and serving like its classical parallel, the ‘ruber hortorum

custos,” to frighten away birds. (14) Parties may also be observed scam-

pering away in every direction with lighted bullas snatched from the

flames, to replace the culinary fire at home, which has been religiously

extinguished, according to a superstition general all over Jndia, and

which many of the poorer Mussulmen have adopted. (15) Great pains

are taken in a few families to keep this fire alive during the year ; its

accidental extinction is regarded as the sure precursor of some great

misfortune, and there seems to be, or rather to have been, (for the custom

rating the search for Osiris; and the Jews still seven times circle their altar at the feast

of tabernacles. Boulanger and many others, devote whole pages to the mystic No. 7—

See Moore’s Pantheon, 300. Burder on Exodus xx ; 10, &c. &c.

11. The ear of barley is taken home and carefully preserved, being considered

of much efficacy in the cure of various diseases. ‘The castor plant they throw away.

12. This custom has probably lasted longer, and been more generally diffused,

than any other of these ancient rites. Marco Polo mentions it as a principal ceremony

of the white feast of the Tartars. In Persia, at the Nou Roz, there is no end of kissing ;

and our own new year’s compliments will not be forgotten.

13. This custom is in some sort repeated at the Dewali, and Beeja Dusmi. The

ingenious theorist Boulanger would have been glad to seize on it in support of his favour-

ite arguments—See Ant. dey., 1, 233.

14. See Tod’s Rajasthan, 2; 662.

15. In the north of England a remnant of the Yule clog is put by to light the next

Christmas fire with, and the place where it is kept is considered safe from demons.

In some places the new year’s gift which the king sends to his vassals is fire, which

being brought, all the old fire is put out; and this new fire all the neighbouring people

are obliged to fetch every one for himself, upon pain of incurring the guilt and pun-

ishment of high treason—(Montaigne’s Essay on Customs and Laws.) At the Chinese fes-

tival of the new year, every one carries a lighted candle or two to the temple. These

superstitions relating to fire are very ancient, and date doubtless from those times when

religious rites, as inculcated in the Vedas, consisted chiefly of Homas.

1840. | On the Huli in Malwa. 315

is nearly exploded) an objection on the part of either borrower or

lender, to its being removed from a neighbour’s hearth. In travelling

among the Bheels of Bagur, we met with some tribes among whom the

prejudice on this point was very remarkable. (16)

These more solemn ceremonies ended, riot is let loose ; now (17) com-

mences the “‘kubeer,” the abuse, the foul language, which all join

in without a feeling of shame or of anger. (18) The children are not

the least active in this war of words, and at the pitch of their voices is

a “‘ Galian gate hai ke sunnesi husi ati hai” (19), being incited to it by

their elders, as it is believed they will thus lose all fear of bhoots, and

jins. (20) Many of the more respectable people return about this time to

their homes to be present at the interesting ceremony of burning the

family Huli. The middle of the room having been carefully swept,

and smoothed with cow dung, the pater familias describes with “chun-

dun” a figure of a square, ornamenting the edges and centre with

some pattern, as of a lotus leaf, and in the centre of the interior lotus,

raises a small heap of dry sticks, bullas, &c.; then taking a roll of

thread in his hand, and measuring every one: present in succession, he

cuts off for each individual, tall or short, a portion of the thread, equi-

valent to his height, and lays the pieces one after the other on the little

gur ka Huli; he does not forget also to cut off a thread for himself, and

making a guess at the height of any absent relation or intimate

friends. ‘This thread may be considered in the light of a scape goat,

for as it disappears in the flame, all the griefs, sickness, and ill luck (if

not the sins) of the persons included in the rite, are supposed to be dis-

sipated, and burnt with it. (21) The ceremonies just before celebrated

16. The fires which ought not to be allowed to go out, (see Ward’s Hindus) and

which in former times were as carefully watched as was ever the undying flame of

Jew, Sabian, or Vestal, are now hardly to be found but in the families of Agnihotra

Brahmuns, to which class however the custom is by no means confined exclusively, as

might be suspected from Ward’s note; the practice, apparently from the difficulty and

inconvenience of its observance, has fallen into general disuse. See A. R. 260.

17. Or ought to commence, but in reality the licence of the tongue begins at least

a week before the burning.

18. Any fool, says the Brimha Vaiverta, who does not do so, goes to hell for as

long as the sun and moon reign.

19. The quaint expression of a little Casi manual of the yearly festivals; some parts

of it have been copied into the ‘* Hindu selections.’’

20. In England fires are in some places lighted on Christmas eve, to drive away

evil spirits.

21. A zealous analogist would suggest some resemblance between this rite, and

the worship during the Compitalia of the Lares, to whom it was at that time customary

to offer small images of wool, one for eyery member of a family. (Pompeius Festus

ad yerba Lania et Pila,)

Soe — ee Rt

316 On the Hult in Malwa. [No. 99.

at the public Tuli, are here also repeated in miniature; the offerings, the

lighting of the pile, the seven parikramas, the bugulgir, in which last, those

have the opportunity of joining in homage, whom sickness or accident

may have confined to the house. After this every one having made a

tetich of rockna on his forehead, the party retires, rejoining the general

assembly, and the women taking its place repeat nearly the same cere-

monies, and amuse themselves with throwing abeer, (red powder) laugh-

ing, chattering, and singing till morning. The rabble in the interim

have remained at the public Huli enjoying the fun of flinging about

abeer, squirting water er oil, whose smell is not pleasant, (22) bandying

gali, (or abuse) “dancing, and singing like devils incarnate,” and

shouting out padArka-aopara. After about two hours spent in this

manner, the whole body sets out on a tour through the village, drums

beating, women screeching, and every one trying to make as much

noise as possible; at length, about the eve of dawn, they halt at the

potail’s house, and from thence gradually disperse to their respective

homes. On the first of Cheyt (known from the flinging about, and

marking with ashes) by the names of Duraheti (23) or Bhusm Bun-

dum (Sansct. Rujotsa,) every one shaking off the fatigues of the night,

rises after a few hours sleep, eager to commence the sports of the

day. This chiefly consists in flinging dust, and squirting water,

coloured with saffron or some such stuff, at each other, and is first

played among themselves by the members of each family. The women

take a part in the fun; a man for instance runs up to his Bhajai (elder

brother’s wife) having his palms smeared with wet abeer, and pre-

tending to make a salam, rubs it over her face. The lady takes the

joke in good part, requests to ‘‘ soorma” his eyes on this happy morn-

ing, and covers his whole face with a kajul (lamp black), or perhaps

runs off with a part of his dress, which he only gets back by making

her a present. Such jokes having lasted a certain time, the men hasten

to the potail’s chabutra, (terrace) the rendezvous of the village, and

where similar sports are being acted, but with more noise and licence.

The women of the family from above shower down dust and water on

the crowd below, who return the compliment by volleys of indecent

gali-gali, which is heard without a blush at this season alone, and does

not excite the slightest sentiment of anger. (24) Universal good humour

22. Hamilton’s Travels in India, Among the Birmans the throwing of water is

the principal amusement.

23. The Duraheti is sometimes put off to the 3d or even the 5th.

24. No respectable woman during the Huli will leave her house, except in case of

actual necessity, as every body she meets will insult her ; but in the midst of this ap-

1840. | On the Huli in Malwa. 317

indeed prevails, and the zemindar frequently seizes, with success, this

favorable opportunity of bringing parties together, whom some trifling

quarrel may have estranged. ‘Let all ill blood,” he will say, “be con-

sidered as burnt with last night’s Huli, &c. &c.” But all are getting impa-

tient fora change offun. The potail therefore rises, and with the village

rabble at his heels proceeds to the extinguished Huli, with the ashes of

which every one makes a tiluk, using a particular muntra (holy formula)

en the occasion, and.snatching them up by handsful, throws showers over

his own or his neighbour’s head ; then with much noise, and indecent

mirth, they march in procession about the village by a fixed route, from

which year after year they never deviate (25), stopping before certain

houses, as that of the Chumar, Aheer, &c. who claim the distinction as

their privilege. Here they raise frantic shouts, baw] out obscene verses,

and abuse the inmates in the coarsest language; presently out rushes

a woman, and begins belabouring them with a stick, returning the

abuse with interest ; snatching then some person’s cloth, she pulls it

off, and the sufferer must pay a small fine of ghee, sweetmeats, &c.

before he can get back his garment; or the woman will seize hold of

some individual, generally a poor relation of the potail, or the village

butt, and dragging him into the house, dress him up in women’s clothes,

and set him before a chuki (hand-mill) to grind grain. Of course, as

before, he only gets liberated by purchase. The fines are the perquisite

of the house owners, which explains why the visit was desired by

them.

The excesses committed during this procession are scarcely credible ;

extravagance seems to be considered a religious duty. Not content

with throwing about dust by handsfuel, they fill small baskets with it,

which they empty on the heads of all round them. All distinctions of

rank are levelled, any chance passenger, “be he hakim, old man, or raja”

is obliged to bow to the law of the Huli; they must bear with a good

grace all the vulgar gali; must submit to the clouds of dust and

ashes; to having dirty water, and “gingerly oil” (as Hamilton

calls it) squirted in his face, and to be well pummelled with patlis

(little bags full of water ingeniously made on the spot, in a cor-

parently unbridled licence, certain rules of propriety are religiously observed ; proces-

sions of females, for instance, would not be interfered with. This conventional decorum

is perhaps less strictly attended to here.

25. ‘To do so in the slightest degree, even by turning down a different lane, would, it

is supposed, entail some misfortune on the community, as was threatened to the

deserters of the leod oooc of Eleusis.

318 On the Huh in Malwa. [No. 99.

ner of the dhotis) ; fortunate if he has fallen into a comparatively quiet

set, and escapes a pelting with mud, shoes, filth, or stones. Already

much excited, and imitating drunkenness, ebrioli, if not already

drunk with opium, bang, and other such intoxicating (drugs, without

which indeed they could hardly support the fatigue of such violent

and prolonged sport) the mob with this rude play, and its concomitants

shouting, singing, and Bacchanalian dancing, has soon worked itself

into a sort of frenzy : they dress themselves up so as to look like bears

&e. or as the Brimha Vaiverta instructs, “make a swan or a monkey

with cotton.” The most absurd antics are played: you may see

two individuals abusing each other in the grossest language, imme-

diately afterwards joining in unmeaning and immoderate laughter,

‘* Ex turpissima lite in risum diffusi’. Near them perhaps, and with

equal reason, stands a man sobbing bitterly as if some misfortune

had happened to him (26) ; others “ delighting in nastiness and holy ob-

scenity,” clothe themselves in outrageous fashions, (or likethe lOtpadXoe

at the Dionysia, in women’s dresses) and strive to outdo each other

in their indelicate and ridiculous postures; nor will they feel shame

in thus acting, though their “ mothers or sisters or brother’s wife are

looking on.” (27) All classes seem to lose their senses ; an individual

on all other occasions quiet and decent in his behaviour—some bunian _

for instance, well offin the world—will forget, for the time, all sense of —

decency, and think it no degradation to expose himself for the sport of —

an insane rabble. He seems to be the prototype of the ‘‘ Rex-stultorum ;”

round his neck will be hung a disgusting chaplet of old shoes, live «

frogs, and bones; a broken dust basket, supported over his head on a

bamboo, represents a regal chatta; worn-out brooms, supply the place of —

chowrees ; and his face having been blackened, he is mounted on a sorry

donkey,(28) and paraded in mimic state through the streets, his drunken

attendants hooting, shouting, calling him all the fine names they can —

26. This, which might seem to be connected with those demonstrations of grief —

which some believe to have pervaded all, and particularly this, the apparently most —

joyous of the festivals of antiquity, is generally acted as if real, can be nothing more |

than the maudlin of drunkenness, as the exuberance of a forced and unnatural gaiety,

a mere variety of extravagance (major dementia. )

27. The last sentence, and much of the succeeding description [of the truth of —

which I have taken pains to be assured] are copied from a little Jain treatise against

these practices ; called the ‘“‘ Mithy at Kund,’’ which we might translate, the ‘* Bank

of Fallacies’’.

28. Pytting on an asses’ mask, and mounted on an ass.

1840. | On the Hult in Malwa. 319

think of, and reeling and tumbling around him like the chorus of

Silenus. (29)

These sports are all over by about midday ; people now bathe, change

their clothes, and become rational again, and returning to their homes,

refresh themselves with the best dinner their means can supply. (30) In

the afternoon complimentary visits are paid. The zemindar attended

by his ryuts, calls on his relations, presents are interchanged, and every

one is clothed in his best clothes and smiles. Our own new year’s customs

are in fact rehearsed even to the Christmas-box ; certain of the village

tradesmen, such as the jumooli (washerman) the bhooi kahar (or wa-

ter carrier of the better classes) the guides, &c. call at the houses of

their employers, to remind them of the time-sanctioned present, which

is in many cases their only pay—some of them displaying the instru-

ments of their craft. The barber, for example, thrusts his mirror into

every face which he shaves, and his similarly armed wife making the

tour of the zenanas, will not fail, if she have any wit, to flatter the ladies

into a generous humour, and to gain a pretty penny by showing them

what they love the most. The bari (leaf-plate maker) makes up showy

plates of painted tamarind leaves, which he distributes around, and few

come without some trifle as an offering. At night the Phul dool (31)

attracts a crowd of worshippers, all taking care to propitiate Bhugwna,

by laying on his tukht, (throne) some offering proportioned to their

circumstances, but where there is a Ramdwara, the superior splendour

of the Ramsanehi (32) floralia, draws away a large proportion of the

spectators from the worship at the temple.

29. The many parallels to this curious scene will suggest themselves to every anti-

quary. The ass which bore the feeble old man in the parody of Pegasus and Bellero-

phon (Apuleius.) The procession, smutted faces, women’s dresses, and ‘‘ imitation of

the braying of asses of the festival of fools. ( Strutt.) The king of the feast of the

Persians, whom they used afterwards to put to death. The Abbott of Misrule, described

by Walter Scott in the Abbott, not to speak of the more generally known rites of Greece

and Rome.

30. On this day, says the Brimha Vaiverta, ‘‘wear garlands, eat pan, and wear

good clothes, and mix with women ; whoever has not remained with women, is nothing

worth. Play with widows and dancing girls, and gain beatitude, certain wealth, and

a son, and if you are lame you will get cured.’’

31. The celebration of this Pooja is very irregular: here it generally varies from

the Ist to the 5th of Cheyt budi. At Bindrabun it is put off till the llth. At Jugger-

nath (according to the Mahatma of that place) it lasts from the 8th Suci of Phal-

gun to the Ist Cheyt.

32. The larger proportion, (the demi-philosophers of the soi-disant Deists,) can

hardly bring itself entirely to spiritualize the symbolic Ram. It seems to yearn for

the flesh-pots, and hugs its one festival with an affection scarcely orth odox. With many

320 On the Huliin Malwa. [No. 99.

The customs above described as practised on this day, may be con-

sidered (independently of trifling local differences) as common both

here and in Upper India, but there are others peculiar I believe to this

part of the country or Rajpootana, which must not be omitted; one of

them is very pleasing. Visits are paid by the head of the village

‘with his tail on,” to any house in which there may be mourning ; the

owner of it if a man, comes out, and being reminded that all sorrow

should be extinguished with the Huli, some of its ashes are sprinkled

over his head; processions of women pay a visits of condolence to

females in distress.

But the favourite sport of the day is in the afternoon. In most of the

market villages may be observed erected two poles, about fourteen feet

high, with small sticks stuck into them to be used as steps to mount by,

these being painted red and repaired for the occasion, a great crowd

collects around them, where some bhil or bulai (village guide) having

a hook let into the flesh of his back, is swung round as at the Siva

Sanyasas in Bengal; but here more considerate and humane than in

Bengal, they place a charpae undef the turning cross pole, which

receives the sufferer, and prevents a dangerous fall, in case of the flesh

giving away.

At the foot of the poles they place any old image, generally some

fragment of sculpture from a ruined temple, which is called for the day

Megh Nath, and it is in his name that this cruel Parikrama* (for Pa-

rikrama it is considered) is undertaken ; sometimes in performance of a

vow, or to get cured of a disease, or even for the petty subscription

which is raised for the victims from the spectators. The deity wor-

shipped is said to be Bhairava, but I do not remember why on this par-

ticular day he should be called by the name of the cloud lord, the son

of Rawun. In the Deccan they seem to have wrestling, &c. as a substi-

tute for this, and the place where the wrestlers assemble is dedicated to

Vetal, the prince of the devils. Between the poles a chool (pit) is some-

Ramsane is indeed the Phul dool, and like Mrs. Wilson’s dinner, serves as business for

the whole year, six months being occupied in talking of the past, and the other six

in preparations for the coming festival. Its celebration on this particular day, and

the general belief to be found in many books (see the Hindu selections,) that Ram

instituted the Huli, induced me to tax the Baba-gee of a Ramdwara at Indore,

with observing that superstition, which he indignantly denied; he gave me however

a short but suspiciously sect-spirited history of that festival, which will be mentioned

in its place.

* Note.—A Parikrama is the act of going in a circle round any object. It is an

act of adoration, performed in various i and varying with the Deity who for the

time is adored.

1840. | On the Hult in Malwa. 321

times dug and filled with hot ashes, across which women run, gene-

rally those who have vowed to do so, should they be blessed with a son,

in which case they cross it with the “child of the vow” (33) at the

breast—but the distance is such a mere step, that they as rarely get

scorched (34) as did the priestesses of Diana during the similar cere-

mony. Thoughif Sonnerat is to be believed, which he is not (35), it is

not in every part of India so easy an ordeal.

There is a peculiarity in the Duraheti here, that it is not as in most

places restricted to the Ist of the month, but continues during seve-

ral days, many classes having a sort of exclusive Duraheti, when they

only play with their own kith and kin; but I must confess I have been

able to get very little information on this point, nor could, or would, any

one explain the rules by which these associations are regulated. In

some castes, the licence on these occasions is frightful. Men, I have

been credibly informed, unsatisfied with common filth, smear themselves

over with ordure, fling it at each other, and remain covered with it for

days, during which time they do not enter their houses, and their bread

is cooked, and flung out to them by the females. (36) But such horrors,

and all the more outrageous extravagancies, are confined to the lowest

classes and to towns, the village amusements being generally of a

more simple and pleasing character. On the second day of the month,

Juma-ditiya or Jumgut, the brahmun worships his shastrus, the

koith, his pen and ink, the banker his books, and the mass some Devi or

Other; at about 12 a grand assembly (Jumgut) takes place at any prin-

cipal house in the district, invitations being sent to all the neighbour-

hood where nautches, masks, &c. amuse the folks till night. Here

should end the festival, but where the district is rich and populous, the

zemindars of different villages have their separate Jumguts on different

days, these rarely extend beyond the Sth, the term observed by

respectable people, and in the Deccan, and called Rung Punchmi ; but

some of the lower classes continue the sports for a few days more, and

in this part of the country, they are not concluded till the 13th, and by

33. See Calmet’s Dictionary.

34. Boyle, art. Comane.

39. It is Sonnerat, I believe, of whom the following story is told. A friend of his

who had been in India congratulated him on the success of his book, but said he,

I never saw the fine things you speak of. My good fellow, replied Sonnerat, I did not

write for such as you, but for those who have not been in India.

36. On such points as these it has of course been necessary to trust to native

information, but great pains have been taken to establish accuracy by comparing

different accounts.

399 On the Hult in Malwa. [No. 99.

some of the Mahrattas even till their new year’s day, Ghori Prewar, a

day the tribe keep with a spirit quite unknown to their brethren of the

Ganges.

It is I believe on the Jumgut, that in some parts of Malwa the

women collect round the burnt Huli, the charred wood of which

they pound into ashes, taking some home to be used as medicine.

A singular ceremony next takes place, it has from ancient times been

considered in the East, and especially in India, an act of the highest

indelicacy for a man to utter his wife’s name, or a woman that of her

husband’s ; (see Ward’s Hindus 1, 199; 1, 529) on this occasion how-

ever the women alternately ask each other, What is your husband’s

name? The reply to which is given in a whisper. This mystery

is practised in most places at other times; as during the festival of

Gangore, of which Tod has given a slight sketch, but which as exactly

resembling the rites of the Bona Dea, deserves a more particular de-

scription. In the Deccan at the Nag Punchmi, the women ask each

other their husband’s names, and the answer is givenin rhyme. Bombay

Trans. 1. 3 217. .

Many other are the curious and interesting superstitions which

might be elicited, by observing the customs of these rude tribes, who

have preserved many ancient usages, elsewhere abolished. Some of my

notes have been mislaid, but among my memoranda of superstitions to

be inquired into, I remark one regarding a Mabhratta custom of wearing

a seal on the right breast during the Huli, of the nature and meaning

of which story I am perfectly ignorant. Of the different amusements of

this season, a favourite one is the making of April fools, the simi-

larity of which custom to our own has already been pointed out in the

Asiatic Researches, and in Mrs. Grahame’s letters.

As an example of the tricks, I select two which have classical parallels.

Imitation sweetmeats made of coloured mud or chalk are sent about

with due ceremony, as presents. “ Vidi” (says Eacolpius in the supper of

Trimalchio) “ Rome Saturnalibus ejusmodi (de luto) caenarum imagines

fieri.” The other example will be more commonly recognised, as it is

exactly what Horace (epist. 1 : 16) adverts to. A rupee is made fast

to a chabutra by alum or some such stuff; and the different gestures

of the person taken in by it, joy and eagerness at the discovery, puz-

zled looks at being unable to pick it up “‘in triviis fixum cum te dimittis

ob assem,” and disappointment and rage at detecting the trick, prove a

fertile source of laughter to the concealed wits. Persius also alludes

to the same deception, (Sat. 5) “ Inque luto fixum possis transcendere

1840. | On the Huh in Malwa. 3235

nummum ?” Another common joke is less excusable; a party of seem-

ingly grave persons are seated at a shop, a traveller passes: ‘‘ Where are

you going to?” “Such a village :” ‘ Oh then just carry this pot of

ghee for us to the potail, and here is an anna for you.” The vessel is ac-

cordingly lifted on the head of the unsuspecting stranger, but before

he has gone many steps, some one gives it a blow with a stick, and the

unhappy porter is drenched with mud and filth. But the old fashion-

ed pleasantry of flinging about missiles, may be considered the pet

frolic of the Huli. To such an extent is this practice carried in some

places, as about Muttra for instance, that the roads are nearly closed,

and travellers do not attempt to continue their journey, as they would

have to encounter a storm of brick-bats, wood, mud, and shoes, if not of

disgusting filth, at every village through which they passed. At Cawnpore

the pelting of shoes was, a few years ago, so great a nuisance, that it

was a work of danger to walk through the town, and even now, from

the same cause, respectable quiet persons dare not venture into the

bazars during the three great days of the Huli. For weeks before,

every sort of missile is heaped up in the shops on either side of the

way, and the favourite weapons, cast-off shoes, fetch a fair price. The

opposite houses, fight pitched battles with these primitive arms, and as

may well be conceived, any hapless traveller, (87) who shall uncon-

Sciously pass that way, thus planted between two fires, is fortunate

to escape with only a few bruises, for in some towns, even stones are

flung, and serious accidents not unfrequently happen.

It cannot be expected that such rude play should always be taken

in good part; and in fact, though the chief people by judiciously endea-

vouring to turn all complaints into ridicule, prevent much of the mis-

chief, quarrels are very common, and swords and blood are not unfre-

quently drawn. I had several accounts of the Huli drawn up for me by

people of different ranks and castes, and a sentence in one of them very

strikingly exhibits the danger of these sports: ‘“‘ When we return home

to sleep we bless Bhugwan that we have gone through the day

without being engaged in a dispute.” The Italians are well aware

of the danger of their more civilized mirth, and lesser licence, and

(according to Williams’s Italy) swords are forbidden to be worn during

the carnival.

The common rendezvous of the principals in such mischief is in the

37. Strangers are the principal sufferers, for of course there is a convenient under-

standing between those who are engaged in the current and necessary business of the

day, sellers and buyers of food, &c.

324 On the Hult in Malwa. [No. 99.

middle of the bazar, where may be seen stretched out in the road, a

preposterous and indecent figure ofa man, made of a few sticks and old

rags. This Indian Priapus, much the same probably, as the “horrors”

which Asa set up in the grove (2 Chron. xv. 16,) is here called Nathoo

Ram, and is equally common in Rajasthan (Tod) and in the Deccan,

(Bombay Trans. vol. i. 240.) Nathoo Ram we were told was a bunian,

a notorious gallant, whom a Rajpoot finding too intimate with his wife, —

killed during the Huli. This figure forming the standing joke of

the season, food is daily presented to it with ludicrous gravity ;

it is plentifully smeared with abeer, and all sorts of absurd antics are

played around it; nor can any one pass the spot where it lies without a

volley of jokes being discharged at him, unless he has the tact to avert

the storm, by paying his devotions with jest and ribaldry, to this exact re-

presentative of the Syrian newro-spasta.

Numerous games are also played during the Huli of a more ceed

character, which vary of course in every country. The most common —

one is well known: men range themselves in two circles facing differ- |

ent ways, each person, armed with a stick, goes dancing round, to—

the tune generally of a fife, and strikes the stick of every one who —

comes oppositeto him. This is the characteristic dance of the Hindus —

in Afghanistan, and more particularly in Seestan. a

A second one, common here, particularly among the Aheers, is as _

follows :— ;

The men assemble in one line, the women in another, all armed with —

sticks, which the former use only as shields. The boys look on, for —

these games are played chiefly by grown up people, “ senes his pueros,” —

a battle is mimicked. The women raising a sort of Poean, strike their —

sticks against those of their shouting adversaries, who allow themselves —

to be slowly driven back ; when breathless, a few minutes truce is allow- ©

ed, till some one calls out, the ‘succours are at hand, the suwars have

arrived,” and the like ; and they again set to. The spectators reward

the actors with a trifle. z

In the evenings the simple rustics enjoy, with undisguised delight, |

mimes and farces of the rudest description, and which to a townsman —

would appear insufferably dull and disgusting, for the more amusing

plays of the Mahrattas, of which Malcolm and Grant Duff make mention,

are rarely acted. Of course the quality, and longer or shorter continu- ~

ance, of the nautches depend on the means and will of the givers, but.

many of the richer zemindars commence them from the 11th of Poos

Seedi, and keep them up to the 5th of Cheyt. According to the

- ie a

——- --- —————— ee a a ae

1840. | On the Huh in Malwa. 325

Pudum Puran, they should continue till the end of spring, till the sun

enters

On the 13th, the last day of the Malwa Huli, a game is played which

has some resemblance to our village greased pole. A pole is erected, of

such a height that a man by standing on another’s shoulders, can reach

the top of it. The women all assemble near him, each armed with a

castor plant; a fowl, a piece of cloth, or some such trifle is placed on the

top, and is the perquisite of whoever can take it off, assisted only by

one other person. The women strike the candidates as hard as they

can with the pliant rods, hooting and shouting all the time, and fre-

quently contrive to drive them off, so that the contest is productive of

much amusement. The women on this occasion claim the privilege

of stopping every passer by, and making him pay toll, a custom which

will remind the reader of Strutt, of the rope laid across the roads at this

season by the ladies of Hackelay, and of “‘ Binding Tuesday”, in our

own country. In Booneer of Afghanistan at harvesi time the Eusofzy

women have a somewhat similar privilege; every one they meet they

compel to dance, or to pay them a fine.

It was my intention to have concluded this sketch with select

specimens of the songs sung during the festival, and with extracts

from the Sanscrit books which speak of the Huli. This plan I must

of necessity in part abandon, being far removed from Hindu books and

Pundits. Some of the more common songs may be seen in the -‘* Hindu

selections.” Many of the purans, and other sacred books of the Hindus and

Jains, make some mention of the Huli, of these we may instance the

Pudum Puran, the Kulpa Drooma of Jey Sing, 4th Kund, the 8d Kund

of the Scanha Puran, the Mithy-at Kund, and the Brimha Vaiverta,

To give some idea of the nature of the fables to be met with in

these authorities, a sketch is given of the story of the Huli as told

in the last named book, which however it must be remembered was

written only some four centuries ago. I know of no very ancient

Hindu authority on the subject. As the Brimha Vaiverta is devoted

to Pracrit worship, much indelicacy might have been expected, but the

gross indecency of its account of the Huli makes it impossible to

render it at all literal in English.

In the Sutya Yug, Mahadeo caused the production of a female

demon called Holica, whose violent conduct was highly offensive and

terrifying to the gods, two of whom, Brimha and Indra, she caught

and kept prisoners, wandering about with them, delighted at the fear

of the gods. They addressed supplications to her calling her by

326 On the Huh in Malwa. [No. SF

twenty-four names, Trigita, Tamuse, Dhumra, Dwanchi, Dhoonda,

Holica, &c. ; appeased and pleased with these names, she laughs with

a loud voice, bids them dismiss their fear, and promises that the evils

for one year are remitted, if on the day on which she was made so

happy, they will rejoice, clap hands, steal wood as if for war, spill and

steal all people’s milk, &c. According to the Pudum Puran, a Rukshisi —

named Dhoonda, obtained by worship to Sheo an exemption from all

evil, except such as could be inflicted on her by innocents (38), from

which time she began to persecute all children, and can only be pro-

pitiated by the ceremonies as above . The Mithy-at-Kund,

a Jain authority, states the origin of the Huli as follows—A Sahukar’s

daughter, fond of gallantry, was in the habit of meeting her lover in

the disguise.of a slave girl, fearing however that the girl from whom

she borrowed the clothes would betray her, she contrived to lock her

up in a room where wood was kept, and there miserably burnt her to

death. The spirit of the slave girl became a Bintruts Deota, or Bhootni,

&c. &c. &c. Such are the anilia, to be found in Hindu books, respect-

ing the origin of the Huli; and they are all different. We will con- —

clude with one more account of it, the quaint description of Hamilton.

‘‘ Wooli (says he) was a knight errant in times of yore, and a fierce fellow —

in a war with some giants who infested Sindy, and carried away

‘

naughty girls and boys, and made butcher’s meat of them!!” It would —

have been easy by quotations and analogies from classical authors much

to have extended these remarks, but I fear you will think them already —

too much extended; the subject however treated of, though apparently

puerile, is curious and not uninstructive ; and as Malcolm remarks, ‘‘ we ©

may expect to throw light on the ancient history of India from minute

inquiries into the origin of the usages and superstitions of the lowest —

classes of the population.”

In a future letter some account will be given of the inscription of

Chandragupta, and the other inscriptions of the facsimiles of which you

have acknowledged the receipt (39.)

KHAN ALI.

. : ~ ; *

38. The Sanscrit See: fu=rez: has the same double meaning of 3

“« silly’’ and “ without sin’’ as has the word innocent in English.

39. For the many errors of this imperfect and unfinished paper, the circumstances —

under which it is drawn up must plead an apology.

327

Wool and Woollen Manufactures of Khorassan. By Capt. Wurron,

37th Regiment, N. I.

Goat’s Woot, or Down.

The goats of the hilly tracts of Khorassan yield, like those of Cash-

mere and Thibet, a fine and remarkably soft down, growing at the roots

of the outer or true hair.

The colour of this wool is generally of a shade of brown more or less

intense, and the outer or hairy coating of the animal is long, and usually

jet black. The white down, is scarce.

These goats are rather short legged, very shaggy, and very generally

horned ; they are rather small, and very graceful looking animals.

The best are said to be among the Hazarree and Tymunnee tribes.

These goats produce two fleeces during the year; the first during

winter, which is gathered in spring, and the latter during summer, which

is gathered in autumn. The latter is said to be in most esteem, and

the finest. The reason given is, that in winter the severity of the

season checks the natural exudations from the pores of the skin, and

keeps it dry, and that consequently the hair receives less nourishment

than in summer, and is therefore coarser and less soft.

The heat of the summer months, on the other hand, causing a plenti-

ful discharge of moisture from the pores of the body, furnishes

abundant nourishment to the roots of the hair, which becomes in

consequence, soft and silky.

The winter fleece is therefore sheared off with the hair, and after

undergoing a partial cleansing from hair and animal matter is made in-

to “ Koork-i-Puttoo,” which comes chiefly from Beerjund, in Persia.

The long hair after separation from the wool is made into grain-

bags, tents, and ropes.

The autumn fleece is only taken from dead animals. The goat is

killed for butcher’s meat, and the skin well rubbed over with a solution

of lime and potash, and left thus for two or three days, until incipi-

ent decay has taken place in the skin, and the hair is easily pulled out ;

leaving the under wool, or down, free, which is then also taken off

separately.

This method appears in all respects to be the same as that practised

in Koordistan, as related by Captain Conolly ; but the lime with which

the skin is rubbed over does not here injure the wool. It is first pul-

led out of its natural masses by the hand, and afterwards farther sepa-

328 Wool and Woollen Manufactures of Khorassan. [No.99.

rated and cleaned in the same manner as cotton, and then spun into

threads.

The autumn wool is gathered from the skins of animals which have

been slaughtered for food, and it is dearer than the winter fleece, on

account of its superior fineness.

In Captain Conolly’s Book of Samples, I observed a dark brown

wool, labelled, ‘‘ Thzbetan Shawl Wool.” IT may mention, that during

a trip through some of the Tartar districts of the Himalah, where the

Shawl Goats abound, I scarcely remember to have seen one dark

coloured animal, the prevailing colour being white, with sometimes

black ears and head ; the wool, or “ Pushm,” as it is there called, being

consequently quite white also. The wool in Captain Conolly’s book

appeared to me to be the same as that of Khorassan. I mention this,

in case he should have sent you specimens.

No. 1. Is a sample of the wool of the prevailing colour, a procured

from black goats at Candahar; it is the winter growth.

No. 2. Is another shade. Both are characteristic.

No. 3. Is a woollen cloth manufactured at Beerjund, in Persia,

from the winter fleece, and is interspersed with the hairs, which are

only, as above mentioned, partially separated from the wool after

shearing.

This sample is called ‘ Barak-Koork-i ;” it is made in pieces

of from 9 to 12 inches broad, by 8 to 12 yards long, at from 4 to 10

Company’s rupees per piece.

No. 4. Is another sample of a similar, though lighter coloured cloth,

from the same place, and of the same kind of wool.

The price in Beerjund is 5 rupees per piece of 7 yards, which as the

yard there is 42 inches, and the rupee equal only to 8 annas, makes its

price in Company’s rupees to be 2-8 per 8 yards and 6 inches. The

rupee in use at Beerjund is ‘“‘ Adam-Khan-t.”

In Candahar the same quantity sold for 8 rupees, each equal to 12

annas, so that the cost from Beerjund was increased 34 Company’s

rupees. This was owing to the endless duties levied on the road;

and Kohundil Khan* exacted a farther tax of fp on its arrival.

This cloth is also exported to Cabul, Scindh, Shikarpore, and other

places. At present the greatest quantity goes to Tehran; and in

Candahar and other Afghan towns the demand is far greater than the

supply.

* NotE.—One of the three brothers of Dost Mahummud Khan who held Candahar

after the usurpation as a separate government. The taxes on trade and manufactures

levied by these chiefs were most oppressive.

Fe ee ee ee

ieee

1840.| Wool and Woollen Manufaetures of Khorassan. 329

No. 5. Is a finer kind, made of lighter coloured wool. The sizes

the same.

No. 6. Is called “‘ Puttoo Koork-?,” it is from Herat, Beerjund, and

Seistan. The best however is produced in Cabul. The foreign duty

on this is ae but in Kohundil Khan’s time it amounted to 7 besides the

various taxes on the road. It is in most demand among Hindoos.

It is washed after being woven, ¢o swed/ the threads and give it a thick

and soft feel.

The size is 4 to 5 yards long, by 4 to ? yard wide, at 12 Co’s. Rupees

per piece.

No. 7. This is the commonest colour, and the wool abundant. It is

made at Candahar, Cabul, and Herat. It is also called ‘“ Puttoo

Koork-2;” each puttoo is made of two pieces, stitched longitudinally

together, of the following sizes—

Largest size, 3 ft. 104 ins. wide, by 4 yds. 2 ft. 64 in. long.

Smallest size, 3 ft. 10 ins. wide, by 4 yds. 2 ft. long.

A puttoo consequently, of the largest size, is 2 yards 1 foot 93 inches

wide, by 4 yards 2 feet 64 ins. long.

One of the second size, is 2 yards 1 foot 8 inches wide, by 4 yards 2

feet in length.

These are the outside sizes.

The price of the first size was formerly 135 Co’s. Rupees, or 18

Candaharees, now it sells for 24 Candaharees.

The price of the second size was formerly 12 Candaharees, but is

now up to 14 to 17 Candaharee rupees.t

No. 8. “Puttoo Koork-i.”” This wool is scarce, and is collected from

all districts, Cabul, Herat, Beerjund, &c. There is difficulty in procuring

it, as the goats are usually dark coloured. The cloth manufactured

in Cabul is reckoned the best, and that from Herat the worst. The

cloth made at Candahar, during the sway of the Sirdars (of which the

accompanying No. 8 is a specimen) sold at 10 Candahar rupees per

puttoo, or shawl of 2 yards 2 feet 9 inches wide, by 4 yards 2 feet 54

inches in length.

All puttoos vary from 4 to ? yard wide by 4 to 10 yards long. No.

8 is an article of export to Scindh and Khilat.

* N.B.—The duties now levied on all merchandise are thus :—Foreign PA » Home

made eo transit duty in or out, on all goods Home or Foreign —

+ N.B. Candahar rupee, or 12 annas, Company’s.

330 Wool and Woollen Manufactures of Khorassan. [No. 99.

Few pieces are made, however, on account of the scarcity of white

wool, and also because from its soon showing the dirt, the demand was

very limited. It was chiefly taken by Hindoos.

No. 9. Is from Herat and the Herat Hazarrees ; it is made in pieces

of } yard wide by 7 to 9 yards long, varying in price from 10 to 100

rupees according to its thickness ; the thicker it is, the dearer.

It is not exported for trade, but travellers who can afford it, pur-

chase pieces at the places where it is manufactured.

No. 10. “ Nummud-Koork-i.” Ths is a felt, and is fone at Canda-

har and among the Tymunnees; it is made to order of all sizes, and sells

at 4 rupees for one yard square.

Felts are made in a very simple manner : a mat of rushes is laid open

on the ground, and the wool spread over it; the mat is then tightly

folded up, and well rolled backwards and forwards, by men pressing

heavily upon it, by which means the wool becomes so completely mat-

ted, that it is almost impossible to unravel it again.

This kind of Nummud is used as an article of dress; but those

which are used as rugs are made from the sheep’s wool, and are much

coarser and thicker.

No. 11. “ Puttoo Koork-i.” This comes from Bokhara, and is made

in pieces of about 10 to 12 yards long and 16 to 17 inches wide. In

the Sirdars’ time it sold from 12 to 15 Candahar rupees (12 annas) per

piece, according to its fineness ; at present the price is from 14 to 16

Company’s rupees.

No. 12. Is a sample of wool taken from a cross between the tame and

wild goat of Khorassan. Of the latter a drawing and description

will be forwarded hereafter. This is sent merely as a curiosity.

No. 13. Is a sample of thread spun by the reel, or hand-wheel.

There are finer than these.

No. 14. Is thread spun by the hand.

N. B.—The Tymunnee woollen fabrices are,

i. “¢ Barak Shotur-i,” made of young dromedary wool.

li. “ Barak Barat,” made of goat’s wool.

ii. “ Barak Barai,” made of lamb’s wool.

iv. Tents, grain bags, ropes, and nummuds, of goat’s hair and

sheep’s wool.

1840.| Wool and Woollen Manufactures of Khorassan. 331

SHEEP’s Woou.—CANDAHAR.

There are two varieties of sheep in this part of Khorassan, both

possessing the broad fat tail. Of these the Tymunnee breed is the finest,

and the tail often so uncommonly cumbrous as to impede the animal’s

movements; in such cases a small cart or support on wheels is placed

beneath it, so as to relieve the sheep from the weight, and enable it to

walk about. An amusing anecdote, serving to show the ignorant

credulity of the people, is told of the method sometimes adopted for

increasing the size of these tails. Fresh cold water is poured over the

tail every morning, and when thoroughly drenched, it is well patted and

rubbed all over by the hand.

The reason given for this treatment is, ‘‘ that the water softens the

skin, and renders it, as it were, malleable, and consequently the patting

and rubbing stretches it, so as to give room for the tail to grow”!!

The people inhabiting the hill districts, where the pasture is gene-

rally better than that of the plains, possess large flocks, and derive

their chief support from the sale of wool, woollen stuffs, croot (or dried

curds) and ghee.

These sheep, like the goats already mentioned, yield two fleeces

during the year—the winter and summer growth. That of the winter

is said to be the worst, on account of the dirt and smoke which it

collects while the sheep are folded, which is in woollen tents. It is,

however, the longest, and is made into carpets, grain-bags, and other

coarse articles. That of autumn is finer, and made into cloaks (kosahs)

and nummuds.

The wool is not exported, but is manufactured in the districts

where it is produced.

In the shearing time the sheep are well washed, and when dried

by the sun, are clipped with large shears. The wool undergoes no

farther cleaning. The woollens manufactured at Candahar from

sheep’s wool are made of the fleece, which is procured from the skins

of slaughtered animals. If the skins possess merely the short wool,

which is the remains of the spring fleece, they are sold by the butchers

to the ‘ posteen*” makers at from one to two annas each; but if the

animal is slaughtered in autumn, and possesses the summer fleece,

the wool is taken off, and brings two to four annas, while the skin is

sold separately to the tanners. |

* Nore.—A sort of winter garment of sheep skin with the wool on, universally

worn in cold weather.

20uU

332 Wool and Woollen Manufactures of Khorassan. [No. 99.

No. 1. Is a sample of wool of the winter growth from a Candahar

Ram. The quantity yielded was rather better than 3ilbs. English.

This is reckoned good.

No. 2. From a Ewe yielding a fleece of 24 Ibs.

No. 3. From a Ewe yielding a fleece of 22 lbs.

No. 4. From a Lamb, two months old.

No. 5. “ Shalakee.” This is the manufacture of Candahar, and is

finer than that of the districts, on account of the threads being spun

by the wheel instead of the twirling stone. It is made in pieces of 25

inches by 5 to 10 yards long, Candahar measures, i.e. from 5 yards

2 feet 6 inches to 11 yards 2 feet, English measure, long.

The price formerly was to 24 Co’s. Rs. per piece, but now it

is to 6 Co’s. Rs. It is worn as shawls or chuddurs.

No. 6. ‘‘ Barak.” Made from Hazarree wool, and manufactured in

the Hazarree country, where it is called “ Bardk-i-Sirkullee ,” the size

is 15 inches wide by 7 yards long, and the price 3 Co’s. Rs. It is

subject to a duty of 2 annas per piece. Used as chogahs or cloaks.

No. 7. “ Barak-i-Barai.” This is made from Lamb’s wool by the

Candahar Hazarrees ; the size 15 inches wide by 7 yards long, price

per piece 3-12 Co’s. Rs.

No. 8. “ Barak-i-Barav’ of Cabul. It is made also of Lamb’s

wool by the Cabul Hazarrees, in pieces 6 to 7 yards long, and sells at

from 5 to 10 Co’s. Rs. per piece.

No. 9. “ Barak-i-Barai.” The manufacture of Ghuzni Hazarrees

from Lamb’s wool, size from 28 to 30 inches wide by 7 to 8 yards long,

price from 2 to 5 Rs.

Besides these manufactures, there are carpets, grain bags, saddle bags,

nummuds or rugs, felt cloaks, called kosahs, peculiar to Candahar,

mittens, socks, and horse cloths.

No. 10. Is a sample of the nummud, or felt, of which the “ kosahs”

are made.

No. 11. Is from Herat, and is very similar to what the Tartars of

Hungrung and Spiti call “ Birmore,” but it is thinner; 16 to 18 inches

wide by 6 to 7 yards long ; price from 3 to 6 Co’s. Rs.

No. 12. Is a sample of wool taken from the wild sheep of Khorassan,

and is added merely as a curiosity.

Along with the foregoing samples, I have the pleasure to send

1840.] Wool and Woollen Manufactures of Khorassan. 333

two specimens of the woollens manufactured in Kunawar and Tartary,

to which I beg especially to call attention, as they are made from

wool, which I am informed was rejected in the English markets.

For remarks on the wool, sheep, and mode of trading with the

Tartars, I must beg to refer to my Journal of a trip to Spiti.

No. 1. .Is a sample of what the hill people call “‘ Sooklaut.” It is

made in Kunawur, at the towns of Soongnum and Kanum, near the

head of the district, from wool of the Thibetan sheep. It is said to be

finest at Kanum. In Soongnum the chief manufacture is blankets.

No. 2. Is a sample of a cloth manufactured by the Tartars of Spiti,

chiefly for home consumption, from similar wool to the last.

These woollens are very generally worn in the higher hilly districts,

and are called “ birmoree.”

The cloth is made in pieces of about 18 inches broad, and varying

in length from 6 to 12 yards; the pieces are generally sold in pairs, at

5 to 7 rupees, according to the quality and size. This sample is

reckoned good, and is taken off a piece of 12 yards. At Simla a pair

of these would sell (if procurable at all) from 14 to 20 rupees. Both

these are characteristic of the manufactures of Kunawar and Tartary.

They are good samples of what these rude people can produce from

that very wool which was pronounced bad, and rejected in England

some years ago, and to which allusion is made in my journey to Spiti.

If such creditable woollens can be manufactured from Thibetan wool,

by a semi-barbarous people, and by the rudest machinery, what might

not be expected from the finished looms of Europe ?

Nothing can show more clearly that mismanagement must have

existed, than the quality of these very woollens prepared from the wool

which at home was pronounced unservicable !

It must be borne in mind to, that these are made from unpicked

wool, and that the wool itself is quite uncultivated, no attention being

paid to the quality of the fleece of those males and females which are

used for breeding. Were attention paid to this point—and it probably

would be were there a demand for the article—the fleece of the Choo-

‘moorte, or Thibetan sheep, would soon bid fair to rival, if not excel, the

finest products of Europe.

By a few judicious crosses with English rams or ewes, the breed

might be made to undergo the dampness of a lower climate, and even-

334 Wool and Woollen Manufactures of Khorassan. [No. 99.

tually become acclimated in England, and the wool of both be perhaps

materially improved.

Candahar, 27th April, 1840.

N. B. Should leisure occur, I intend shortly to draw up a note on

the culture of silk at Candahar, which I shall do myself the honor of

forwarding.

Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

( Wednesday Evening, \0th June, 1840.)

The Honorable Sir E. Ryan, President in the chair.

The Proceedings of the last Meeting were read and confirmed.

Lieutenant ARTHUR Broome, Deputy Secretary Military Board, was proposed by

the Officiating Secretary, seconded by Professor W. B. O'SHAUGHNESSY.

Major R. Bircu, Deputy Secretary to Government, Military Department, was

proposed by the President, seconded by the Officiating Secretary.

Read a letter from J. ALEXANDER, Esq. Officiating Government Agent, forward-

ing the Account Current of the Society’s funds remaining in his hand on the 30th April

last, exhibiting in favor of the Society, Government securities to the amount of Sa.

Rs. 10,000, and cash 742-7-1.

The Officiating Secretary apprised the Meeting, that he has transmitted three

Tibetan Manuscripts to Major F. Jenkins, for the use of his interpreter Mr. —

KELLNER, in prosecuting his studies in that language, as ordered by the Committee of f

Papers. *

Library.

Read a letter from F. J. Hatiipay, Esq. Junior Secretary to the Government of

India, Revenue Department, forwarding for deposit a copy of Nos. 15 and 16 of

Dr. WieutT’s Icones Plantarum Indie Orientalis, or Figures of Indian Plants.

Read a letter from H. V. Baytey, Esq. Assistant Secretary to the Government of

India, forwarding for deposit, a copy of the work entitled, ‘‘ Chapters of the Modern

History of British India,’’ received from the Hon’ble the Court of Directors.

Read a letter from T. C. Jarpine, Esq. Assistant Surgeon, 2nd Light Cavalry, j

forwarding for presentation a copy of his publication, entitled, ‘‘ Catalogue of the Birds

of the Peninsula of India,” and offering to lend his aid in promoting the laudable i

objects of the Society. a"

The following books were presented : ie

Malcolmson’s Clinical Remarks on some cases of Liver abscess, presenting exter

nally.—By the author. |

History of British Birds, by Mr. Yarrel— Purchased.

Naturalist’s Library ; Mammalia, vol. 9. Dogs.

1840. | Asiatic Society. 335

The Meteorological Register for the Month of April 1840, was presented by the

Surveyor General.

The following were received from the Booksellers :—

Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia—

Bell’s Poets, vol. 2d.

The Officiating Secretary laid before the Meeting a very curious table, drawn up

by a Khattree at Delhi, which gave an account of the reigns of the various

kings descended from Timoor, their possessions, revenue, &c. &c.

Literary and Antiquities.

The Officiating Secretary exhibited to the Meeting an Astrolabe, the property

of Major PoTTINGER.

Resolved—That the Instrument be submitted to Mr. MippLETOoN for his opinion,

if he would oblige the Society with it.

A collection of gems and coins of great interest was submitted by the Officiating

Secretary, the property of Major PoTTINGER.

Read a letter from Lieut, E. B. Cono.ty, forwarding impressions of coins, gems,

and relics, from Herat.

Read a communication from Major Davipson, regarding the mode of dwarfing the

pineapple.

Resolved—That the communication be made over to the Agricultural Society.

Read a letter from H. V. Bay ey, Esq. Assistant Secretary to the Government of

India, transmitting for publication in the Society’s Journal, the following papers :—

Lieutenant Conolly’s paper on Seistan.

Copy of a report submitted to Government by the Committee appointed to in-

vestigate the Coal and Mineral Resources of India.

Read a letter from Messrs. THackEerR and Co. forwarding on behalf of Captain T.

S. Burt for publication in the Society’s Journal, facsimile of an Inscription taken in

the temple at Odeypur, near Saugur.

Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, and the adjacent districts, by Captain FisHEr, was

presented in his name by the President.

Read aletter from Lieut. E. B, Cono.ty, forwarding his second paper on the anti-

quities between Mhow and Saugur.

Museum.

The Officiating Secretary exhibited to the Meeting a fine specimen of cloth made

by the Lepchas of Sikim. The cloth appeared very much like looee cloth of

Hindoostan

Several Zoological specimens were presented to the Society, as also a small collec-

tion of Himalayan game, and other birds, by the Officiating Secretary.

Physical.

Memorandum on the differences of the meridian of the Observatory at Madras and

the Flag Staff of Fort William, and of the cantonment of Futtyghur in the Dooab ;

by Col. J. A. Hopeson, late Surveyor General of India.

336 Asiatic Society. [No. 99.

Major PorTinGER forwarded a Meteorological table kept at Herat from the be-

ginning of March 1838.

Specimens of Bactrian camels’, sheep, and goats’ wool, with an account of its manu-

facture were submitted to the Meeting.

Resolved—That after the paper was published in the Journal, the manuscript with

the specimens be made over to the Agricultural Society.

On the conclusion of the business, the Officiating Secretary apprised the Meeting,

that a letter was received from Dr. J. McCLELLAND, claiming the arrears of his salary

as Curator, at 150 rupees, for the month of May and up to 3d July 1839, and

January and February of the current year, at the enhanced rate, viz. 250 rupees per

month, sanctioned by the Honorable the Court of Directors. The letter in question

was circulated to the Committee of Papers, who recommended the subject to be discus-

sed at the General Meeting of the Society.

Resolved—That the Society sanction the payment of the first claim of Dr. McCLEL-

LAND at the rate mentioned by him, rupees 150 for May and June 1839; and 50

rupees for the two latter months, at the rate of which he first accepted the situation. It

-was also resolved, that the Society did not draw any money from Government as

Curator’s salary for the months of January and February of the present year, or

they would have made over the amount to Dr. McCLELLAND.

Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

(Wednesday Evening, lst July, 1840.)

The Honorable Sir E. Ryan, President, in the chair.

The President rose and addressed the Meeting.

Gentlemen,—I am anxious before any attempt is made to proceed with the business

of the evening, to address a few words to the Members present. I am sure, I am antici-

pated by all, when I say I am about to allude to the irreparable loss which the Society

has sustained in the death of its Secretary, the late Mr. James Prinsep. I shall not

attempt to pass a studied eulogium on this distinguished person; that will be done

on a future occasion, by those who are infinitely better qualified to do justice to his

merits, than myself; and that such an occasion will arrive, you must most of you have

been informed by the public prints ; but I cannot be altogether silent, it would be unfit-

ing the place, however unworthily, I hold amongst you, and it would but ill accord with

your sentiments and feelings. It is known to you all, that for eight years Mr. PRINSEP

was the Secretary of this Society; with what indefatigable zeal, with what ability he

conducted the duties of his office, you can indeed testify. The reputation which the

Society now enjoys in Europe, I may with truth say, is mainly owing to his efforts.

Amidst the most laborious public duties, he carried on a most extensive correspondence

on literary and scientific subjects with Europe and Asia. He conducted the Journal

of the Society, which he enriched by a variety of original papers, especially by his

researches into the antiquities of India, in which his discoveries have attracted the

admiration of all who have any taste for antiquarian research, leading to results the most

important, and connecting, in truth, the histories of the east and west. I have prepared

a resolution, expressing, I hope, in more accurate language than the words I have utter-

1840. | Asiatic Society. 337

ed, what I feel sure are the feelings of this Society, and I will propose it for your

adoption. If the Society feels as I do on this occasion, the business of this evening

will not proceed further. The resolution is as follows.

The Asiatic Society is desirous of expressing its sense of the great loss it has

sustained by the death of its Secretary Mr. James PriINnsEp.

For a period of six years, in the midst of laborious public duties, he devoted him-

self to the pursuits of the Society with unexampled assiduity and zeal. He

carried on an extensive correspondence in Asia and in Europe. He edited

the Journal of the Asiatic Society, a work containing the most valuable

records of all that had been effected in Natural History, in Chemistry, in Geo-

graphy, in Geology, in Statistics, and in the Language and Literature of the

East; amongst these his own contributions form the most conspicuous part, and

have been the means of raising the Journal to that high degree of celebrity,

which it has attained, not only in this country, but in Europe, and all parts of

the world.

His latter labours in decyphering the Pali inscriptions of Asoca, and in tracing

through the Bactrian coins, the link between the histories of the East and

West, have placed him in the foremost rank of those whose brilliant disco-

veries have enlightened and adorned the obscure path of antiquarian research.

To have a perpetual memorial of such a man among us, the Society solicits

the aid of its Members, to place his bust by the side of those distinguished

men who have preceded him.

The Honorable W. W. Birp begged to second the resolution. It would be pre-

sumptuous in me to expatiate upon the labours of the late Mr. PrinsEp, that is for the

Society ; for other members are far better able than myself to do the subject credit.

But all, I will venture to express, will agree with me when I say, that as to those la-

bours, with the numerous other avocations in which he was engaged, he sacrificed his

life, it would be impossible for this Society to do sufficient honour to the memory of

such aman.

Dr. John Grant.—If the last honored speaker deemed it presumptuous on his part

to expatiate upon the labours and merits of the late Mr. James Prinsep, how much

greater presumption would it be in me todo so at any length, nevertheless on so

peculiar and solemn an occasion, I cannot reconcile it to my feelings to allow the

resolution to pass in silence, without testifying, however imperfectly, to the worth of our

departed friend. As a man of science and unwearying zeal, he could not be sur-

passed. Whatever he undertook he never gave up until he had either mastered

the subject or satisfied himself that it was impracticable; truth in him found an

active, energetic, and clear-minded advocate. Our excellent President has alluded

to his labours in various walks of science in this country. He was a valuable member

of the Society before he became its Secretary, and a frequent contributor to its pub-

lications and collections. It was said of Cuvier, that from a fossil fragment he

could reconstruct individual specimens of animals no longer existing; so with James

PRINSEP it might be said, that from a letter on a coin, he could trace a dynasty of

ancient kings. The resolution before us was worthy of the Society, and of him, whose

memory it was anxious to honour. But it was not solely as a philosopher and

338 Asiatic Society. [No. 99.

cultivator of science, that we have cause to regret the heavy loss the Society has

sustained, we have also to bewail him as a-friend and member of the community.

How loveable were his qualities, how sweet his disposition, which the warmth of

discussion never ruffled, nor the acerbity of opposition soured. I cannot trust myself

to say more, I feel quite unprepared to doso. I have merely risen to cast my humble

sprig of rosemary upon the grave of our departed friend.. Has not knowledge also her

triumphs as well as war; died he not an heroic death in the breach of science, a

martyr to his devotion in a glorious cause ? To cite an often quoted but apposite senti-

ment—

‘He was a man, take him for all in all,

We never shall look upon his like again.”

Dr. W. B. O’SHaAuGHNESSY—It has been said, ‘‘ out of the fulness of the heart the

mouth speaketh,’’ but with me on the present occasion the reverse is but too true;

my heart is too full to allow the expression of all I feel. As a physician, I knew

well before his departure for England, what would be the result of Mr, PrinsEp’s

illness, and in order that the Society might secure some testimonial of so inestimable

aman, I wrote to Professor WiLson, and begged of him to take steps for obtaining a

bust for us. CHANTRY has seen Mr. PriNsEp two or three times, and I have reason to

think, that the ardent wishes of the Society, have already been in a great measure

anticipated. I would beg to add to the resolution which has been moved, that at the

meeting, which is to be held at the Town Hall, our office bearers be requested

to attend as a deputation from our body, to accord with the homage which will be

expressed on that occasion to Mr. Prinsep’s memory. This method has been

adopted on such occasions, by the Academie Royale of France, and by the Academy of

Berlin, &c. and with such precedents as these, we cannot go far wrong in following their

example.

Dr. Grant seconded Dr. O’SHAUGHNESSY.

Sir Edward Ryan.—Gentlemen,—I proposed the resolution with an expectation that

it would be the only one that would engage our attention this evening, and that in

respect to the departed, and the solemnity of the event, this Meeting should be ad-

journed till a future day. With reference to what has been said regarding the expecta-

tion of our being able to obtain a bust, I am afraid from accounts that have been

received in India, that we have not been yet successful. Cuantry did visit Mr. Prin-

sEP, but from several causes was unable to obtain a faithful likeness.

The best way, now in my opinion, to gain what we desire, would be, to send home a

copy of the picture which is in the possession of Mr.Charles PrinseEp, from which, with

a little additional aid, I doubt not, we shall be able to obtain that we require.*

This call for a testimonial has been made upon particular members, not upon the

Society in general, for I think it is not a subject for the Society to take into consi-

deration—and I beg to propose, that such members as have veneration and regard for

the late Mr. James Prinsep should now subscribe for the testimonial. I entirely

concur with Dr. O’SHauGuNEssy in thinking that a deputation from our body should

attend the Public Meeting of friends at the Town Hall.

The Meeting was then declared adjourned.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Points in the History of the Greek, and Indo-Scythian Kings

in Bactria, Cabul, and India, as illustrated by decyphering

the ancient legends on their coins. By CHRISTIAN Lassen,

Bonn, 1838.

We now proceed to apply the fourteen letters, thus defined,

to the attributive epithets, met with on the legends. From

this examination we shall derive some new letters, with which

the names of the kings could not furnish us, and we may perhaps

succeed by this in obtaining a more exact insight into the cha-

racter of the language. But let us first sum up the results

of the previous inquiry.

The fourteen characters, above discussed, appear to me to

be sufficiently confirmed (to aid us) in further decyphering.

Twelve among them are consonants, which, however, do not

enable us yet to define the system of consonants in the lan-

guage. We therefore resort to the vowels. We have discovered

the two simple vowels a and ee: the first, when initial in a

syllable, is expressed by an independent symbol, placed in —

the line itself; when following a consonant, it is not expres-

sed by an independent sign, but included in the consonant.

There is no peculiar sign for the long a. The independent

figure of e is not yet known to us; preceded by aconsonant;

it is denoted by a mark on the consonant, and it has like-

wise no peculiar sign, when long. It serves to express the

' Continued from p. 276. vol. ix.

No. 100. New Sznizs, No. 16, 29x

340 Lassen on the History traced [No. 100.

Greek vowels <, », «, v, while a is substituted for a and o. We

are also acquainted with an 6, the long sound of the Sanscrit,

compounded of a and u, which, however, when it concludes a

word, loses so much of its value as to correspond with even an

omicron. It is always expressed by an independent symbol

in the line. We have supposed by anticipation, eé to be of a

similar nature with o; but that ai and au exist uncontracted,

is to be doubted.

With regard to the language, as we know as yet too little

of it, it will be best to put together our results at the end of

- the next paragraph. But for the system of vowels I think it most

convenient to insert here a short disquisition.

€, 0, v, not existing in the language, and the simple vowels.

being restricted to a and e, it may be inferred, that the language

upon the coins, as regards the system of its vowels, continued

to exist (from of old) in the same undisturbed and simple state.

Of simple vowels, we have to expect only an oo, and it seems

even probable, that, when preceded by consonants, it was writ-

ten in a similar way as e.

Mr Grotefend, by reading Ukratidé, imagined that he had

discovered the initial oo in the name Kukratides; we may sub-

sequently dispute this view. To find the u, preceded by a con-

sonant, we must here discuss the name, Philoxenos.

In this name the second syllable is not 4, as it represents Xo

in Apollodotos; but in As. Trans. vol. rv. pl. xx1. No. 1. and

No. 2. there occurs on both occasions one and the same symbol be-

tween shiné and the beginning of the word which has ap. It is

but half preserved upon No. 1.; upon No. 2., however, where we do

not find any appearance of decay, a t occurs ; thus we may fairly

suppose, that 1 belongs at this place only to 1, and 1 may be

the symbol for u. R. R. II. No. 5 also is unfortunately much

spoiled; yet, it is evident, that there was only one symbol between

shin6d and the beginning of the word, which can only be a well

preserved f; on the other hand, in No. 6. between shiné, and

the beginning of the word, we observe the following, IH, so

that we should be inclined to suppose H to be substituted for 1,

viz. for Ao, and 1 to be K.. This Mr. Grotefend has adopted.

But as I shall assign to K an entirely different figure, which

1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 341

cannot have occurred before ¥, either upon this coin, or upon the

others of Philoxenos, I must maintain, that the native orthogra-

phy had no K at all in the name. But supposing, the line |

belonged to the preceding H, and that there must have been a 4

there, which in this form cannot be H, I can only admit, that

the cross line was half corroded, while both final lines were too

much protracted ; in a word, that we must recognize here, Mr.

Prinsep’s figure, *. 3

The assertion, that the second symbol in the name of Philoxe-

nos,* which I restore thus, Pivti" is du, is at variance, how-

ever, with the more common mode of representing the omicron

by an inherent A. We think this objection so important,

that we shall adopt + for Jw at first only in the way of

conjecture. It is countenanced only by the name Agatho-

kles, written in the old Sanscrit character, which is rendered

Agathukla, and consequently the authority exists in at most only

a contiguous language. With more confidence we maintain,

that the natives did not retain the k in the name of Philoxenos,

and in that case an absorption of k with the sibilant must have

taken place. There is, however, no analogy with this absorption

in the Pracrit; here x (*) is altered into kkh xy) ; the language of

the coins does not always follow the rules of absorption in Pracrit,

this is proved by hirmajé; it does not abound, as the Pracrit,

with reduplicated consonants; this is proved by Apollodotos, which

is expressed Apaladaté. We must therefore look out for other

analogies, and here the Zend supplies us with the very striking

fact, that it often substitutes sh for (ksh) of the Sanscrit.

Thus dashina (the right) for daksina, ashi (eye) for akshi. 1

therefore conclude V to be sh (sch).

But why should this sh occur in Lysias, which has but the

s in Greek? I shall be perhaps reminded, in answer, of the

Sanscrit rule which might have been originally observed in the

Zend, according to which s, preceded by any other vowel than a,

* Mr. James Prinsep’s last reading of this peculiar name from the Bac-

trian legend was as follows, Pe P+ Phila-senasa or Philasinasa. See

page 652, vol. vii. July, 1838. It is this name and that of Lysias that proved

the f to be an S.---H. T. P.

342 Lassen on the History traced [No. 100.

is to be changed into sh. This interpretation, however, is not

supported, because we shall hereafter find it probable, that

not only z, but s also, are placed after i. I therefore can only

wait for further discoveries.

§ 3.

Titles of honour of the Kings.

We are already acquainted with the translation of the word

king, by Mahdrdgé, great King, and we will now resume the

thread of the discussion.

The beautifully preserved Azes-coins, with the most distinct

characters,* express the Greek title BAZIAEQ> BASIAEON

METAAOY AZOY in native characters

PAPEL PAILVPATVY.F

There is only one variation. Upon No. 1 7 is placed after

the first 4% of the second word, neither do we meet with this

symbol upon No. 10 and No. 15, nor on R. R. II. No. 17,

nor upon the Azilises-coins, which represent the same Greek

legend (vide As. Trans. Vol. 1v. Pl. xx111. No. 27, 28, R. R. II.

No. 20) 7 is, however, not spurious on account, as Mr. Prinsep

has supplementarily noticed,ft that upon the coin rv. Pl. xx111.

No. 22, it distinctly occurs, having the representative mark

of an e, as follows "I. There exists therefore a variety in reading

for “ King of Kings,’ PAA, but the shorter form prevails.

According to the previous investigations those words are to

be read in the following manner, (I shall note the long vowels in

my representation, )

Mahirdgé rdgardgé mahaté Ajé, ie., “the great king, the

king of kings, great Azes.”” The variety is rdgddirdgé “the

supreme king of kings.”

I add the following remarks.

Mr. Grotefend thinks, he is entitled to read in the foregoing

legend mahardé nandé mahardé Azo, according to PAO NANO

* As. Trans. tv. Pl. xxi. and Pl. xx11. No, 1---16.

+ Mr. James Prinsep’s last reading of this legend was Maharaqjasa Raja-

rajasa Mahatasa Ayasa, and in a very perfect coin of General Ventura, he

found Maharajasa Mahatasa Dhamikasa Rajatirajasa.---See page 655, vol.

vii. Asiatic Journal.---H. T. P.

{ As Trans, v. p. 549.

1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 343

PAO upon the Kanerkes-coins, and he was in consequence com-

pelled to admit some spurious forms of n, resembling the shape

of r and t ; his alphabet exhibits five of them. Mr. Prinsep sup-

posed them to be repetitions of the word Malakdé. Both of

them, I think, will admit the refutation on previous grounds.

By the term Mahdrdgé the simple title, BaoAcve, is always ex-

pressed, and it is remarkable enough, that the simple word

rdgan never occurs for it. The Greeks were satisfied with

the plain title BaciWsdc ; this term Menandros and the

Greek Kings ordinarily make use of: Eukratides alone affects

the prouder title BAZTIAEQ2 METAAOY, for which Mahd-

rdg6 appears to be the adequate translation. It certainly may

be so according to original meaning, but scarcely according to

the real interpretation of the word; for Mahdrdgé was already

so much worn out by use, that it was of no more value than

the simple king. Many an insignificant chieftain thus styles

himself in Indian inscriptions ; and the degradation of the term

has so increased, that many private men at present claim this

title, as for instance Rammohun Roy, who was so called, and

a Mahdrdga is as common in India, as a principe* in Italy. Eu-

kratides (whether the second, or not, shall here be left undiscussed)

was certainly aware of the difference in the acceptation of those

words, if he have also titled himself, according to the draw-

ing of Masson (and not according to the represented coinst)

upon some specimens PYNILT PALLY, “ the great king, the king

of kings.” As then Mahdrdgé was of less value, than it was

as originally compounded, the explicit addition of the term

“ great” to Azes after the words, “ King of Kings’ is less

tautological, than it appears at the first glance.

The compound word rdgdrdgé corresponds to Bactréwe

Bacirtéwy. These words (madhdrdgé rdgdrdgé) may both be Sans-

crit as well as Pracrit; for as used here, the Sanscrit would

* As. Trans. tv. p. 338.

+ If the definition of an Italian principe, “‘ something less than an English

Esquire,” is correct, Mr. Lassen is certainly out in his estimate of the

common usage, to which maharaja is put. It is only in Bengal and Behar,

that the title may be termed degraded to the use of private men. (Ty

344 Lassen on the History traced [No. 100.

change the nominative as into 6. The variety rdgddirdgé contains

a remarkable mistake in orthography, the word adhirdga “ Su-

preme King,* often met with in the titles of Indian Kings,

has dh, not d. Whether the stamp-cutters in Azes’ time, per-

haps not often natives, did not pay much attention to the pro-

prieties of indigenous grammar, or whether the language itself

confounded both sounds, d and dh, I shall not pretend to decide;

there will hereafter indeed occur some other examples of the

same substitution.

Mahaté (great) compels us to declare the language of the

coins a variety of Pracrit. The Sanscrit nominative is mahan,

the Pracrit nominative mahanté ; the terminal 6 at this place

proves also, that the alteration of as into 6 occurred in all

instances, as in Pracrit. The writing mahaté, by exhibiting

the same omission of n, as occurred in Atimakho for Antimachos,

proves, that it is not the pure Indian Pracrit, but a dialect,

approaching also to the old Persian ; for when the arrow-headed

inscriptions render gadérd, hidhusht for gandara, hindush, there

is the same exsection of n, when followed by dentals, or

properly an absorption, when n is rendered like the succeed-

ing letter; thus the Byzantines said Kaddakootzen, instead

of Kantakootzen. The language of the coins, however, like the

Zend, has no reduplicated consonants, consequently not mahatté.

The constant epithet avicnroc, is very distinct upon the

Philoxenos coin (As. Trans. Vol. rv. Pl. xx1. No. 1.) PAVHPI,f

Apalihat6. Apratihata signifies in Sanscrit non repulsus; the

preposition prati often becomes in Pracrit palit.) We have

consequently got another Pracrit form of quite unexceptionable

interpretation. Nuiknpdeoc and wKatwe are expressed by the

same word. See the coins of Amyntas (As. Trans. Vol. v.

* Atirag’a, being not in use for this title, I shall leave it undiscussed,

‘if there it must not be read 4 ti.

+ According to Mr. Beer’s correction; I have much pleasure in availing

myself of this opportunity to thank him publicly for his solid and

instructive, as well as kind, critique of my work on arrow-headed writing.

{ Mr. James Prinsep reads this epithet Apavihatasa +, and this PIsZWS

Jayadharasa.

§ My Grammar, tv. 5. 0.

1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 345

Pl. xuv1. No. 1) and those of Archelios, at the same place

(Pl. xxxv. No. 1). Farther evidence is superfluous. It is re-

presented in the native language by P13AY%. The letter, yet

unknown, can be only v, and the word gdjavaté (the victorious,)

according to the same form as mahaté for the Pracrit gaja-

vanté, Sanscrit gajavan, in the accusative, gajavantam.

We have therefore acquired v, 3. (as our 15th letter.)

The word, substituted for Stcavoc, commences with a symbol

yet unknown (As. Trans. tv. Pl. xx1. No. 9. v. pl. xxxv. No. 6.

No, 1.*) The second syllable is every where W, mi; after it

follows a yet undefined letter, and then 6.

The first has the form & or & upon the two coins, first men-

tioned ; upon the last coin the same sign, but reversed, so as

almost to resemble ; and it is probably only incorrectly drawn,

though Mr. Prinsep from the Archelios coin and from one coin

of Azes, who likewise assumed this title (As. Trans. rv. Pl.

xxi. No. 22. v. p. 549.) has chosen this figure for the print.

It will be safer at all events to take the other.

As I think, I have proved, that we have to look for Indian words

upon the coins, it evidently follows from the second syllable

that Phwe must be read, dhamiko (the just) ; in Pracrit

dhammiké or dhamiké, in Sanscrit dharmikas. The 4 is here

again unwritten, and the consonant is not reduplicated according

to the already stated peculiarity of the language of the coin;

the union in one character of rm accords quite with the rule of

Pracrit, while the retention of the r in Hirmajé, is certainly

to be accounted for (as before noted) by the authority of the

king Hermaios, who would not allow his name to be corrupted.

What I have further to prove, are the two new letters; on k, I

shall speak hereafter; I will now discuss our 16th letter

é or &, dh.

It appeared already from former remarks, that the second

n is not met with in the name Menandros. Now we know,

* R. R. u. No. 9. is indistinct.

+ The Azes-coin, however, according to the representation, is not well

preserved, or not precisely copied by Mr. Masson, for the last letter also

is wrong: “\ for ‘P,

346 Lassen on the History traced [No. 100.

that the native language did not admit an n, followed by

dentals. Mr. Prinsep read Minané, as the penultimate symbol

is indeed very similar to the n, already discussed. It is thus

upon the coin (As. Trans. v. Pl. xiv1. No. 6,) where no error

appears to have occurred Peéw, and I should not hesitate to

read Minané, were it not evident, that by the law of the language

the n cannot be retained in Menandros, and were not the

omission of dr at variance with the rules of the absorption of

consonants.

Mr. Grotefend’s supposition, as it appears from his Hebrew

paraphrase [yyJ] 39% is deficient, in that the termination 6, which

he improperly puts also between brackets, occurs often enough

to prove, that nothing is omitted before it. I do not therefore

know, how he can read Menandré; for the coins he used, have

no more symbols than the others.

It is only fair, however, to add, that the letters of the coins

(R. R. I. No. 8, 9, 11) have become so indistinct, that, with

regard to the name, nothing can be decided from them. No. 10

renders, in apparently well preserved characters, Paw, which

we might read Mitaré or Mitadd, but the P upon the coin

is certainly spoiled. Not to judge too arbitrarily, I shall leave

it to a renewed investigation, if there occur two orthographies of

that name.

By comparing the remaining copies we observe, R. R. II. No.

12. has still the n, though mutilated, then -€, and lastly P. Even

upon Tod’s coin, No. 2, quoted by Mr. Grotefend, the terminal

letters are also obviously Pe; the preceding letter is entirely mis-

drawn. As. Trans. Pl. xxv1. No. 2. distinctly renders £ in the

form, above established, and the final letters are again Pe.

Consequently Pésw ; No. 3 is no less distinct ; the é has an addi-

tional point, as at R, R. II. No. 12, As. Trans. v. pl. xuvi. No.8

has P’&£W, with two points. At the same place, No. | gives

‘€ with the point, but afterwards an n of the same form, but

without the point. Thus also v. pl. xuvi. No. 6. Peéw.* Final-

ly at the same place No. 9 and No. 5 have for these two é, two

viz. Piiw, save only, that No. 5is more indistinct and corroded.

* Mr. James Prinsep has two readings for the Bactrian legend of Menander-

coins, viz. PéEey Menanasa and Pesy Medanasa.---H. T. P.

1840. | Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 347

Here we therefore indeed observe an inconsistency in the

characters, which depends not simply upon the state of the coins,

while from the addition of variously situated points with both

letters, we may presume, that the indistinctness was to be amend-

ed by additional diacritical symbols. This idea as to the points,

cannot be established but by carefully examining the coins

themselves. The point at 1 serves perhaps to distinguish it

from “, r. ?

Be it as it may, it is evident from our review, that some coins

obviously distinguish the second symbol from the third. As

now ‘ by the omission of the cross line below, and by a greater

curvature in the middle, may easily be altered in the figure é,

nothing prevents us from supposing, that the second syllable

may still be { or na.

The penultimate symbol, being proved so incontrovertibly

asn,é, I do not hesitate to declare it the above adopted dh é.

In the word dhdmiké we observed also instances, showing that €

has a straight form 5, and this approaches so much to n, that we

can hence likewise account for the confounding of both.

For r we never meet with a peculiar symbol, and the name

must therefore be read Minadé. The adoption of € as dh, will

lastly be confirmed by the fact, that in the same word it is

commonly written “1, and seldom ¢. The “ upon the coin,

R. R. I. No. 10, appears to be indeed confounded in the revers-

ed way, viz. 1 for <. But < if it be a dental sound, dhdmiko

decides for the adoption of dh.

In Minadhé r is absorbed, according to rules of Pracrit, for

instance, kandras becomes kando. As é for d appears to be the

rule in Menandros, we cannot consider é to be substituted by

mere chance for 1; but it must be founded upon the nature of

the language. We may here recall to mind the rule of the

Zend, according to which the Sanscrit putra is changed into

puthra. 'The omission of the r may have had an effect, similar

with the Persian sur, (si, or three) which presupposes a previous

form thi, the th of which still remained, after r had dis-

appeared out of the more ancient form fhri in Zend for the

Sanscrit ¢77.

We have in Minadhé for Menandros an evident instance,

348 Lassen on the History traced [No. 100.

that the language of the coins followed its own principles, in the

paraphrase of Greek names. I would notice at the same time,

that we may expect a similar kind of absorption in Eukratides,

and we can already hypothetically maintain, that r, preceded by

consonants, was absorbed.

R before consonants is likewise absorbed, as in dhdmiké, and

we undoubtedly have properly attributed to foreign authority

the deviation from the rule in Hirmajé. If the name Archelios

were precisely represented in the native writing, it would supply

us another opportunity for testing the rule for r. The name of

this king is certainly written thus, and not Archelaos, if the

Greek be properly represented, and the native legend, according

to the only copy, As. Trans. v. pl. xxxv. No. 1, be properly

rendered by Mr. Masson. The Greek legend is distinct:

BASIAEQS [AIKA]IOY NIKH®OPOY APXEAIOY ;

the native legend is similar, save the name, which is in the copy

entirely illegible. Mr. Prinsep, however, renders this also,

according to Mr. Masson’s drawing. I copy the whole:

PAIL PASAL Phws PLArv.

Leaving the name for the present, we may assert, on the

authority of the other examples, that the initial of the second

word is incorrectly given, it must be €. The legend will con-

sequently be Mahdrdgé dhamiké gajavaté, the supreme King,

the just, the victorious.

In the name itself ‘4 is evidently an error for 4, li, as Lishyo

for Lysias ; for rche there consequently was only one symbol.

If Mr. Masson has correctly copied, it is there Ahalyé. But

as « (epsilon) must be expressed by e, it follows, that the second

letter has not been completely preserved, and I do not doubt,

that it was x, chi, khi. But there is no trace whatever of r,

and we have again an absorption of r before other consonants.

If Archelios was termed in the native language Akilyjé, his

pride was perhaps gratified, as being reminded of the name

of the great Pelide, so that he would not much object to

the rule.

The most difficult title, that namely, by which ow7np is

* V. 549,

- —— = ee ee

1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 349

translated, is still left to be discussed. It too terminates in 6;

but there precede three symbols, which belong all to t, d, r,

letters so easily to be confounded, though Mr. Prinsep,* who,

however, observes the ambiguity, has taken it for k. Among

all the readings, rakaké, radaké radadé, which can be taken

on his conjecture, he chooses rakaké, because the Sanscrit word

rakshaka denotes protector, and because (he does indeed not

expressly mention this, but it must have influenced his decision)

its form in Pracrit is rakkhaké. Though I could mention

several other objections to this interpretation, suffice it to say,

that there is no k to be met with in the word. For the same

reason we cannot adopt the word ¢draka, supporter, deliverer.

Mr. Grotefend started on the supposition, that it was the

same with KOPANO, which occurs upon the Kanerkes-coins.

Besides, however, that this word may have belonged to a

dialect, different from what we have hitherto discussed, the

same objection will also be decisive; neither the n, here

assumed, nor the k can stand the test.

After having compared all instances of this word upon the

coins of Menandros, Apollodotos, Diomedes, Hermaios, it re-

mains doubtful yet, as for what we can take the three first char-

acters of the word; we may read P77" just so, according to

the coin which we choose as a criterion for those three letters.

A hint appears in the following. We observe different

orthography of this word upon coins, which certainly belong

to a later period, and the words on which seem to intimate

an altered state of the language, as upon the coins As. Trans.

_ Vol. rv. Pl. xx1i1. No. 23, where the Greek legend exhibits

BASIAEY> BAZIAEQN ZQOTHP MELAS, so also upon the

coins of the unknown king, who usually has only Greek in-

scriptions ;+ fortunately we can easily read a portion of the

native legend, it is thus: PAT LU P1E1 P1 Ly, therefore, mahaté

—adharé mahdrdgé ; to this there probably succeeded rdgardgé ;

but this part is no longer legible. € is the second character in

* IV. 335.

+ The king too is on horseback, as upon the purely Greek coins of the

great deliverer ; this accords with the monogram. See at the same place

No, 26. The reverse is different,

350 Lassen on the History traced [No. 100.

the word we are in search of; it will therefore be in the usual

form a “ord. Now the word is thus written upon the Yndo-

pherres-coins Péé, dh standing here too for the first letter.

Before recognising these representatives of the first two

signs* of pan, I had asked myself, by what word swrne would

be expressed in Sanscrit? The question was easily answered ;

it could only be ¢rdtri, nominative trdtd, accusative trdtdram ;

the nominative in Pracrit is ¢tdéddr6 for this ;+ thus P17" was

without difficulty to be read. The reading, discovered after-

wards, P71 é" confirmed this interpretation. For want of a

more exact knowledge, €, dh, was substituted for d. € in the

first syllable shows a state of pronunciation, still more corrupted,

but otherwise it is an acceptable confirmation, by establishing

the dental sound of the beginning.

In the Pracrit of the dramas, the initial t usually retains

its class (as a letter) while the t, included by other letters, is

generally subdued {as a sound) to d, I find in P1é~ this transi-

tion of t to d; without asserting, however, that this form of

the d had been adopted upon the older coins. He that still ad-

heres to the reading of ¢dtdré, can only be opposed by reasons,

not to be derived from the characters. The form P ee which

reduces the initial also to dh, refers to a still later period of

the language.

I think, I have sufficiently explained the usual epithets and

titles, and I may now be allowed to survey the principal results.

The language has apparently manifested a strong bent to

the Pracrit of the dramas, by its absorptions and by forming

new, short forms of A from the long ones; the nominatives

in 6, as belonging also to Zend, prove nothing (as regards

Pracrit affinity) words as rdgan and dharmo are so undoubtedly

Indian, and not Zendic, that the relation of the language to

India is quite evident from them; also gaja for victory, and

tdddr6é for deliverer (though I shall not deny, that the latter

belongs to the Zend) are entirely Indian roots.

* Mr. James Prinsep’s last reading of this word was P“1é'é Nandatasa.---

ls Pld a as

+ My Grammar, p. 291.

1840. | trom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 351

But we should be wrong in not confessing, that some traces

refered to a dialect, not merely Indian, as, for instance, the -

omission of n before t and d, and the want of reduplicated

consonants, even when they were required for the foreign word,

as Apollodotos. The latter fact does not accord with the

Pracrit, where nothing is more frequent than ll, mm, and others.

The former, though not Zendic, is old Persian, and the language

of the coins seems to occupy a place midway between the old

Persian and the Indian languages.

It is now incumbent on me to vindicate the opinion I have

adopted regarding k, in opposition to both my predecessors,

in effecting which I shall discuss the names of Greek Kings,

not yet examined, which will prove instrumental in fixing the

alphabet.

§ 4.

Inquiry into the Alphabet from the names of Greek Kings.

Continued. |

Mr. Prinsep as well as Mr. Grotefend, obtain their k prin-

cipally from the name Eukratides ; the latter represents it in

the form 1; according to the former, it does not differ from

d and r. The name Kukratides induces the following dilemma,—

whether we suppose the dipthong «< v to be expressed by one

or two letters, both succeeding letters are displaced. No one

has supposed the case, that r was perhaps omitted, though it

is evident, that according as it is expressed or not expressed,

k must occupy another place. Mr. Grotefend read Ukratido,

Mr. Prinsep Eukratids.

To arrive at the real k, we shall pursue a different course.

The k I adopted in dhdmiko, is exactly ‘n upon the coin of

Archelios ; upon another at the same place, v. Pl. xxxv. No.

6, 7 is substituted for it, so that the right half of the letter

does not occur; upon the copy tv. Pl. xx1. No. 9, the symbol

is destroyed, also in R. R. II. No. 9. But that‘h is the real,

complete figure, follows from a remark of Mr. Prinsep* who

notices, that upon a coin of Azes (1v. Pl. xx111. No. 22,) ‘h

distinctly is the penultimate symbol of the word, denoting just.

352 Lassen on the History traced [No. 100.

O is preceded by ‘in this word, by which we are prevented

from adopting ‘h as loo, if + be indeed previously correctly fixed

as loo. If there remain any doubt, the word Antialkides would

set it at rest.

That this was the name of this king, and not Antilakides, —

is confirmed by the native legend, which is PAH494), Atiali- —

kadé, according to Mr. Prinsep’s* examination of a well pre-

Served copy. .

This k is throughout well preserved upon the coins, As.

Trans. Vol. tv. Pl. xxiv. No. 9, 10, 11. also R. R. I. No. 15;

it has, however, been obliterated on R. R. II. No. 7.

Here let me remark on the name Antialkides; /k is a com-

pound, which is not admitted in Pracrit; in that language it

becomes kk by absorption. Here both consonants remain,

but only in this way, viz. by separating |] from k, by transferring

the vowel i (1 k i) to the first consonant, and by adding a to

the second, in consequence /ika for Jkt.

We observe a similar method in Pracrit,t+ according to

the prevailing rule of which similar consonants only, when

coming together, are admitted. If therefore two dissimilar

consonants meet together, of which neither will give way to

the other, an intervening vowel is added to the first, and by

this separation of the obstinate couple, peace is restored

between them. In Pracrit this is the case with kl; kilésa

from kléza, kilanta from klanta. Our Pracrit treats Ik accord-

ingly; the difference, however, is, that though the vowel of

the first consonant is borrowed as in Pracrit (i-i, i-é, kiléza from

kléza, sirt from sri,) from the original syllable, yet, this

syllable does not retain its first vowel. The Pracrit would

require Antialikido.

The opinion therefore, that the language of our coins trans-

formed foreign names, according to its genuine rules, is here

also confirmed.

I think then, I have arrived at the real k, and instead of

borrowing it from Eukratides, I shall only exemplify it there.

I might be satisfied with Mr. Prinsep’s statement, that all

BON Spee

+ My Grammar, p. 182.

1840. | JSrom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 353

the drawings of Mr. Masson represent this wise the name

P71hI¥. But as the k in this very name Eukratides, was

entirely misunderstood formerly, I may be allowed to pro-

ceed a little more cautiously. I shall therefore place the dif-

ferent characters, yet preserved, of four edited coins, one un-

der the other As. J. Vol. tv Pl. xxv. No. Shas “iri

99 23 9 29 9,, Paxh3

9 Zoe aap ie Oe PeuPPs)

R. R. I. e Fe neg gt ap hep ae:

The last half consequently is ¢7dé, three characters only pre-

cede it. The third among them is decidedly not r. Two legends

exhibit the k, already known to us, one gives the k (% for h,) and

a fourth decides nothing, as the legend is evidently spoiled. R is

therefore omitted, as in Minadé for Menandros.

If therefore*—katidd is to be read, Mr. Prinsep is quite

right in stating, that two symbols precede k, but I do not know

in this case, how he obtains his r. Mr. Grotefend proceeded

carefully by adopting one character only for <v in order to get

kr. He must therefore take k for r, the 31 for k, and % for a

simple vowel, while the initial letter, according to him, repre-

sents u. Thus is it in his alphabet, but I hope, I have convin-

ced him of his mistake.

In interpreting the two first characters, I shall not begin by

inquiring, in what manner the diphthong ev, foreign to those lan-

guages, might have been expressed; as to its being foreign, I think,

it is already inferentially proved in the previous remarks. As

v is rendered by i, I shall adopt J or 7 as i, viz. as the sign of

this vowel, when commencing a syllable. Though this is not

here the case, yet there was no other expedient in the system of

* Mr. James Prinsep’s last reading of this name was as follows :---

Eukratidasa PAIEIY viz.

2 kr

4 ti

“.d

Eukratidasa, See Journal for July, 1838.---H. T. P.

354 Lassen on the History traced [No. 100.

the native language, unless the writing Ejakatidé were chosen ;

but it was more natural to write eikatidé. By this paraphrase

I acknowledge, that with Mr. Prinsep, I take ¥ for é, viz. for

a long é, which was not confined to denoting the never shorten-

ed vowel of the Sanscrit, but which also expressed: the lighter

one of the Pracrit, and which, as the analogous 6, P, probably

had its constant place in the same line with the eonsonants.

The reason, that e in é¢katidé is not, as usual, expressed by i,

appears: even to have proceeded from the impossibility of ap-

proaching the foreign sound in any other way, than in that,

above mentioned.

With regard to the last two of our three new letters, we

shall call to mind, that they still have to be confirmed (17,) >,

es(18) $04," (19) tes

Again k seems to occur in a name, hitherto obscure, and which

even now cannot be entirely illustrated.

The Agathokleia-coin offers the unexpected and pleasing fact

of a Greek queen in that remote quarter of the Kast ;* upon

its one side we observe a helmeted head, whether of a woman

we shall leave undecided, with the legend; BAZIAIZZ=A>

OEOTIPOIO(Y)ATASOKAEIAS. If we now look upon

the reverse for an interpretation of the unusual and obscure

epithet of the queen, we find the representation of a sitting

Hercules, who appears with the left hand to hold the lion’s

skin, and with the right perhaps leans on a rock, as upon

the coins of Euthydemos, where, however, he holds with the

left the club. While in expectation of the translation of the

Greek legend, we are surprized at the word;t PY1U(v) maha-

vagd. We know the language sufficiently to assert, that it,

like the Pracrit, has not used the masculine termination for

a queen. ‘There is therefore the title of a king. Then follows

P17(41) tddaré, deliverer. Two testimonial instances prove, that

* As. Trans. V. PI. xuvi. No. 2.

+ Maharajasa according to Mr. James Prinsep, who particularly remarks,

that the masculine word is used. The word after Maharaja he sug-

gests may preferably be read Devamatasa, which is an exact translation of

OEKOTPOTLOY.---H. T. P.

1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 355

the Greek titles are not repeated on the reverse, and we there-

fore cannot derive any advantage from discussing them here.

After mahdrdg6 tdddré we expect the name of a king, which

must be contained in the symbols ‘P1%Phw.*

The writing does not compel us to divide the word in two,

as Mr. Prinsep proposed, because P is placed in the middle.

The second letter, if properly drawn, can only be k, and there

is no room for doubt on this point, as the coin itself was in the

hands of Mr. Prinsep. The fourth character, though most

closely approaching the form of dh, may likewise be taken for

ann; it is accompanied by ee. Mr. Prinsep indeed substitutes

for this the figure % in his print, but on the coin it is such as

I represent it.

Theft initials being therefore Miké, may correspond with the

Greek Mixw, Mexw, Mynxw, Muxw. It appears probable, that

the next letter of a Greek word is rather n than dh, which

would be only substituted for d. We lastly meet with P and

the unlucky letter 1, which may be taken for t, d, or r, and

affords a beautiful opportunity for a guess.

Since Mex is not the beginning of any Greek word, and no

king is likely styled Mnxwviric, the initial letters must cer-

tainly be Mixw or Muxw ; we cannot say much in favour of Mix,

even if we would look for an absorbed r in the native character,

viz. Mixpw.

We therefore come to Muxw, and here Muxwmoc, from the

island Mycone, appears of itself ; Mouxwyvidne is indeed not a

Greek name, otherwise known, though it would be least objec-

tionable to read in this way the native characters. If 1 were

allowed instead of ‘h, we should obtain Myronides, who would

be admitted with much less opposition as a king, not yet known

at the Indus. But not indulging such a supposition, merely

arbitrary, we do best to wait for further discoveries.

* Mr. James Prinsep reads PEP he the name here referred to Faka-

saqlitasa.---H. T, P.

+ Mr. James Prinsep’s discovery of the letter », as equivalent to the

Greek , resolves the difficulty, felt by Mr. Lassen, at finding, what he read

as W me at the beginning of the name of Agathoeleia. In this word it is

apparently the equivalent of the Greek digamma.---H. T. P.

356 Lassen on the History traced [No. 100.

As the native name does not recall elements of Persian or

Indian words, we shall by no means attempt to-obtrude a bar-

barian husband on the noble Agathokleia.

§ 5.

Continuation—regarding the names of Kinys, not Greeks.

I now pass to the coins of Kings, not Greeks, to complete the

native alphabet, and to advance our knowledge of the language

from their legends.

Azilises presents a new symbol. As. T. rv. pl. XxIIt.

No. 27. No. 28. R. R. II. No. 20. rt, almost like an é; the

Greek denotes the same by ans. We have already another s,

V,. which we take for sh, and will discover a third mn. We

must therefore choose z or s for either of them. Besides, it is

possible, that s in Azilises is substituted in the Greek transla-

tion for a k’ (tsch) Y, as this sound was not original in the Greek,

and was adopted as 7¢ at a later period only. It is therefore

a mere arbitrary reading, when I take conjecturally for our 20th

letter ‘Y, as z.

The Parthian king Vonones, has the Greek legend, BASJAE-

QS BASIAEQN METAAOY ONONOY.* This follows from

the coins R. R. II. No. 10, No. 11, I. No. 20, where, according

to the native legend, however, not METAAOY, but AIKAIOY

must have been written; for we observe upon the reverse still

Phwe, as also in As. J. IV. pl. xx1. No. 5. Though we do

not know yet any copy, exhibiting the entire title, we can con-

fidently construe it by comparison. ‘The reverses also give us

nothing but fragments of the native legends; we must, how-

ever, have recourse to them to obtain the name. R. R. II. No.

10 has 4 over the right arm of Jupiter, and the letter, next

following, seems to be a disfigured P ; it then would be gé the

end of Mahdrdgé ; for the succeeding illegible word has five cha-

_ racters, and is therefore PAIL rdgdrdgé. It would be indeed

singular, had great preceded the other titles. But it appears

* The Arsakides-coins also combine both titles, as those that are attri-

buted to the twelfth (of those kings) or Phraates 111, Eckhel m1, 528.

BAZIAEQ® BASIAEON APZSAKOY METAAOY AIKAIOY

OEOY EYITATOPO® ®IAEAAHNOS.

1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 357

difficult to decide any thing by the instrumentality of specimens,

so defective. The specimen R. R. II. No. 11, commences regu-

larly with mahdrdgé rdgdrdgé ma(hato). The name does

not occur on either side R. R. I. No. 20, when mdhdrdgé is

scarcely to be distinguished, but evidently has over the head of

Minerva P‘hw (é,) dhdmike ; then follows the name,* As. T. IV.

pl. xxi No. 5 has P(M1)UCP)Y, probably (mahdrdgd ragard)gé

* The same also upon a coin of Mr. Masson, As. T. 11. pl. x1. No. 43,

Laem SG

2 Pula hn

3 POA h

are read by Mr. James Prinsep, Spalaha’rasa, Spalafarmasa and Spalirishasa,

and with reference to this part of Mr. Lassen’s treatise, it may be as well

to give from a letter of Mr. Lassen’s to that gentleman, dated 30th Decem-

ber 1838, and which reached India after Mr. James Prinsep had left, never

to return, the following extract, showing the opinion of Mr. Lassen,

after reading the article referred to---“ You will soon receive a little treatise

of mine in which I have endeavoured to show amongst other things, relating

to the Bactrian or Indo-Scythian part of Indian history, that the alphabet

of the Bactrian-coins was only in use in Kabulistan and the Punjab, and

ought therefore to be called Caboolan; my book is unfortunately written

in German---I say unfortunately, because I should wish to hear your opinion

on this and other views of mine. Will not M. Csoma Dekoros do me the

favor to be my interpreter? Your additional corrections of the alphabet

are very valuable, particularly the Pass. So also your Jayadharasa. [|

suspect, that Nikatoros will turn out to be Jayavatasa, the translations

being so literal, and we ought to expect two terms i. e. 4 as different from

q andin my opinion gy, I have in my late reading attended much to the

use of the different compounds of pata, and am persuaded, that only aprati-

hata would be used for unconquered ; Apatihata is in fact the very Prakrit

form. For shortness sake, let me only state as aconjecture, that OWTNno0g

is tadarasa from Taq on the coins of Andapherres. Tadarasa or dadarasa

the € being = also in Minadasa. Not to be forgotten, is your Spalahara, a

capital reading that destroys with one blow, all our lucubrations on the

data of Vonones. It is evident, there was a Kabulian dynasty of Arsacide,

coeval with that of Azas. I only propose to read h differently, as it cannot

well be acompound ofs and‘Pp. May it not be a modification ofk ‘y, corres-

ponding with the Zend 9, which takes the place of eq in Sanscrit? Spaly-

rius by the Indians was called Svalyrius, which the Greek alphabet expres-

sed by om. The Kabulians who called the river tqaqq Shushva Choaspes,

pronounced the king’s name Shvalyrius or Galyrius.”---H. feet So

398 Lassen on the History traced [No. 100.

mahaté, as it will also have been upon R. R. II. No. 10;

and then the name.

The state of these coins does not much invite inquiry after the

name; but it being better preserved, than the rest of the words,

we shall venture on the task.

As. Trans. IV. Pl. xx1. No. 5, has yp 4293

Rick, Th Moot ..-, ey S41 A

Bes [ig ge ak PNUidh

Mr. Grotefend has read it Vonohno ; it will be observed, the ©

two n do not correspond, nor with the more confirmed {, not

to mention the illegitimate use of h, perhaps to render the

syllable long. Mr. Prinsep, who always adheres to the more

cautious principle of reading out of the characters, not into

them, takes it for ulalidé, which reading, however, cannot be

right.

On examining more closely, we find, that two authorities are

against the initial ‘h; as many against the second P; the three —

last characters are identical (in the three legends) ; it would be

therefore P1173. The second has the greatest similarity to —

an 1, and the whole exhibits Valaharé or Valahadé. This is

indeed very different from Vonones, which must have been ex-

pressed by PSPS3, if we have arranged the letters properly, and —

fixed the system of this alphabet.

I am persuaded, that the name cannot be the same, and as a

conjecture is here quite indispensable, I shall propose the fol-

lowing. |

The name of a Parthian king which will be first thought of,

and which occurs three or four times, is Volagases. Upon coins,

attributed to the former, or Arsakes xx11I. is the name thus

written: BOAATAZOY. What now if this name be written

on the reverse of our coins? Ul, h, rendered by g will not excite

any doubt, if an h in the middle of a word is to be expressed by

Greek characters. The termination alone does not agree, and

here we may suppose, that by the sharp accentuation, the

penultimate ‘T is changed into 1. This being admitted, it would

1840. | Jrom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 3599

be PY43, Balahazo, as the Indian v is not different in pronun-

ciation from b.

This result will be surprising, and I should hesitate in com-

municating it, unless it appeared a very natural consequence.

But how to explain the matter.

Of the Parthian language we know nothing, and he that likes,

may think Vonones to be synonymous in the Parthian with

Valahazé ; or he may also obtain a really Indian word by writ-

ing only Valahdsa, viz. he who contemns power. 1 shall choose

an interpretation less ingenious, but indeed based on better

historical authority.

Volagases 1. was the son of Vonones 11. The father reigned

a few months; his son, known by the wars he engaged in with

Rome, is supposed to have reigned between 50 and 91 a. pb.

Another Volagases is not spoken of in Parthian history as

succeeding a Vonones. Have we not consequently both names

upon our coins?

This conjecture appears to me so probable, that I scarcely hesi-

tate to reject the acute one of Mr. Raoul Rochette,* who states,

that it was Vonones 1., the vanquisher of Artabanus ; and even

though Mr. K. O. Mueller takes this explanation as undoubtedly

correct, the passages of Strabo, concerning the conquests

of the Parthians in Bactria, mention neither of the two

Vonones.

Another king, likewise not Greek, of this later period, offers

another problem. Mr. Prinsep states his name to be Ipalirisos,t

and we read indeed upon the coin v. Pl. xxxv. No. 7,

BASIAEQS BAZIAEQN METAAOY IITAAIPISOY ; the

initial I of the name, however, is not quite distinct. R. R. I. No.

21, gives nothing of the legend but BASIAEQN BASIAEQS,

and upon the reverse three illegible characters. Owing to the ac-

curate drawing of Mr. Prinsep, we can supersede that of Mr.

Masson, As. Trans. 111. Pl. x1. No. 44. Upon No. 6 the name

does not occur in Greek ; the rest is distinct.

Mr. Prinsep has established his reading upon the comparison

ws p. 28.

jc dt8. LEADS. Vc OO,

360 Lassen on the History traced [No. 100.

of six well preserved copies, but the comparison is made by

Mr. Masson, and he will excuse me in asserting, that the

name of the king was not this; the native legend being preserv-

ed remarkably well, is thus upon both specimens of Mr. Prinsep:

PAAdh Phily PLA.

Mahdardgé shall no longer detain us. With regard to mahataké

for great, I do only remark, that mahaté has here the additional

termination ka, so frequent in Pracrit ;* there it would be

mahantaké ; our king was apparently fain to compensate by the

adjective the loss he had to suffer on account of the substantive ;

for Bacttéwc BactAéwy certainly carries the impression of higher

dignity than mahdrdg6, or it was perhaps the title king of kings,

already so worn out, as to be of no more value than mahdrdgé.

If we pass to the name, the penultimate letter 7 (No. 21),

must be, it appears, a sibilant, according to the Greek; in de-

noting it by s, I do not anticipate an examination, hereafter to

ensue, in order to distinguish more accurately between v,‘v,n.

The ™ will occur again as a sibilant. This being settled, the

name is Kalirisé6. But whatsoever alteration of the names the

language of our coins may have admitted, according to its ge-

nuine laws, it could never have changed an zpa into k. I there-

fore maintain zpa, not to be the real commencement of the name.

What was it then? On this we are informed by the coin

of Spalirios, connected at least by name; for it represents,

As. Trans.) v. Pleixxxv. .No.'6, ‘av. Pl. xxr.. (NomOy (thes

which is indispensable near 1, is very indistinct upon the latter,

and it does not occur at all upon the former), the initial

letters by kala—/(kali); here (for the coin of Ipalirisos), we

require only the initial letter, which we find to be a ka for the

Greek ova. I maintain, therefore, that the pretended [palirisos

was called Spalirisos.t

Many will perhaps think this alteration impossible; but I am

of opinion, that it may not only be vindicated, but that it is

particularly adapted to confirm, in a striking manner, all that

has been previously said on the nature of the language.

* My Grammar p. 288.

+ Spalirishasa is Mr. James Prinsep’s latest reading of this name from

the Bactrian legend.---H. T. P.

1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 361

Now we know, that the languages of Iran do not admit

the Indian compound sv, for which they adopt another, more

agreeable to the laws of their sounds. The junction of conso-

nants, originally substituted for sv, is hv, as also h is used for a

simple s. This hv, hardened in Zend, becomes kv or q, which

simple sound is substituted for the Indian compound sv. The

old Persian language, less hard in sound, softens the above

mentioned hv in such a way, as to lose the h in u, so nearly

related to v; the junction of characters, which corresponds in

the arrow-headed writing to the Zend 4, properly denotes there-

fore uv.* ‘This alteration is foreign to the Indian Pracrit.

According to my opinion, the k in the name, above mentioned,

represents, as the Zendic q does, the compound sv, which is in- |

cluded in the Greek letters ow. Sva might be expressed in

Greek by cova. But by supposing, that v was more hardly

pronounced, (as for example the ¢v of Sanscrit indeed becomes

cp in Zend), we shall not find the orthography ow for sv very

strange. And I shall not insist even upon maintaining, that

those kings were called Svalyrios and Svalirisos; but I use

only sv to explain, how k (equivalent to) 4 may represent sp;

This k is the third Iranian transformation of hv, in the process

of which h becomes hard, as in Zend, but entirely drops the

sound vy, consequently sv in Sanscrit, hv, or q in Zend, uv in

ancient Persian, k in the language of the coins, not yet geogra-

phically defined, (as to the countries in which it prevailed.)

But why then a double kind of pronunciation upon the same

coin? If the name of the king was Kalirisos in the native

language, why was it not the same in Greek? and how

could it be written Spalirisus in Greek, if it in fact did not

sound thus in the language of the country? A third view is

still possible, which appears to settle the difficulty. The king,

not being a native, was probably called Spalirisus or Sualirisos

in his own language, but not in the language of the country,

whose inhabitants were under his sway. They changed the

name into Kalirisos, according to the system of their sounds,

while the coin-stampers, knowing the Greek language, had no

reason to call him otherwise than he did himself.

* The old Persian arrow-headed inscriptions, p. 107.

362 Lassen on the History traced [No. 100.

We shall now pass to Spalyrios, so similar in his name, who

appears to Oppose to us invincible difficulties.

I do not intend to dwell upon the view according to which

the reading of the name has been already defined. Mr. Prinsep

has here also the merit of having fixed the name, and the

Greek legend, which is thus, ZIIAAYPIOY AIKAIOY

AAEA®OY TOY BASIAEQ®S. Three specimens are publish-

ed, As. Trans. Vol. rv. Pl. xx1. No. 9, v. Pl. xxxv. No. 6,

R. R. II. No. 9. The second of them alone has completely

preserved the legend.*

The native legend is the following tv. Pl. xx1. No. 9,

d---h---wePa4.U4; upon v. Pl. xxxv., No. 6, the initial

letter of the first word does not exist ; the second is preserved, and

the well known word P‘hwé, only 1 is mutilated to 1. The

name itself is complete rutvd‘h. The last symbol has entirely

disappeared on the foregoing coin; v distinctly occurs ; the two

preceding letters are likewise there, though indistinct. At

R. R. ———— the first word has got all symbols, but

the first appears as 2, the second is angular, and similar to

r and d; the others are the same on all the specimens ; dhdmiké

is legible ; in the name we can unfortunately discover only the

vu. Mr. Prinsep had three drawings before him, two by Court,

and one by Masson, all three of which he found in exact corres-

pondence; the legend he gives after them is the following

PUuTbAh PIws PANAI9. The two first signs of the first

word are taken from the drawing of Mr. Masson; the coin cer-

tainly has room for one symbol more, so that the complete first

word would include seven letters; but for this there is only

one authority. |

With regard to the name, which I presume I have discovered

in the last word, according to the examination of the name of

* See page 650, of Vol. vir. of the Journal. Mr. James Prinsep’s latest

reading of these combined inscriptions was

SA ae AOL 9 IE Ri Dy IPN

om Tt a bes. kK me.dn s) | Pi ra hol

Balaha’ra putasa dhamikasa Balafarmasa i. e. of Balafarma (or according to

Mr. Lassen’s Svalaformes) the just, son of Balahara (Svalahara): It is to

this reading that Mr. Lassen refers in his letter above quoted.---H. T. P.

1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 363

of the foregoing king, the mark of the vowel e is so often omit-

ted, that we need not scruple at supplying 4, as a vestige of it is

almost extant upon one coin. But if the first two syllables are

kali, the third must be “1. For this the only distinct specimen

has a character which we may take for r, to the head of whose

angle a small circle is annexed. But then follows a sign which

we may read as t, d, or r, and hence we are not allowed to take

the preceding sign as r. The same &, however, denotes a

Greek v upon the latest coins of this class. The most. pro-

bable conjecture therefore would be to supply e with regard to

the fourth character, and so far it would be read, kalyri. But

now, according to the precedent of the previous names, there

must follow PA, jo, viz. Kalyrij6, instead of which we meet

with a character which is merely to be read as anm. ‘The fact,

however, that P follows v, is of main importance, as this being

the case, the word is complete.

According to the specimens lying before me, this P is not

certain, and the entire reading is therefore left problematical.

M6 does by no means compensate for the expected jo; on

the other hand the Greek writing in no sort authorises us to read

OY instead of MOY. I cannot unravel this difficulty. Mr.

Prinsep presumed, the word which I take for the name, to be

the translation of brother, and supposed, that the word king

was at the end of the legend. Against this supposition I have

to raise the decisive objection, that the name cannot be ex-

_ pressed by the first word, and that, on the contrary, we can

point it out on the most plausible conjecture in the third

word. This being the case, the construction differs from

the Greek,* and the brother of the king, or what corresponds

to this word, occupies the first place; the legend, as far as

I have observed, never commences upon these coins from

below, in consequence, we have not to look for another word,

preceding the first. Nevertheless it is possible, that the third

word was followed by a title for Spalyrios, though there is left

no room for a legend below, if the coins are exactly represented.

The first word seems to have been so well and congruously

* Mr. James Prinsep reads the Bactrian legend of the coins of Undo-

pherras P4 SEPIG LO Farahetasa Nandatasa, which seems a preferable read-

ing to this of Mr. Lassen,---H. T. P.

ee ee

364 Lassen on the History traced [No. 100.

preserved, as not to admit any alteration of the letters. We

dare only speculate, as to whether it have six or seven characters,

and as room is left for the first (9) according to my previous

remark, we may presume, that Mr. Masson was mistaken

with reference to this letter. The word is therefore Pah"149.

This, however, is a complete mystery to me; neither do

I know a word, which denotes brother or relation of any degree,

bearing the least similarity to this, nor can 1 derive a proper

signification from those syllables, though the end (paré ? pdd6 ?)

exhibits a common Indian word. I must therefore leave this

word to an inquirer who is more fortunate in guessing, or more

acute in discerning.

Another barbarian king was named Ynadpherres* or Yndo-

pherrest (Undopherres) and styled himself BactAéwe owrnpoe or

BactAebe owrnps for the Greek legend gradually exhibits the

nominative, which the native language used from the beginning,

As. Trans. Vol. rv. Pl. xxrv. No. 5—8. The legends, which

are much spoiled, supply each other’s deficiencies as follow ; I

remark, that the name is to be read from within the inside,

and not in the manner in which we usually read coins, by keep-

ing the image on them in its natural position; this will be

easily evident, if the letters are looked at in the usual way—

No. 5 gives PFE PYI.lu ----

by) 6 cy) ----) PLA P

ah, 4 bios PF --- ---lu Pree

33 8 >) ) PF YS

* Mr. James Prinsep explains this, by discovering the word Pitasa

after Balahara or Svalahara, and the difficulty does appear to be re-

moved by this reading, which is quite reconcilable with the idiom of

the language.---H. T. P.

+ There is only one letter preceding N, namely Y. Mr. Mionnet reads

likewise YNAA®MEPPOY, and adds a Sic? Description de médailles

antiques supplément, Tome viu. p. 506. I only got this work, while print-

ing my book. I am sorry to add, that the reading of the native legends is

not only not advanced by the representations there exhibited, but the

legends, which we may read without difficulty in the representations of —

them, given by Messrs. Raoul-Rochette and Prinsep, are perverted in an in-

distinct web of confused strokes. ‘The false classification might be passed

over, as it would not cause great impediment to inquiry, but I have

taken sufficient pains with this work, to dare to assert, that to try to decy-

pher anything with certainty from those copies would be labour in vain.

1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 365

I have already before discussed tHe orthography of dhddhdré,

here it differs only in that it is placed before the word king.

By comparing the four specimens, we observe, that the name

consists only of five native characters, and also that it ends

in 6. The first letter @ of the word cannot be but a vowel

in its initial form, and according to the course of the language,

in other instances, we should have to adopt an e for vy. As,

however, the letter 3 in the name Eukratides was fixed for

this, the sense of both letters becomes doubtful; for » being

e, J would be u, and vice versd. I would rather adopt y for %,

keeping the signification e for 1; for we found above » must be a

vowel, which we know cannot be e, as e is never written in the

line, while in the Greek the equivalent was v. The symbol

» often occurs in the legends of Manikyala, and is certainly

genuine. No. 22.

Between y and 6 there are merely three letters for the three

consonants d-ph-r, commencing the syllables, which we ought to

admit, if the name was Yndopherres; in this case the n, preceding

d, is dropped according to the rule. Also the second symbol is a

real d upon one specimen; upon the second is a character, which

appears indeed to be corrupt, but a corruption rather of n than d.

If Ynadpherres be considered as the name, though the language

of the coins would absorb d into ph, yet it would not express by

any legible mark the d, so absorbed. We are here also left in the

dark ; but as d is much more certain than n, I shall at once de-

cide in favour of d. Therefore yda stands for the first half.

Then follows %; € being expressed by e, we must con-

sider it as denoting phi; but we above found p for ¢ in Phi-

loxenos, and shall do the same in Kadphises. The tolerably

distinct coin of Kadphises has, however, (As. Trans. Vol. rv.

Pl. xxxvitt. No. 3, as with Tod. Pl. x11. No. 10,) the form i

for pi; here the little cross line is perhaps meant to give

the force to p as f. Our *® is entirely different from it;

what might be taken for the mark of a vowel, is no e, and

could at the most be u3; this will not advance us a step

further. On the other hand % has a great similarity with

the initial letter of Eukratides, and as @ is probably written

in the line, according to the analogy of 6, we might read here

306 Lassen on the History traced [No. 100.

a, and consegently yda: then would f be ph, and it has indeed

the same cross line with the phi of Kadphises, but above a

rounded, and not an angular shape; still I confess, I am by no

means Satisfied of the reading ydéfo.

But let us waste no more time and paper upon this bar-

barian chieftain, and rather wait for information from others.

We finally come to the last of those rulers, who shall here

occupy us, namely Kadphises; Mr. Raoul-Rochette has bap-

tized him Mokadphises. The reason for calling him Kadphises,

is founded, as Mr. Prinsep remarks, As. T. V. p. 553, upon the

fact, that Kadaphes is met with as a correspondent name upon

other coins. And if that Scythian was called Kadphis, Kadphises

would be a true Greek accommodation of the word, while

the native language must either absorb d, whence Kapisa

upon the coins, or to preserve d, it must separate this letter

from ph by an intervening vowel. But as Kadaphes occurs

without mo, the first supposition is more valid.

Upon his coins appear either the more simple legend—

BASIAEY=> OOHMO KAA®IZH>,* OOH-- MO

KAA®IZH® or BAZIAEYS BASIAEON ZOTHP METAS

OOHMO (OOKMO) KAA®ISHS}. The evidently barbarian

word oohmo probably is the first part of the royal name, or a

title. Mr. K. O. Mueller has proposed the very acute conjec-

ture of reading Ovohemo or Ohovemo.t

The native writing upon the coins of Kadphises seems always

to present the complete title, or perhaps something more, for

it is so small, and in the representation so indistinct, that we

cannot derive any certain information but from examining the ~

coins themselves, under the magnifying glass. Mr. Prinsep,

who had the coins before him, has given the legend$

AWEerTMAMVATANU YY — — Wa TPLTEYTVY

I will compare this with the representations of the coins for

the purpose simply of pointing out the name.

* As, Trans. 1v. Pl. xxxvi1. No. 1 No. 3 R. R. I. No. 22, Journ. des

Sav. 1834, No. vi.

+ As. Trans. rv. Pl. 631. R. R. I. No. 28 ditto.

{ Goettinger Gel. Anz. 1838, p. 240.

§ As. Trans. rv. Pl. 632.

’

1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 367

First, Mahdrdjé is evident. In the next word the third as

well as the sixth character must be different. It cannot be

discovered from the scrawl upon the drawings. It must be

PAVIN, rqddirdé. Then we have to expect P7En, tédhdré

(deliverer) ; ; and this seems indeed to be the next word, though

in the foregoing legend it appears to be placed again at the

end; £ has been already found used in common with €, and

if + drops its small line on the right hand, we have: [P]7é".

But the same word seems to recur at the conclusion. Then must

follow Pou, great ; for the second figure in Mr. Prinsep’s copy

occurs upon the coin, Journal des Sav. No. vir. x; also As.

Trans. Vol. rv. Pl. xxxvui1. No. 3, it is therefore mahi or mahi;

_ this resembles an Indian title, perhaps mahipati, (lord of the

earth). Thus we are quite at a loss, where to look for the

beginning of OOHMO.

The ma of this word, however, is distinct, and fixed by the

coins; the preceding sign, though indistinct itself, has the

mark of e upon the coin, As. Trans. 1v. Pl. xxxviir. No. 3, just

as e, was before substituted for 3; dima accords not with

the Greek; it would rather be 1, ha. But this is doubtful,

and for the two preceding syllables, OO can only hereafter

show the proper reading, instead of the two 7.*

But there is no P attached to ma, viz., no termination, for

which reason ma rather appears to belong to the name, and

not this alone, but likewise the preceding, so that the whole

OOHMO perhaps was an element of the compound name.

My design was merely to prove this probable.

In the name itself the copy erroneously gives “\ for the * of

the coins, consequently pi, or phi. We know already ™ as

denoting s; the next letter, however, is not a distinct P upon

any coin, it is rather like t, and as I have above mentioned, it

might here be read td dhdré. We might presume, that Kadphis

*See at page 646, vol. vi. the entire reading of the long Bactrian legend of

the coins of Mokadphises---“‘ Maharajasa rajadhirajasa sabatrahca ihacha

Mahiharasa dhi Mokadphisasa Nandata.”’

“WEePnA hy ZPIMsuf UIP PAIZLT Aa1ru

“Of the great sovereign, the king of kings, both here and every where

seizing the earth, &c. Mokadphises the saviour.---H. T. P.

368 Lassen on the History traced (No, 100.

was to be read without any flexion, as other coins exhibit

Kadagec. The less reason is there then to connect mo, which

has no flexion, with Kadphises. It is evident, that much is

here left to be explained, but chiefly the word which has been

proved superfluous, whether it be in the middle or on the end.

We shall likewise mention the two symbols #* and f, No. 23

and 24, as wanting confirmation.

The most ancient coins, on which appear the characters

hitherto discussed, come down to about the year 180—160. B. c.

The kings Yndopherres and Kadphises probably reigned in the

first century A.c. <A variety of the same characters, more like

italic characters, but not essentially differing, is met with among

relics in Manikyala, where are discovered likewise coins of the

Sassanides; traces of these characters are even to be observed

upon the coins of the Sassanides themselves; we can therefore

assign to this alphabet a period from the year 160 B. c. at least

to the year 226, a. c., a period therefore of four hundred years.

From Menandros and Eukratides to Yndopherres this difference

alone is remarkable, that the characters of the native alphabet con-

tinue to be well formed and regular, while the Greek deteriorate

more and more to a barbarian level. The italic letters out of the

topes probably exhibit, rather the running hand in daily use, while

the characters upon the coins represent the monumental form.

This remark may serve to introduce a variety of the writing

upon the coins, of a peculiar spiral form, which we have no

reason for assigning to a later period than to that of Kadphises,

and which would therefore appear to be a provincial deviation

from it.

§ 6.

Variety of the characters of coins upon some coins of Hermaios.

I bere bring together another class of coins, not yet very

numerous, which, like the preceding, present upon the one side

Greek, upon the other side native legends in a peculiar form

of the alphabet, to which, however, Mr. Prinsep has already

drawn our attention. As. Trans. tv. p. 347. Besides the Greek

has become much more rough, and we do not know, if we

meet with barbarian words, or with Greek ones in the dis-

1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 369

figuration, effected by barbarian ignorance ; the native charac-

ters appear at the first glance quite foreign to us.

We will first compare two coins, As. Trans. Vol. v. PI.

xxxv. No. 12, and Vol. 1v. Pl. xxtv. No. 11. The one has the

Greek legend, KAA®IZO XOPI --- KOZOYAO, and sup-

plies the other, where we find, KAAOICEC ------ NO, as

it seems for, KAA®IZES KOZOYAOXOPANO; for here

is O generally a square, and C for =.

The native legend has :

Werhess SAV soLs

u31b|---- IWrd+

iv. Pl. xxiv. No. 13 is not certain.

We are astonished at recognising in the first two signs after

the cross, which recurs often upon these coins, and scarcely has

the value of a letter, the last letters in the foregoing Kadphises

legend, represented according to Mr. Prinsep. We may read

them nara (man). The letters, subsequent to this, are evidently

in the common character of the coins 44h, save, that here a

round tail is substituted for the small cross line below, as the

characters are generally altered from an angular to a rounder

form. We find consequently Kagala, or if we read according to

the Greek, the inherent a by o, as it is now also read in Ben-

galee, Kogolo, we have therefore here the un-Grecian word,

which already occurred in the Greek writing.

If we turn to the last word, the initial letter of it is y, the

two last syllables are vama or vomo. Though we might take

the second letter for 1, according to one coin, yet the others,

belonging to this class, have always a character similar to U, and

the word consequently is yhovomo, which obviously is the

word oonuo upon the coins of Kadphises ; ¢ therefore is u, and

we accordingly must infer, that the name in the foregoing

legends had existed in the unoccupied space (of the legend).

Let us place these coins in comparison with all those,

the relics of whose Greek legends are as follows: As. Trans.

Moery. Pl. xxtv. No, 9, 10,19, v.. Pl... xxxv..Nov 10;

-- AEQS =THPOSZYAQZ - BASIAE - --- EPM - BASI-

AEQ>S -- - EDDY, - andBASIAEQS STHPOSSY EPMAIOY.

We have here an ©ntirely foreign word Z=THPOZ, If this,

370 Lassen on the History traced [No. 100.

as Mr. Prinsep conjectures with the utmost probability, is to

be understood as TWTNPOG, it proves, that the whole literary

heritage of the Greek era had been completely transferred,

when these coins were stamped, to the hands of barbarians.

We likewise cannot explain ZY by the instrumentality of the

Greek language.

The reverse presents the following :—

wv. No. 9 V3S~ONEPAPPHAVSTS+

27 Santelli MMR aa > aa SbyP tH

With regard to the last word, the second symbol is nothing

but a disfigured h ; the v too is quite distinct, the non-existent

e is probably exhibited by the coin tv. Pl. xxiv No. 13 as

before Vv. I therefore read Uhavima, and look for this word

likewise upon the coins of Kadphises*.

At the commencement there are again two symbols, but they

differ, as well at this place as upon the foregoing legends, too

much one from each other, so as to allow us to do any thing with

them. Then follows again Kagola the word following would be

read Kavé, according to the last copy, and it bears therefore the

appearance of the nominative, but Uhavima not having got this

termination, it becomes doubtful, whether we have to admit the

flexion, which we took at other places for a regular termination.

As Kagola and Uhavima evidently are no Indian words, we must

consequently no longer expect the same termination. With

regard to Kavé we might be reminded of the word in Zend for

king, viz. Kavd, Kavdém;+ but for the present it would be a

* Mr. Prinsep has thus represented the legend rv. p. 347.---

POTAP Tor PPA dh WU

His division is certainly false. I had his own representations copied, and

we shall look in vain for p on the end of Kagala upon the coins.

The h in Uhavima has the same form upon the coin below, p. 112.

Mr. Jas. Prinsep’s last reading of this word is given in page 646 Vol. vir,

and is as follows--- PO HYXPP, Varahima Kadphisasa.---H. T. P.

t+ Burnoue Yasna tr. p. 447.

1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 3/1

conjecture, entirely ungrounded, as we cannot at all explain

the following; not even the name of Hermaios is to be dis-

covered, and we should probably find extant the name of his

Scythian conqueror, together with what corresponds to the

strange, TY.

Notwithstanding this obscurity, we may, however, derive some

isolated facts from these coins; first, that the language is here

no longer Indian. Thus Uhavima and Kagala do not admit of

a natural and appropriate interpretation as Indian words. Both

of them perhaps belonged to the Scythian language, and it

appears cannot be explained, but with reference to the context.

KOPANO agrees with the Indian dialect upon the Kanerkes-

coins, which have PAO in place of the former Rajé; we can-

not therefore allow of Koipavoc- Nor can it denote king or

prince, used as it is in immediate connection with PAO, king.

Therefore upon the Kadphises-coins, where XOPANO appears in

juxta-position with KOZOYAO, the title of king, must be look-

ed for, being probably KOZOYAO, king. As these Hermaios-

coins have the word BaciWéwe, and give ornooc asa Greek word,

viz. for swrnooc, we must expect to meet with an equivalent for

deliverer upon them ; the plausible inference suggests itself, that

Uhavima upon the reverse may be the Scythian word for owrno.

To this interpretation it may be objected, that Uhavima, being

the same with Oonpo in the great Kadphises legends, is observ-

ed to follow cwrne, and that consequently it cannot be the

same term, but rather some native epithet of the Kadphises.

To this division belongs a third variety of Kadphises-coins,

upon which ZAQOY is substituted for KOZOYAO ; this also

is a term for king, probably not of Scythian origin; for it

oceurs As. Trans. Vol. v. Plate xxxv. p. 553: XOPANOY

ZAOOY KAAA®ES.

I shall not undertake reading the native legend from the

edited specimen, especially as Mr. Prinsep has promised to put

together some other coins of this class.

KOPANOY and ZA@OY are declined as Greek words,

unless OY be not taken for a varied orthography of O: the

barbarian name Kadaphes, on the other hand, is not declined.

3/2 Lassen on the History traced [No. 100.

Zafov calls to mind as well the Sanscrit Kshatir (man of

the military caste) as Khshathra, the Zend word for king ; the

r in this case would have been absorbed on account of the softer —

dialect, while z was used for khsh (X) or rather for a softer

pronunciation, perhaps sh as in Pilushino for Philoxenos. This

interpretation being ascertained, we make the attempt at ex-

plaining also in the same dialects the word KOPANO, or XO-

PANO. Kirana (ray quasi, radiant) finally adopted by Mr. Prin-

Sep, is not at all satisfactory, any more than Karana (to do) ~

but Karana also denotes man of impure caste, son of an

impure Kshatrija couple, or according to the opinion of others,

son of a Vaishcha by a Soodra woman, whose occupation —

is the profession of a writer. By this interpretation we should

have got two titles from Indian castes. But I am prevent-

ed from acceding to it by the fact, that XOPANO occurs ©

with ZAQOY, and that the combination of the different —

titles of this class of coins leads to owrne, as representing —

the word KOPANO; for the title deliverer is adhered —

to with such predilection by those Scythians, that we may ~

ordinarily expect this meaning, and as ZAQOY for king pro- —

bably refers to a dialect, nearer related to Zend, I would rather —

look for an interpretation to that language. Here, however,

it appears, it is not to be discovered; for though garena is a

word in Zend, the signification (brilliant) is not a proper

one. The following, however, also speaks in favour of Zend. —

By the title KOPANO a tie is formed between the Kanerkes- —

coins, and those of the family of Kadphises, for both of them —

are thus styled. But then the other words upon the Kanerkes-

coins refer to a dialect, which indeed also contains reference —

to India, but at the same time points at certain elements,

more congenial to Iran. if

While this class of coins, partly by the name Hermaios, —

partly by the title owrne, and bythe combination of Greek

and native legends, is linked together with the expiration of

Greek dominion, it is also connected by the word KOPANO

with the class of Kanerki coins of partly Scythian origin, the

words of which, though not of the Greek language, are always

written in Greek characters. The terms Zafov and KoZovAo

’ a

1840.| from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 3/73

as well as the form of characters, somewhat altered, are peculiar

to it, whilst other coins with the name Kadphises present the

characters, previously used. The real Kadphises coins have all

symbols of worship of Siva, and the word oonuo, Uhavima, the

Karano-Kadaphes, a Hercules.

To comprehend all the palzographic and philological facts, re-

fering to our investigation, we must, before entering upon the

attempt at applying these coins to history, at least touch on

some other relics of this writing.

| § 7.

The legends in the Topes.

In the digging of the Topes, (s/oopas), which are so frequently

discovered throughout the whole region, governed by the Indo-

Scythian kings, and which were most probably destined for their

ashes, some inscriptions are found in the same characters we

have hitherto discussed, in a more running hand, however, and

difficult to be read with accuracy. They are published by

Mr. Prinsep, and I may refer to his accounts of them.* These

inscriptions being important in more than one respect to our

investigations, we should have made the attempt at their inter-

pretation, if we could have done it, without departing too much

from the subject, peculiar to this work. ;

But this departure would have been necessary, for the writ-

ing is more indistinct than that upon the coins, especially so the

characters of the inscription, most ample and apparently most

important. Though engaging therefore in tedious grammatical

discussions, yet many things must have been left partly without

any explanation, and partly under a mere doubtful interpretation,

and from the decyphering, but partially successful, no profitable

conclusion would have resulted, as respects the historical arrange-

ment of the Indo-Scythian kings. Lastly, it would also have been

necessary to have entered upon a consideration of the end, for

which these remarkable architectural monuments themselves were

‘constructed, and to have examined the views, which a celebrated

German scholar has pronounced concerning them. The topes

* As. Trans. 11. Pl. xx. and Pl. xxx. It must be attributed to the

inexperience of these characters at that time, that the inscriptions are

reversed.

raz)

_—>--

374 Lassen on the History traced [No. 100.

are much better adapted to a separate treatise, which may be

published in time.

Here we shall merely call in ae the view under which

these monuments are deemed Buddhist. Buddhistic coins, exhi-

biting on the obverse the old Indian characters which occur on

the columns of Asoka, and on the reverse those characters we are

here illustrating, have been indeed discovered in India, but never

in the topes. Hence appears it very surprising, that Buddhist

kings should have had buried with them, various coins of the

Romans, of the Sassanides, of the worshippers of Mithra, and ~

even such as allude to the worship of Shiva and Vishnoo, exclud-

ing entirely (their own or) Buddhist coins.

We shall take from these inscriptions only what is confirmed

beyond doubt. They first prove, that the native characters,

adopted upon the coins by the Greco-Indian kings, out of re-

gard to their subjects, were not only retained under the govern-

ment of the first Indo-Scythian, but also continued to the period

of the Sassanides; for in the topes Sassanian coins, furnished

with Pehlvi, and Deva Nagaree legends, are discovered among

the coins of Kadphises, and Kanerki. The characters of our

coins therefore were still in use under the Sassanides, even after

the time when the Kanerkes dynasty had abolished the use of

the characters upon the coins in their empire.

The inscriptions, moreover, bear witness to the writing being”

used for other purposes than for inscriptions on coins; probably, —

however, by kings only of foreign descent, and who reigned

on the borders of India. On this hereafter.

Lastly, with regard to the language; as the termination 6 |

frequently recurs, and the word Mahdrdjo* was discovered by

Mr. Prinsep in the larger inscription of Manikyala, evidence is

afforded, that we fall in here also with the Indian language;

the inscription at Jellalabad contains. purely Indian words in

Pracrit.

Upon monuments of a later period than that of the Sassa-

nides, no traces of the characters upon our coins have yet

appeared.

* As Trans. 11. pl. xxx1u. second line, rv. p. 336.

1840. | Jrom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 375

§ 8.

Coins of Agathokles and Pantaleon.

We may now turn to another class of coins, those namely of

the kings, above mentioned. The coins of both of them have

genuine Greek characters, and those of Agathokles must be

numbered with the most beautiful coins, which have been pre-

served, and belong to the most flourishing period of Greek

art in Bactria, and the countries adjacent. Both kings hold

to the simple title BaciAéwe, but have besides upon the reverse

of some coins, legends in the most ancient shape of Indian charac-

ters, of the very same shape which is discovered in Pracrit upon

the laths, thus’ styled, or columns with Buddhistic inscriptions in

Pracrit.

The merit of having decyphered these most ancient Indian cha-

racters, is also due to Mr. Prinsep, and I have here only to give

an account of the manner he has applied them to these coins.*

The Agathokles coins (R. R. I. No.1, As. Trans. 111. Pl. rx.

No. 17. v. Pl. xxxv. No. 9) present the following signs:

HA OTL € The penultimate alone is indistinct; Mr. Prinsep

presumes it to be 2, therefore Agathuklajég, which he takes for

the Greek genitive ” AyaoxXsove 5 I should rather prefer &,

or jog. Still it appears strange to meet here with a Greek

rather than a native form for the Greek. That the Greek ¢

should be expressed by Sf, or j may be explained by suggesting,

that the final ¢ was received as a media (sound) like the zin Zend,

to which j would be the most appropriate Indian letter. These

coins had another word over the female Bacchanal, of which

no undisputed characters have been preserved ; it is perhaps,

as Mr. Prinsep supposes, a fragment of rdja. :

In the name we observe also a mode of representing vowels

purely Indian, viz. a, not expressed by asign, and u, annexed

below to the consonant, as also the ligature ke, which is com-

pletely Indian. |

Of Pantaleon have only been discovered coins with legends,

likewise in the same Sanscrit characters, As. Trans. vol v. Pl.

xxxv. No. 8, 111. Pl. 1x. No. 18, excepting the first letter, the name

* As, Trans. vi. p. 465.

3/6 Lassen on the History traced [No. 100.

is preserved: L°AJd°& Pantalavanta; the termination is

wanting, and what Mr. Prinsep has supplied for it, ta, appears to

me unsatisfactory. Here, as with Agathokles, the hiatus in cov

and ¢o is amended by the insertions of a semivowel, in the latter

j, and here v, as above, in the names Dijamidd, Lisijé. Besides,

the use of the Anusvara must be noticed, as representive of

nasal sound. Upon the Pantaleon-coins, moreover, are only ille-

gible fragments of the title; but two of these symbols lead

to rdja, preceded by something else, which perhaps formed’

originally mahdrdjé, “* the supreme king.” To the historical

illustration of these coins, the only ones upon which Greek and

purely Indian characters are put together, we shall afterwards

return.

Sect

The Kanerkes Coins.

Lastly, come we to a very numerous class of Indo-Scythian

coins, having only Greek characters, which seldom represent

Greek words, but ordinarily give in Greek letters, either un-

Grecian regal titles, or names of gods. They are of very differ-

ent types; on the obverse, either a standing male figure

in the dress of a Tartar, or a bust only; or else one mounted

on an elephant; or, lastly, a figure, resting on a couch, with

the legs crossed one over the other, after the fashion of the

East, the head surrounded by a glory. The legend sometimes

BASIAEYS, sometimes BASIAEYS BAZIAEQNKANEP

KOY, or PAO. NANO PAO KANHPKI KOPANO or PAO-

KANHPKI, upon those with the bust PAONANO PAO

OHPKI (OOHPKI or XI) KOPANO3; upon the others the

same titles, with an illegible name. The reverses have various

figures of gods, together with their names in Greek characters,

but seldom in the Greek language, but commonly in a native

one. :

This result, which I have taken from Mr. Prinsep’s laborious

investigations, may suffice for the present purpose ; I also refer

to him for the fact, (As. Trans. tv. p. 630) that the coins never ~

present legends in native characters.

I call the king Kanerki, because he so styles himself, when

he assumes native titles. The form Kavnpxov appears to have ari-

1840. | rom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 3/7

sen from the mere misunderstanding of the Scythian die-founders.

Observing upon the former coins ordinarily the Greek genitive in

ov, on the reverse in the native language the nominative in 6,

which did not sound very differently, they overlooked the different

application. Kavnexov therefore appeared to them the proper

form, to be placed by the Greek titles, even when the use of

the nominative was then adopted for the Greek legend. Thus

is Kavnpxov put by Pacirevc, though Kanerko could be only

properly used, when accompanied by Mahdrdjo.

I have already previously professed my ignorance concerning

KOPANO ; it is singular, that owrnp, according to our con-

jecture, corresponding to that word, never occurs, to my know-

ledge, with the word PactA<v¢ upon these coins.

Rao Nano Rao is certainly properly explained by Mr. Prinsep

to be the same with Baoirevc BactAéwy; I add the following

remarks on the forms. Rao (viz. rad) points to a dialectic dif-

ference, a step more distant from the original form, than is the

form rajé of the other coins ; for in the first place the consonant j

is dropped, a proceeding indeed often resorted to in the learned

Pracrit; but whenever rda and rdjd are found together in the

ordinary spoken language, the difference in form, refers to a

difference in dialect. To the historic grammarian rad is a later

form than rdja; however, it need have therefore arisen at a

later period ; for one dialect may have anticipated the rest in the

reduction of the old forms; we may, or may not, therefore, refer

dialectically rao to another province. Again, the declination of

rao is not as the simple word rdjan would require it should

be, according to Sanscrit rule; but, on the other hand, the com-

pound word maharajah is most properly brought under the

declination in a; but as we do not know any instance of the

simple word rdjan, the parallel has no application.

Rao Nano can merely be the genitive plural. In Pracrit it

would be rannam, or after the declination in a rdé(j/é nam.

Instead of this, Nano seems to be the termination upon the coins

in question, and this termination is not joined to rda, as to the

root of the word, but to the nominative 7ao, and the m of the ter-

mination is changed into no. If I take a right view of the form

raonano, it belongs to the period of transition, when from the

378 Lassen’s Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. [No. 100.

first degree of the decomposition of grammatical structure of the

Sanscrit, evidence of which is exhibited to us in Pracrit, the lan-

guage was about to retrograde another step; thus, not distinctly

comprehending the sense of the old form, the language then in

use could no longer distinguish the peculiar form of the root from

that of the termination.

The name Kanerki has been compared with Kanishka, which

occurs in the chronicle of Caschmir, and in the traditions of the

Buddhists. I would not scruple at the r, as supplied by sh, and

if the comparison of them was well founded, I would even

proceed a step further, and find in Onpxt the same Hushka, who

is mentioned with Kanishka. On the supposition, that Onpxe

might stand for Huirki, and sh substituted for r, we could easily

fancy Huishka to be altered into Hushka. But besides the

difficulties in chronology, which I have not to enter upon

at present, another reason from the coins themselves is

opposed to our recognizing Hushka and Kanishka in Onoxe

and Kavnpxt. Both of them are described as Buddhist ; upon

the coins of these latter, however, a worship, entirely deviating

from that of the Buddhists, is distinctly obvious.

For these coins present on their reverse figures of gods, as to

which, on a reference to the various religious systems, prevailing

for the first centuries of our era in central Asia, we fortunately

can be but rarely in doubt. The names occur with them, and

in part quite legible. I may here refer to the explanation, most

successfully given by K. O. Mueller,* on the system of gods,

represented upon the Kanerki-coins. According to him, itis a —

system of typified gods, originating in the pure worship of

Zoroaster’s doctrine of light, which readily adopted the elements —

of the worship of Nature, prevailing in Asia Minor at that pe-

riod, while it at the same time communicated to all the objects

of worship, so adopted, the general stamp of gods of light.

* Goett. Gel. Anz. 1838, 237, p. 233.

(To be continued.)

1840. | Note on the Lepchas of Sikkim. 3/79

Note on the Lepchas of Sikkim. By A. CAMPBELL, Esq. Super-

intendent of Dorjeling.

When I had the honor some months ago of forwarding a few

Notes on the Mech tribe,* I ventured to announce my expec-

tation of being able to furnish some particulars of other tribes

inhabiting the neighbouring countries of eastern Nipal, Sikkim,

and Bootan. To this end, I had collected and recorded some

useful memoranda regarding the Lepchas, Bhotiahs, Limboos,

Murmis, Gurungs, and Hains, all mountaineers, which by an

unfortunate accident were destroyed by fire ; nevertheless, as the

establishment of this Sanatarium for our countrymen affords

them opportunities of communicating with classes of men which

have hitherto been denied to all except the few who under very

restrictive circumstances have sojourned in Nipal, I am induced

to forward some particulars of the Lepchas, with an alphabet

and very meagre vocabulary of their language, in the hope that

they may be of some assistance to persons visiting this place,

who may have leisure and a disposition to acquire the means of

colloquial and written intercourse in their own language, with a

most interesting people, and I believe the undoubted aborigines

of the mountain forests surrounding Dorjeling.

Although the Lepchas have a written language, it has not

been ascertained that they now have, or ever did possess any

recorded history of themselves, or chronicles of any important

events in which they have taken part. The “ Lepchas,”’ so call-

ed by us, and indeed by themselves in conversation with stran-

gers, are divided into two races, viz. “ Rong” and “ Khamba.”’

Rong in colloquial intercourse among them is a generic term,

and equivalent to “ Lepcha’ with us. But a man who an-

nounces himself a Lepcha to an Kuropean, Nipalese, or Hin-

doostani, may, on being questioned, turn out to be a Khémba.

The real Lepcha, or Rong proper, has no tradition whatever, so

far as I can learn, connected with the advent of his tribe into

this part of the world. Here he has always been, to the best of

his knowledge and belief, and this is corroborated by all his

neighbours. The habitant of the Lepchas occupies an extreme

* Vide As. Soc. Journ. No. 92.

O39

te” ww

380 Note on the Lepchas of Sikkim. [No. 100.

extent of about 120 miles from north-west to south-east, along

the southern face of the Himalaya; to the west, the Tambar

branch of the Koori bounds it ; but on the east its limits are un-

defined in the mountains of Bootan. Thus they are found

among the subjects of eastern Nipal, throughout the whole of

Sikkim, and extending an unknown distance into Bootan. I

believe however that they are found in very small numbers in-

deed further east than fifty miles beyond the Teestah, although

a few of them are said to be located as far east as Punnuka,

and Tassgong.*

The Khamba although now the same in all essentials of

language, customs, and habits, as the Rong, is professedly,

and undoubtedly, an emigrant from beyond the Himalaya.

They state themselves to have come from a province of China,

called Kham, which is described as lying to the east and north

of Lhassa, about thirty days’ journey. This province has not been

very long annexed to the Chinese empire, and if the accounts

I have heard from members of the Nipalese Missions to Pekin

are to be relied on, its rulers and inhabitants are even now

far from being well governed and peaceable subjects of the

celestial dynasty. They are represented as a herd of lawless

thieves and robbers, through whose country it is scarce safe

to travel, even when under the protection of an escort from

the Court of Pekin.

The Khamb4s reckon seven generations since their arri-

val on this side the snows, which may be computed at 200

years. ‘They were headed by the first ancestor of the present

Sikkim Raja, who is himself a Khamba. Previous to the arrival

of the Khambas, it is said that great confusion existed among

the Lepcha and Bhotia aborigines of Sikkim, in consequence of

the incessant struggles for supremacy between their chiefs ;

they however had priests (Lamas) from Paling Goombab, ~

beyond the snows, whose advice was often followed in temporal

matters, and when it appeared to these learned leaders that

it was hopeless to quiet dissensions by ordinary means, they

suggested that a Raja should be sought for in some distant

* Towns in Bootan; see Pemberton’s report.

1840. | Note on the Lepchas of Sikkim. 381

country, to whom all classes should tender allegiance. This

was agreed to, and a deputation of Lamas proceeded into

Thibet Pote-leang, in search of a fitting ruler for Sikkim ; here

they were unsuccessful, and passed on to Kham-leang,*

where, after much trouble, they discovered a boy, the son of

respectable parents, whose horoscope was considered au-

spicious; he was offered the Sikkim crown, it was accepted,

and attended by his Khamba clansmen was brought from

beyond the snows, and proclaimed Raja of Dinjong (Lepcha

for the Sikkim country).

_ The first Raja although chosen for the office in a similar

manner to that adopted in the election of fresh incarnations of

deceased Lamas, did not exercise any spiritual authority over

his people; the Lamas who brought him to the throne retain-

ed this in their own hands for some time, but not long after the

spiritual power came into the family of the Raja, where it still

continues. At present, the eldest son of the Raja is a Lama and

high priest of the kingdom, a younger son being nominated heir

apparent to the throne.

The Khambas although a Trans-Himalayan tribe, and hence

by us generally denominated Bhotiahs, or Thibetans, consi-

der themselves included in that generic appellation; but the

following distinctions are made by the Lepchas in talking of

people who are called Bhotiahs by Europeans—the Bhotiah

from beyond the snows is “ Pote,” and his country “ Pote-

leang ;” he of Sikkim “ Arratt,” and his country “ Dinjong ;”’ and

he of Bootan is denominated “ Proh-murroh,’’ or man of Proh.

The Lepchas, Khambas, and Lepchas proper, to be un-

derstood as included under this term, are Bhuddhists, following

the priests of Thibet and those of their own tribe indiscrimi-

nately ; the former from being generally educated at religious

establishments of repute, are considered the more orthodox, the

latter rarely go beyond the snows to study, when they do, they

derive the full advantages of the superior consideration accorded

to the Thibetans, provided they adhere to the strict rules of

monachism. Marriage is permitted to the native Lepcha priest,

* “ Teang,”’ country or province.

382 Note on the Lepchas of Sikkim. [No. 100.

and he is counted as a good match for the daughters of the

chiefs. The influence of the priests is considerable, but it is far

short of that attained by those of Bootan over the Bhotiahs,

as described by Captain Pemberton, and the majority of them —

are obliged, and not ashamed, to relinquish a dependence on

alms for the more active employments of agriculture and trade.

Restrictions of Hindooism as to caste are not admitted

by the Lepchas, although those who live under the Nipal

government are obliged to conform to the Hindoo laws of that

state, this however they do with a very bad grace, and rarely

forego an opportunity of crossing into Sikkim, or coming to

Dorjeling, to indulge their beef-eating propensities. They are

gross feeders, eating all kinds of animal food, including the

elephant, rhinoceros, and monkey, and all grains and vegetables

known to us, with the addition of many roots and plants altoge-

ther excluded from our culinary list. Pork is their most favourite

flesh, next to that, beef, goat, mutton. The yak is considered

the best beef, next to that the flesh of the Sikkim cow (a fine

animal) and last, the Bengalli and common cow. All birds are

included in their list of eatable game; of the carrion of wild animals

that of the elephant is most prized. The favourite vegetable

food is rice, next to it wheat, barley, maize, millet, murwa, anda —

fine species of yam called “ bookh,” which grows all over these

mountains, at elevations of from 1500 to 3000 feet. During the

rains when grain is scarce they contentedly put up with ferns,

bamboo roots, several sorts of fungi, and innumerable succulent

plants found wild on the mountains. Fond of fermented and

spirituous liquors, they are nevertheless not given to drunken-_

ness; their common drink is a kind of beer made from the

7% ee he a ey

fermented infusion of Indian corn and murwa, which is weak, —

but agreeably acid, and very refreshing. This is drunk at all

times when procurable, and when making a journey it is carried

in a large bamboo chunga, and diligently applied to throughout

the day. They have no distilled liquor of their own, but they

greatly admire and prize all our strong waters, our port and

sherry, cherry brandy, and maraschino. Tea is a favourite bever- _

age, the black sort brought from China in large cakes being that

preferred; it is prepared by boiling, after which the decoction -

1840. ] Note on the Lepchas of Sikkim. 383

is churned up in a chunga with butter and salt; milk’is never

taken with tea.

Their cooking is careless, coarse, and not cleanly. Rice

is generally boiled, when travelling, in pieces of the large

bamboo, at home in coarse iron pots. Vegetables are always

boiled, in oil, when the latter is procurable, and spiced with capsi-

cum and ginger, of which these hills possess very fine kinds.

Salt is not a commonly used condiment, the chief source of

‘supply until lately being Thibet, whence rock salt is brought

on men’s backs; the easier communication with the plains

of Bengal by the new Dorjeling road admits of the importation

of this article at a cheaper rate, and sea salt is rapidly taking

the place of the other.

The Lepcha dress is simple, handsome, and graceful. It

consists of a robe of striped red and white cotton cloth

crossed over the breast and shoulders, and descending to the

calf of the leg, leaving the arms bare; a loose jacket of red

cotton cloth is worn over the robe by those who can afford

it, and both are bound round the waist by a red girdle; some

strings of coloured beads round the neck, silver and coral

earrings, a bamboo bow and quiver of iron-pointed arrows, and

a long knife, complete the dress of the men. The knife,

called Ban by the Lepchas, and Chipsa by the Bhotiahs, is

constantly worn by the males of all ages and ranks; it hangs

on the right side, suspended from the left shoulder, and is used

for all purposes. With the Ban the Lepcha clears a space

in the forest for his house and cultivation ; it is the only tool

used by him in building; with it he skins the animals who fall

a prey to his snares and arrows, it is his sword in battle, his

table knife, his hoe, spade, and nail parer. Without the

Ban he is helpless to move in the jungles ; with it, he is a man

of all work; no wonder then that the expertness with which it

is used by the boys of a few years old even, should be the

astonishment of strangers.

The women are less handsomely dressed than the men;

a piece of plain unbleached cotton cloth, or the cloth of the

castor oil insect, rolled round to form a sort of petticoat,

with a loose bedgown of the same, and a profusion of mock

384 Note on the Lepchas of Sikkim. [No. 100.

coral and coloured bead necklaces, form their entire wardrobe.

They are the domestic and farm drudges of the men, performing

all out- and in-door work along with their husbands, and much

besides. It is not unusual to meet a stout and active man bow

in hand, sauntering along the road followed by his wife and

sisters heavily loaded with grain or merchandise. It is the

delight of a Lepcha to be idle, he abhors the labour of practis-

ing any craft, but he expects that while he is amused and ~

unemployed, the female part of the household shall be busily

engaged in the field, or in looking after the pigs and poultry.

Marriages among the Lepchas are not contracted in child-

hood, as among the Hindoos, nor do the men generally marry

young. This arises mainly from the difficulty of procur-

ing means of paying the parents of the bride the expected

douceur on giving the suitor his daughter to wife; this sum

varies from 40 rupees to 400, or 500, according to the rank of —

the parties. It is not customary to allow the bride to leave

her parents’ home for that of her husband until the sum

agreed on has been paid in full; hence, as the consummation

of the marriage is permitted while the female is still under

her father’s roof, it is by no means uncommon to find the

husband the temporary bondsman of his father-in-law, who

exacts, Jewish fashion, labour from his son, in lieu of money,

until he shall have fairly won his bride.

The women are not strictly bound to chastity previous

to marriage, although any injury to the matrimonial bed is

punished by beating and divorcement. Children born out of

wedlock belong to the mother.

The Lepchas intermarry with the Limboos and Bhotiahs,

and the offspring of such unions become members of the

father’s tribe, without any disqualification whatever.

The Lepchas, like true Buddhists, bury their dead, although

the Murmis, a Buddhist tribe and inhabiting the same coun-

try, burn their corpses first, and afterwards bury the ashes.

The presence of death in a hamlet is always regarded with

temporary horror, and the house he has visited is almost always

forsaken by the surviving inmates; fevers and small-pox are

considered alike contagious and greatly dreaded. On the appear-

1840.] Note on the Lepchas of Sikkim. 385

ance of the latter in a village it is deserted by the young and

strong whose relatives are not attacked, and nothing will induce

a Lepcha from another part of the country to visit an infected

village. Vaccination is already greatly prized by these people,

for which fortunate circumstance we are indebted to Doctor

Pearson’s success in introducing it among them; its preser-

vative blessings are eagerly sought for at Dorjeling by them,

and the Bhotiahs from remote parts of Nipal and Sikkim.

Goitre is known among them, but is by no means com-

mon; among 200 persons at this place now, I can find but one

goitred individual, and that is a woman. Ophthalmia is I think

very uncommon, and syphilis rarely met with. During fif-

teen months residence, I have seen one case of leprosy only in

a Lepcha, and although the mountainous nature of their coun-

try renders the climate sufficiently damp and cold, rheumatism

seems to be a rare disease ; on the whole they are decidedly

exempt from many of the ills which flesh is certain heir to in

the most favoured countries of the globe. Consumption I have

never met with, nor liver disease, nor dysentery, nor do they

know the cholera by name even. These four scourges of

Europe and India find. no food to feed on among the Lepchas.

In person the Lepchas are short, averaging about five feet

in height ; five feet six is tall, and four feet eight is a common

stature among the men. The women are short in the usual

proportion. ‘The men are bulky for their height, but rather

fleshy, than smewy. The muscular development of their limbs is

greatly inferior to that of the Magars, Gurungs, Murmis, and

other Purbottiahs. They are very fair of skin, and boys and girls

in health have generally a ruddy tinge of complexion; this is

lost however in adolescence, although the fairness continues.

The features are markedly Mongolian, but there is a fulness and

roundness of feature, accompanied by a cheerful expression and

laughing eye, which renders the face a most pleasing one. The

total absence of beard, and the fashion of parting the hair along

the crown of the head, adds to a somewhat womanly expression

of countenance in the men, and the loose bed-gown sort of

jacket with wide sleeves which they wear, contributes still more

to render it rather difficult for strangers to distinguish the sexes,

386 Note on the Lepchas of Sikkim. [No. 100.

especially in middle age. The men very often look like women,

and the women sometimes like men. The hair is worn long by

both sexes, the younger men allowing it to hang loose over the

shoulders, the elders plaiting it into a tail, which sometimes

reaches to the knees. The women of station wear their hair in

two, and sometimes in three tails, tying it with braid and silken

cords and tassels. The Lepchas, both male and female, are dirty

in person, rarely having recourse to ablution. In the cold and

dry season this renders them unpleasant inmates of a close

dwelling, but in the rains, when they move about and are fre-

quently wet, they are passably clean and sweet.

The temperament of the Lepcha is eminently cheerful, and

his disposition really amiable. In ordinary intercourse they

are a very fascinating people, and possess an amount of intelli-

gence and rational curiosity not to be met with among their

Bhotiah, Limboo, Murmi, or Gurung neighbours, and indeed

rarely if ever to be seen among people so completely secluded

from foreign intercourse as they always have been. ‘The

marked contrast in these respects with the listless, uninquiring

native of the plains, renders association with them a source of

much pleasure to Europeans. They are wonderfully honest, theft

being scarcely known among them; they rarely quarrel among

themselves, and I have never seen them strike one another.

** Do you ever fight?’ was asked of an intelligent Lepcha ;

“No, never, (was the reply) why should we, all Lepchas are

brothers, to fight would be unnatural.”” For ordinary social

purposes of talking, eating, and drinking, they have great una-

nimity, but for any more important purposes of resistance to

oppression, the pursuit of industry, or trade, their confidence

in one another is at a very low pitch; they fly bad government

rather than resist it, and prefer digging for yams in the jungle,

and eating wretchedly innutritious vegetables, to enduring even

the ordinary annoyances of working for wages. Although they

have been called “‘a military people,” I am disposed to con-

sider them as wholly averse to arms, in the usual acceptation of

the term. If it be military to carry a long knife, bow and

arrows, yet to eschew the use of them against their fellow crea-

tures, then, are they a military people; if it be not, they are

1840. | Note on the Lepchas of Sikkim. 387

much more a hunting than a military tribe. I do not mean to

insinuate that they are wanting in courage to fight, or that they

might not, under English tuition and example, make good

soldiers; but only to say, that deprived as they long, or always

have been of any union in government, or as subjects of any

one state, they have not that spirit of personal enterprise, and

disregard of personal danger, which when constantly exhibited

gratuitously, or for glory’s sake, gives races-of men the stamp of

military habits.

We have no record of Major Latter’s opinion of the

Lepchas, who aided him on behalf of Sikkim during the Nipal

war, but I have heard since my arrival in this quarter that at

Nagri, after the Sikkimites were expelled thence by the Goorkas

in 1812 or thereabouts, they proved most troublesome enemies,

by their custom of lying in wait in the neighbouring forests for

months at a time, and losing no opportunity of carrying off and

massacring any luckless Goorkha who happened to stray out

of musket range of the stockades. They are pretty good marks-

men with the arrow, but do not practise it regularly; they use

it poisoned in hunting as well as in war.

The Lepchas are poor agriculturists, their labours in this

art being confined to the careless growing of rice, Indian

corn, murwa,* and a few vegetables, of which the brinjal, cu-

cumber, and capsicum are the chief. Their habits are incurably

erratic, they do not form permanent villages, and rarely remain

longer than three years in one place, at the expiration of which

they move into a new part of the forest, sometimes near, often

distant, and there go through the labour of clearing a space for

a house, building a new one, and preparing the ground for a

crop. ‘The latter operations consist in cutting down the smaller

trees, lopping off the branches of the large ones, which are

burnt, and scratching the soil with the Ban, after which, on the

falling of a shower of rain, the seed is thrown into the ground.

. Their houses are built entirely of bamboo, raised about

five feet from the ground, and thatched with the same material,

but a smaller species, split up. This roofing is, I believe, pe-

* Sesasum orientalis.

o_D

388 Note on the Lepchas of Sikkim. [No. 100.

culiar to this part of the country; it is an excellent one, and a

roofing of it, especially when exposed to smoke, endures about

five years. It has been adopted by us at Dorjeling, and is

undoubtedly the most convenient and cheap roof as yet ob-

tainable.

I hope to furnish presently a few memoranda on the

Limboos, and crave indulgence as to the defects of this

letter, in consideration of the few opportunities which have as

yet been offered me of mixing with the Lepchas, beyond

a very limited space of country around Dorjeling, and on

the Nipal frontier, in the immediate neighbourhood of the

Mechi river.

Vocabulary of the Lepcha Language.

fire, mé grey, tok-took

water, odng, ivory, tangmoovik

mud, phit a boat, too

wood, koong fish, nghoo

iron, pinjing a snake, boo

copper, song bird, pho

silver, kom tiger, sitong

gold, jere good, riupa

house, lé God, rim

man, murroh the sun, suchum

woman, alyoo moon, lavo

old man, puneom stars, sohér

young ditto, phaling clouds, punbroéng

ditto woman, phaling yeu thunder, sungmut

cow, long lightning, suleop

bull, bop rain, SO

he goat, sarchroo snow, sonong

she ditto, sarmot wind, sorum —

dog, kushoo a river, oong kioong

bitch, kashoo mot pool, oong-lup

fowl, heek. mountain, lole

cock, abso valley, biongsi

hen, amot country, leang

1840.)

wild dog, sit66m

deer, siveen

elephant, tengm0o

father, abo

mother, am66

brother, eng

sister, andm

son, akup

daughter, te yeu

eldest brother, anum

younger brother, eng chumbo

uncle (maternal) anen

ditto (paternal) ako6

aunt (maternal) azong

ditto (paternal) anea

cousin, namkup

husband, gudosum

wife, kusiyeu

paddy, zo

rice, zo-yeu

barley, mong

wheat, kroo

flour, krdstu

yams, bookh

milk, neene

butter, mor

salt, vom

pepper, sukar

garlic, mungoo

Spirits, arok

beer, chee

tobacco, tamka (Hindi)

sugar, (no word)

pawn, (ditto)

bread, (ditto)

cotton, kirup

sheep wool, lenk amuel

hair, achom

Vocabulary of the Lepcha Language.

road, lom

bridge, reep

ridge, bleoo

jungle, puszok

spring of water, oong

rock, long

tree, koong

grass, play

bamboo, po

ratan, roo

belly, tubok

tongue, aléé

thigh, alim

leg, atong

foot, tonleok

heel, tuntong

arm, pok-chom

hand, akuli

finger, kuzseok

nail of ditto, punchi

thumb, kudom

knee, tukput

eye-brow, mik-miong

eye-lash, mik-chiom

elbow, kurtéé

far, tongdom

child, ong

horn, aron

hoof, atet

hide, atoon

bow, siléé

arrow, chong

sword, paieuk

gun, sidermi

gunpowder, jai

ball, dieu

stockade, gree

soldier, vik

390 Vocabulary of the Lepcha Language.

skin, atoon

bone, kiang-moo

blood, vi

head, atruk

eye, amik

ear, aneor

nose, tungnom

mouth, abong

chin, tugho

lips, adool

teeth, apho

beard, kirut

mustaches, bongmot

neck, tuk tok

chest, kurgoo

back, achung

fruit, abum

flower, boor

leaf, lop

branch of tree, akong

root, aphea

warm water, oong rhum

eold ditto, oonguing

white, adom

black, anok

green, aphom

blue, phonplung

red, ayhur

yellow, poiorbo

bad, muriuneh

fat, ateem

lean, achim

short, atan

tall, arhen

broad, aliok

narrow, achim

long, tukphune

strong, chet

war, dioolung

plunder, anzom

hunger, kridok

thirst, kridok oong

sleep, mitup

oil, nim

mustard, kundong —

flesh, mun

hard, ahit

soft, achok

wet, shelnoh

dry, sonpa

heavy, ateem

light, akioong

cheap, chepai

dear, koopai

light, sasong

dark, sonup

calm, sugmut mudinik

wind, sugmut

raw, azsroe

boiled, amen

roasted,

deaf, muteune

dumb, leenmueneh

lame, rhuth

blind, mik misheur

sick, dok

before, han

small, slender, atim

sweet, ampa

sour, cheorpa

bitter, kaipa

behind, alon

right, fukzer

left, tukbliong

above, atong

below, ameen

teat ee

(No. 100.

1840.1

weak, chet munea neh

large, ateem

Vocabulary of the Lepcha Language. 391

quick, drom drom

slow, taioh

Cardinal Numbers.

1 kat

2 neath

3 sum

4 phulut

5 phungah

6 trok

7 kucheok

8 ka ka

9 kuteu

10 kutu

11 kutup

12 neatup

13 sumtup

14 phulectup

15 phoongotup

16 troktup

17 kucheoktop

18 ku-kutip

19 kutentup

20 khaka

2) khakaskat

22 kakasneath

23 kakassum

24 kakasphulut

25 kakasphungah

26 kakastrok

27 kakas kucheok

28 kakas ku ku

_ 29 kakas kutesh

30 kakas kuttee

31 kakas kuttee katup

32 kakas kuttunea tup

33 kakas kuttee sum tup

34 kakas kuttee phuleetup

35 kakas kuttee phongotup

36 kakas kuttee trok top

_ 37 kakas kuttee kucheop tuk

38 kakas kuttee ku ku tup

39 kakas kuttee kutten tup

40 kaneath »

4] kaneath sa kat

42 kaneath sa neath

43 kaneath sa sum

44 kaneath sa phulut

45 kaneath sa phongoo

46 kaneath sa trok

47 kaneath sa kucheok

48 kaneath sa ku ku

49 kaneath sa kuteu

50*kaneath sa kuttee

51 kaneath sa kuttee kutup

52 kaneath sa kuttee neatup

53 kaneath sa kuttee sum tup

54 kaneath sa kuttee phulee tup

55 kaneath sa kuttee phongotup

56 kaneath sa kuttee trok top

57 kaneath sa kutteekucheoktup

58 kaneath sa kuttee ku ku tup

59 kaneath sa kuttee kutuc tup

60 kasum

61 kasum sa kat

62 kasum sa neat

63 kasum sa sum

64 kasum sa phulut

65 kasum sa phungoh

66 kasum sa trok

67 kasum sa kucheok

68 kasum sa ku ku

"302 Vocabulary of the Lepcha Language. [No. 100.

69 kasum sa katui 79 kasum sa phongotup

70 kasum sa kuttee 76 kasum sa trok tup

71 kasum sa katup 77 kasum sa kucheoktup

72 kasum sa neatup 78 kasum sa ku kutup

73 kasum sa sumtup 79 kasum sa kuteutup

74 kasum sa phuleetup 80 kaphuleet

Lepcha Alphabet.

Vowels.

The first is pronounced more like o than the English 4.

The second is the Scotch 4 as in awa. ‘The third is sounded as

written, with the accent on the final 6. The fourth is the long é,

as initial of eclipse, or ee in peer. The fifth is the English o, as

in obey. The sixth is pronounced as the English word awe.

The seventh represents u, but its pronunciation is not so

labial, I cannot give the exact sound ; it is formed by a slightly

suppressed expedition. The eighth is the long a, as oo in pool.

The ninth is sounded as one word, yea.

th a yeo 641° (8 awe e€0 60 yeh.

Consonants.

kah ka keuh keo keeo

guh ga geuh geo geeo

buh ba beuh beo beeo

muh ma meuh meo meeo

puh pa peuh peo peeo

fuh fa feuh feo feeo

hu ha heuh heo heeo

ruh ra reo, khuh kha kheo

tuh ta teo, thu tha theo

duh da deo, luh la leo

kluh kla kleo, gluh gla gleo ‘

pluh pla pleo, phlu phla phleo e

bluh bla bleo, vo va veo ’

mluh mla mleo, hluh hla hleo

phuh pha pheo, nguh nga, chuh

cha, nuch nya, nuh na, chzuh

1840. | Notice of some counterfeit Bactrian coins. 393

chza, a a, jhuh —jha, yuh ya,

shuh sha, zuh Zia, suh sa,

tshuh _ tsha, tchuh _ tcha, tchot.

ong ung ang ing eeng oong ong

eung oon yeng yeong yong yeung yeung

yeeng ok uk.

Note on the above.

Nore.---With the above interesting paper I received from Mr. Campbell

a specimen of the Lepcha character, in the text and running hands, as well

as the alphabet, the sounds of which are given above, in the letters ex-

pressing each sound. Mr. Csoma Korosi informs me that these charac-

ters, and the language itself have no affinity to the Thibetan, nor to any

dialect of it, nor to the dialects of any other oriental language with

which he is acquainted. To give a correct lithographed copy of the

Lepcha character would be impossible, without submitting the impression

to some one acquainted with the language, as the letters are complicated,

and very peculiar. It is my intention to await the receipt of Mr. Camp-

bell’s promised notices of other Hill tribes, who may have, like the

Lepchas, a character of their own, or whose language, exhibiting a mere

dialectic difference from the Lepcha, may be expressed in symbols not

dissimilar to those now before me. Availing myself meanwhile of Mr.

Campbell’s assistance in correcting the lithograph of the Lepcha alphabet,

I shall be in a position to compare this and the vocabulary with other

(possible) characters and tongues in use among neighbouring septs; the

affinity of the language may be thus in some sort ascertainable, as form-

ing, perhaps, with its dialectic differences, a distinct family. This may

lead to a result in philology which students in the science, as illustrative

of general history, might possibly turn to some account. , ae

Notice of some counterfeit Bactrian coins.

Several forgeries of ancient Bactrian coins having within

the last eighteen months come to my knowledge, I am induced

to make them public, as a caution to our countrymen in Afghan-

istan, who are so zealously engaged in collecting these rare and

valuable relics of the Grecian power in upper Asia.—I cannot

better commence this notice, than by quoting the following

passage regarding a square silver coin of Amyntas from «an

article in the Journal des Savants for February 1839; where

394 Notice of some counterfeit Bactrian coins. (No. 100.

Mons. Raoul-Rochette says, “what renders me also a little

« suspicious regarding the silver coin of Amyntas is, that I ob-

“‘ serve there, with the exact repetition of the copper coin pub-

“lished by Mr. Prinsep, the sloping cut in the lower part of

“the coin—which, whether an accident attributable to its make

“or to its antiquity, does not appear to me to be reproduced

“on any other coin of different metal, though of the same

Cet

From this description I feel convinced that this silver coin

of Amyntas, which is of square form, and similar in all respects

to that published by Mr. Prinsep, is a forgery, cast in a mould

formed from the identical copper coin published by Mr. Prinsep,

which belonged to Colonel Stacy. This coin, which was stolen

_ from the Colonel in 1837, must have been carried back to the

Punjab, from whence it originally came, where a forged silver

coin was made from it, and sold to General Allard; who in

1838 forwarded a sketch of it to France, which arrived in time

for publication in the Journal des Savants for February 1839.

Such is the history of this remarkable forgery of a rare coin,

which we may still hope to recover from the Punjab, along

with the rest of Colonel Stacy’s valuable collection. The lovers

of numismatic science will be pleased to learn that a genuine

copper coin of Amyntas, of square form, and similar in all res-

pects to that which belonged to Colonel Stacy, but in less good

preservation, exists in France in the collection of General Court,

of which a description may be found in the Journal des Savants

for February 1839.

Accompanying the sketch of the silver piece of Amyntas

were sketches of two other silver coins of square form, both -

of Menander, and both acquired in the Punjab by General

Allard. The reverse of these new coins were an owl, and the

Macedonian buckler with Medusa’s head—two types that were

already known in copper ; which circumstance has led M. Raoul-

Rochette to suspect them to be “the work of some forgers.”

The fact of these two suspicious silver pieces of Menander hay-

ing been acquired in the same year with the forgery of that of

Amyntas, and by the same person, in the same country, united

to their perfect identity in all their elements with copper coins

1840. | Notice of some counterfeit Bactrian coins. 395

already known, and added to their shape and size, (that of a

square didrachma, which is altogether unprecedented in any

Grecian monetary system), all seem to render it highly probable

that these two square silver pieces of Menander are likewise for-

geries.

Of the forged coins that have come under my own notice, I

can speak with more certainty ; the most remarkable of which

is a gold piece of Apollodotus, of square form, and of small size,

belonging to Col. Sir C. M. Wade, c. B. whose valuable collec-

tion of coins I was kindly permitted to examine in October 1838.

This piece is identical in type and legend, in make and general

appearance, with the square silver coins of that prince, which

are so well known, and it has evidently been cast in a mould

formed from one of the silver coins, for the edges of the gold

piece are sharp, and bear the marks of the file, and the point

where the metal was run in is easily known by the confusion of

the letters at the same place on both sides of the piece. I

have seen about twenty of the square silver coins of Apollo-

dotus, and I can vouch that this gold piece has not the same

clearness and sharpness which is observable in the letters of

the genuine coins; a circumstance owing to its having been

cast, and not stamped. Besides which the only known gold

Bactrian coin is of round forms which alone would lead me

to suspect the genuineness of this new piece, but when to

its square form (which is quite novel in gold) is added its per-

fect identity in type, size, and make, with the square silver

coins of that prince, I have no hesitation in recording my

belief that this is a spurious medal.

The forgeries next in importance are two thick round silver

pieces of Azes, of large size: only one of these pieces is of

good silver, the other being of base metal. From some slight

obvious variations, they have evidently been cast in moulds

made from two different copper pieces of the commonest type

of the coins of Azes; having the bull on one side, and the

Indian lion on the reverse. The piece of good silver is covered on

both sides with minute holes, which might possibly have been

produced by the action of acid in cleaning the piece from rust ;

but its edge, which has been hammered all round, proves to my

396 Notice of some counterfeit Bactrian coins. [No. 100. —

mind that these minute holes have been occasioned by the piece —

having been cast, and these peculiar appearances, added to its

identity of type, shape, and thickness, with the copper coins,

prove it to have been cast in a mould made from one of the —

commonest copper types of Azes.

The other piece, of base metal, has been manufactured by a ;

less skilful person, for the edge betrays that the halves of the —

mould had overlapped each other, the projecting rough parts ;

having been only partially filed away: the mouth of the mould —

is easily discovered by the obliteration of several, letters of the

legend on both sides at the same place, and there is a consi-—

derable flaw beneath the figure of the bull, the result of a large

air bubble in the cast metal.

The genuine silver coins of Azes are, besides, of a different

type, size, thickness and make, and are easily discernible by a.

practised eye. j

The other forgeries which I have seen are of Indo-Scythic

gold coins, and these from the barbarous make of the originals

are not so easily detected. I have met with at least twenty

cast coins of Kanerkas, which have a figure standing to the left

on the obverse ; and a figure standing to the front with a bull

to the left on the reverse, with the legend OKPO: and I have

seen four or five cast pieces with the same obverse, having om

the reverse a seated female figure with the horn of plenty in her

left hand and the legend APAOXPO. 7

These spurious pieces which merely reproduce in nobler

metals, types and names already known, are easily detected

by any one conversant with the published coins of Bactria;

and I trust that this brief notice will be of some small service

to such of our countrymen in Afghanistan as may be only no-

vices in numismatics. |

A counterfeit of another kind, the work of an ancient forger,

I hope soon to lay before my readers in a notice of a plated

copper drachma of Antimachus. |

_ ALEXANDER CUNNINGHAM,

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lothe second Memow on fndian Storms,

shewing the tracks and slations of Vissels,

and probable course of the Storms in the

Bay of hengal A Sept and Nov." 1839.

HENKY PIDDINOTON

helerences

A Hurricane is designated dy

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A Gale

Wind varcable or insterdy

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Diagrams of the postions of the vessels, at Woon each day, upon the track of the Coringa Hurricane of ¥ou" 1839

etantal LUN * Prose. Calusa.

397

A Second Memoir on Indian Tempesis, with reference to the Theory

of the Law of Storms.— by Henry PinpineTon.

PART II.

On the 16th November, 1839, an awful hurricane visited Coringa,

by which that station was nearly destroyed. I have used my best

endeavours to collect all the information possible, and the following,

which I have first given in statements and logs, abridged where ne-

eessary, and afterwards in the tabular form as before, will shew the

results of my labour. It will be seen that we have for this hurricane

thirty-two logs and reports, and that we have traced it from near the

Great Andaman, in latitude 13° 20' N., longitude 91° 52’ E. to Coringa

and Vizagapatam ; our observations extending thus over about 654

miles in five days, and crossing all the Bay of Bengal.

POLE DP PPLE PERT PD

Abstract of the log of the Brig “ Arethusa,’ Capt. Chaplin, from

Madras to Calcutta. Reduced to civil time.

llth November, 1839.—At noon lat. obs. 16° 11’ N., longitude

84° E.

12th November.—Increasing breezes EbN. to NE. East and ENE.

cloudy weather and rain; almost constant rain or squalls during the

night. 6 a. m. squally, heavy and constant rain. 8 a.m. increasing

breezes, appearance of an approaching gale. Noon, strong breezes with

frequent heavy squalls of wind and rain, wind ENE. sun obscured,

latitude 16° 34’ N., longitude 84° 20' E. strong breezes ENE. to NE.

cloudy. 6 p.m. decreasing breeze; at 7.30 p.m. latitude by star 16°

22’ N.

13th November.—From 9 p.m. to 4A. m. increasing breezes and sea ;

dark cloudy weather, and heavy top sea. Wind NEDN. 8 am.

every appearance of an approaching gale. 11 a.m. a very heavy

| squall, wind and rain, which hove the brig on her broadside for fifteen

or twenty minutes. Noon fresh gale NE. under double-reefed topsails.

No observation. Latitude 15° 52’ N., longitude 85° 18’ E., strong gales

| NE. throughout with squalls till midnight.

_ 14th November.—At 4 a.m. increasing gale with very high sea, ship

‘labouring and plunging very heavily. 8 a.m. Ditto gales, with fre-

398 A Second Memoir with reference to [No. 100.

quent heavy squalls of wind and rain tonoon. No observation. Latitude

15° 50’ N., longitude 85° 46’ E. Noon, NE. wind; severe heavy gale,

frequent squalls of wind and rain, increasing sea to midnight. :

15th November.—At 2 a.m. the same. Hove to under close-reefed

main top-sail, carried away flying-jib-boom and one shroud of the

main rigging. Noon, strong gales. Wind at 3 a. m. NE. At 6, North.

At 8, NNW. At 10, WNW. No observation. Latitude 16° 00’ N.,

longitude 86° 06’ E. p.m. strong heavy gale, WNW. and constant rain.

2 p.m. increased to a perfect hurricane, vessel lying on her broadside

at 4 p.m. with wind at WSW. At 9, wind SSW. At 11, gale modera-

ting with frequent heavy squalls. Midnight, wind SSE.

16th November.—At 4a. m. decreasing. At6a.m. wind SE. Bore

up. At8, fresh breeze, &c. cloudy to noon, when fine. Latitude obser-

vation 15° 30’ N., longitude 85° 09’ E.

17th November.—Fine breeze SE. throughout. Latitude 17°33’ N.

longitude 86° 05’ E.

POLP PO DIP PP OLED OF

Translation of an Extract from the log of the French Ship ‘‘ Le

Balguerie,” Captain Thore. Reduced to civil time.

At Noon, 12th November.—Wind variable from W. to NW. heavy

constant rain, strong squalls NW. to NNW. No observation. Latitude

by account 11° 36’ N., longitude by account 90° 20’ E. Bar. 27.15

(French) or 28.95 English. To midnight squally weather, conti- —

nual rain, a swell from the eastward, wind from NW. and NNW. in

violent squalls. |

13th November.—At midnight the wind hauled to west, and towards

daylight blowing strong from the SW. with a considerable sea. No |

observation. Lat. by account 13° 15’ N., longitude 90° E. Bar. 27.82 |

French, or 29.66 English.

14th November.—Wind hauled to the SE. At daylight squally, —

with heavy rain. A heavy confused sea. No observation. Lati-

tude by account 16° 20’ N., longitude 88° 54’ E. Bar. 27.8 French,

or 29.64 English. p.m. Cloudy, squally, and much rain and sea, wind —

North-easterly, with strong squalls towards night. |

15th November.—At daylight wind hauling to the east. No

observation. Latitude by account 17° 56’ N., longitude 87° 50’ E. Bar. |

27.9 French, or 29.74 English. Cloudy, squally weather; squalls |

from NE. to NNE. with a good deal of sea.

1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms. 399

16th November.—At midnight weather moderating a little; lightning

in the SE. quarter. At daylight squally and rain. Wind at ENE.

and E. Latitude by observation 20° 10' N. longitude 88° 49’ E. Bar.

27.12 French, or 28.90 English. Noon, fine weather, pleasant breeze

from E. to ESE. At half-past nine saw the Lighthouse on False

Point Palmiras, very close. Remarks. During the ten days from the

Equator to Point Palmiras I may be said to have had constant rain.

DIDP IL PODE POLO LE

Extract from the log of the ship ‘““ Duke of Bedford,’ Captain Bowen,

bound to Calcutta. Reduced to civil time.

12th November, 1839.—At noon, wind SE. fine

( Lat. observation,.. 11° 41’ N.

j Longitude, begun d 2 91° 2)’ E.

Barometer, ...... 30.00

| Thermometer, ..... 82°

13th November.—Wind SSE. to EbS. squalls and rain throughout.

No observations.

{ Lat. per account, 14° 49’ N.

| Longitude, ...... 90° 22' E.

4 Barometer, ...... 29.90

| Thermometer,.... 81°

p. M.—Heavy squalls ESE. At midnight Bar. 29.80, and falling.

14th November.—Weather very threatening, and a low scud flying

rapidly over. Furled the topsails and up foresail. During the fore-

noon blowing very hard. Barometer stationary. At 9 a. m. set close-

reefed main-topsail, fore-sail, and main-trysail. Got a glimpse of

the sun at noon; found ourselves at least sixty miles to the northward

of our account since noon of the 12¢h,

( Latitude, 6... Staus870 30, Ne

| Longitude, ...... 90° 20' E.

, Barometer, ...... 29.80

| Thermometer,...... 80°

A little after noon, blowing in heavy gusts. 4 Pp. m. Bar. 29.70.

Down top-gallant-yards and struck masts.

15th November.—Up fore-sail and furled it. Torrents of rain

throughout, with vivid lightning. No observation.

400 A Second Memoir with reference to (No. 100.

(Lat. per account, 18° 27’ N.

| Longitude, ...... 89° 35’ E.

j Barometer, «:..-.«0: 29.80

| Thermometer,.... 80° -—

Blowing hard at east, and heavy rain. Atll p. m. a sudden lull and

calm, with vivid lightning SSE. Clued up the main-top-sail. At

Ilh. 20m. p. m. again freshening at east. During the 14th and 15th

a great number of land birds and dragon flies about the ship; some of

the former were caught.

16th November.—Weather continued till noon. No observation.

(Lat. per account, 18° 20’ N.

| Longitude,...... 89° 05’ E.

Barometer, ...... 29.90

| Thermometer, ..... 80°

p. M_—Thick weather. At present clearing off. Made sail.

17th November.—A light breeze throughout, easterly. At a.m.

sounded, 60 fathoms, blue mud. And at noon,

{ Lat. observation, 20° 42’ N.

J Longitude,....... 89° 45’ E.

| Barometer, ....... 30.05

We have experienced a current of at least sixty miles to the north-

ward since noon of the 14th.

Ship “ Cashmere Merchant,” Capt. Warren, from Calcutta bound to

Rangoon. Civil time.

12th November.—At noon in lat. 16° 58’ N., long. 92° 25’ E.

with light breezes and clear weather, increasing at midnight to strong

and increasing breeze from ENE. and NEbE. to ESE.

13th November.—Increasing, but wind as before. Preparing for bad

weather. Noon, no observation. Wind east, and varying to ENE. at

times. Midnight strong gales.

14th November.—Gale increasing ESE. throughout. No observation.

15th November.—Strong gales ESE. heavy squalls and rain with

a heavy sea. Noon, latitude by observation 17°33’ N. Weather the

same, till midnight. p.m. Wind SE. |

16th November.—ESE. fresh breezes and clear. Noon, latitude

by observation 17° 29’ N., longitude 92°25’ E. Weather the same

till midnight.

1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms. 401]

17th November.—The same. ESE. to SE. breezes, and fine. Noon,

lat. 16° 37’ N. longitude 92° 7’ E.

Abstract of the log of the ship ‘“ Rosalind,” Captain J. Fenrose.

Reduced to civil time.

13th November, 1839.—Strong gales NE. and squally, with heavy

showers. Noon, no observation. pv.m. Wind NNE. every appearance

of an approaching gale. 4. m. Thick, cloudy, and very dark from

the eastward. Wind the same, hard squalls and rain, prepared for bad

weather. Hove to under close-reefeed main topsail and reefed try-

sail, very heavy cross sea. Wind and weather the same at midnight.

14th November.—a.m. Weather as before. Daylight, hard gales

NNE. with heavy squalls of hail and rain. Noon, no observation.

p. m. and till midnight, wind North to NbW. At 10 p. m. hard gales

and stormy weather, with tremendous cross sea ; lying to as before.

15th November.—a.m. The same weather, with much lightning.

Wind veered to WDN. at 2 a. m.; to WDS. at 6 a. m.; and to SW. at

10 a. m., at which time it was blowing a hurricane. Sprung the main-

mast-head. At noon, wind SW., shipped a heavy sea, which stove in

the door and windows of the round house. Wind veering round the

compass to SSW. at 1 p.m. No observation. The wind SSW. con-

fused sea, strong breeze (gale?) and squally during the afternoon. At

6 p.m. wind SbW. Midnight, squally and rain.

16h November.—4 a.m. More moderate, and less sea at 9 a. M. ;

made sail at noon. Latitude by observation, 16° 15’ N.

I was, unfortunately, not able to obtain a single longitude with this

otherwise valuable log ; so that I have been obliged to place the ship, by

guess, on the track of the hurricane. Judging from the time of the varying

of the wind, she must have been not far from the Ripley, and I have been

guided by that vessel’s very careful log, in placing the Rosalind. Captain

_ Fenrose concludes his communication with the following remarks—‘‘ I

have been at sea 41 years, and have remarked that previous to high winds

the wind is variable. But previous to a hurricane, the sky is very clear.

You can see objects at a very great distance, the sea very smooth, and

at night the stars are very numerous, more than at other times; and

at times during the day small clouds are seen at an immense height,

Such as sailors call, ‘ Mackerel Sky,’ and their appearance changes very

fast, some parts having the colour of the rainbow. Ifin north latitude,

—_—

* 402 A Second Memoir with reference to [No. 100.

the wind backs round contrary to the sun, it will increase ; if in south

latitude the reverse. .

“In the first hurricane which I experienced, in the Gulf of Mexico,

the clouds of scud appeared to touch the masts; this was on the 18th

and 21st August, 1827.”

LPO DP OS LPP IL OC DO

Lxtract from the log of the Brig ‘‘ Ripley,” Yorke Steward, Comman-

der. Reduced to civil time.

Thursday, \4th November, 1839.—On the 13th, at noon, latitude

15° 22’ N., longitude 85° 05’ E. steering East and EbN. Strong monsoon

with hard squalls and heavy rain. In the middle and latter parts

of these 24 hours, wind steady at north, but gradually increasing and

the mercury falling. At noon it was 29.65. Ther. 75° ; then blowing

a heavy gale; ship under close-reefed main-topsail. Noon, latitude by

dead reckoning 14°30’ N., longitude 85°21’ E. Ship’s head to N.E.

Wind veering to NNW. and NW. Barometer at midnight 29.50.

15th November.—At 8 a.m. Bar. 20.30, but not at all steady. Noon,

it was 29.25. Ther. 73°. Throughout these 24 hours a heavy gale,

with incessant heavy rain, and severe gusts of wind ; the sea compara-

tively smooth, ship lying to under storm trysail. The last 12 hours the

wind appears to have been blowing at its greatest fury. Noon, latitude

by account 13° 55’ N., longitude, 85° 58’ E. Wind WNW. At 4 p.m. |

West. Mercury fluctuating from 29.30. to 29.40. 6 p.m. Wind WSW.

moderating a little. Bar. rising. Midnight, wind SW.

16th November.—6 a.m. SSW ; at 9a.m.SbE., and at noon SEDS ;

At 10 p.m. it ceased raining. Strong breeze and fine clear weather ; to-

wards noon moderating to a fresh breeze and clear weather, latitude

15° 38’ N., longitude 86° 57' E. Bar. 29.75. Ther. 80°. The follow-

ing day the wind remained steady at SE. and settled fine weather.

Extract from the log of the Barque ‘‘ Sumatra,’ Capt. Eanglois, from

Padang towards Calcutta. Reduced to civil time.

At noon 12th November, 1839.—Latitude obs. 15°29’ N., longitude —

91° 02’ E. To midnight fresh breeze, ENE.

13th November.—To 6 a.m., fresh breeze, ENE.; 6 to 10 EDN. ;

to noon ENE. Midnight strong breeze, squally and rain. Noon, fresh

gale. Latitude by observation 17° 41’ N., longitude 90° 42’ E. Wind

ESE. Wind ENE, to 4 p. m. veering to East at midnight.

1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms: 403

14th November.—Wind NEbE. to 8 a. m.; ENE. to noon ; increas-

ing breeze with small rain. Towards noon, squally appearance in the

south-eastward, with a swell. Latitude account 19° 08’ N., longitude

89° 49’ E. Wind ENE. to 2 p.m.; then East, and EbN. 3 N. at mid-

night.

15th November.—Wind ENE. at § and till noon. p.m. Increasing

gale and dark rainy weather, with a heavy sea. At sunset, hove to ;

heavy gale, with constant rain, hard squalls occasionally to noon.

Latitude account 18° 57’ N., longitude 89° 34’ E. Hove to, till mid-

night.

16th November.—Hove to these 24 hours. Wind ENE. toE. ; heavy

gales with a high sea, cloudy, dark weather, and increase of rain.

Sunset, heavy squalls, and rain at intervals. Lightning to the south-

ward. Daylight, less wind. Weather clearing upin theSW. Latitude

account 18° 40’ N, longitude 89° 12’ E. Wind ESE. to 8p. m. and

SEDbE. to midnight.

17th November.—Wind SEDE. to 8 a. m. and ESE. and EDS. to:

noon. Weather moderating throughout. Latitude 20° 30’ N., long. 89°

30’ E. p.m. fine weather.

DIOP PP PO OPES

Report of Captain Campbell, Assistant Surveyor General, Baramahl

Survey, to the Secretary to Government, General Department.

I have the honour to report to you, that the Barometers in the

office of the Salem and Baramahl Survey, at present in quarters at

this station, have marked the progress of the hurricane which ap-

pears to have visited Coringa on the 16th November. The Barome-

ters are two, on the Syphon plan, and have been filled wet. By

continued comparison it has been found that the greatest difference

between the two is about .04 of an inch, and the least .02 inch,

: which difference appears to be less than the error between Mr. James

| Prinsep’s standard Barometers. The instruments may therefore be

relied on. From the observations, it appears, that the Barometer

/commenced falling here on the 6th November, and continued to do

so regularly till the greatest depression was attained on the 20th, at

4 p.m. of the afternoon observation, and at 10 a.m. of the 2ist No-

vember of the morning observation ; from that time, it regularly rose

until the 26th November, when it indicated the same pressure as

on the 6th. The greatest difference between the pressure on the

| oF

—

404 A Second Memoir with reference to [No. 100.

6th and the minimum was 0.16, of an inch; the morning and after-

noon observations giving the same results. The weather has been settled

since the 7th November. Before the 7th the wind was settled to

about NE., and variable, afterwards veering about from N. at W.

but in no regular manner; since the 26th it has settled at NE.

and Hast again. I believe an abstract of the observations of pressure

would be of no use, as from the great height of this place, 3,250 feet

above the sea, they would not be comparable with any other set. I

do not therefore forward them.

Royacotta, 4th December, 1839.

PPLPLOFIDO EDIE

Report of G. A. Smith, Esq. Collector of Coringa, to the Secretary to

Government, General Department.

Sir,—I have the honour to submit the annexed statement of re-

marks made by myself at the time at Samulcottah, about eight miles

inland; those made by the Superintendent of the Lighthouse on Hope

Island, off Coringa, and the extracts from the logs of the “ Jane” and

“Indian Queen,” relative to the storm which visited the Rajamun-

dry district, on the night of the 16th ultimo. It has been observed

to me, that though the inundation of the sea was attributable to the

East wind, and had that continued a short time longer the conse-

quences would have been still more disastrous, yet that the wind

was actually stronger, and more damage was done to houses, &c.

after it shifted tothe SE. This is also borne out by my own ob-

servations, since made, on the manner in which property has been

damaged in different places; but still both remarks may be correct

with reference to-the positions in which they were made, particularly

as the latter part of the storm came principally in gusts. The oldest

inhabitants remember a storm of a like nature, and equally disas-

trous in its consequences, which visited this district in the year 1787,

since that time, there have been storms and inundations at intervals,

the last having been on the 10th May 1832, but nothing in compa-

rison with the present.

Observations of George A. Smith, Esq. Collector of the District

of Rajamundry, on the storm of \6th November 1839.

On the night of the 16th instant, this district was visited by a

most awful storm, attended by an inundation of the sea, which has

1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms. 405

destroyed many villages on the Coast, and caused a very heavy loss

of life, I fear, at least, to an extent of five thousand ; including those

from the number of vessels wrecked. According to my own ob.

servation, the storm commenced about 10 p.m. of the 16th from the

North-East, it afterwards veered round to the Eastward, from which

point it blew strongest, and after lasting six hours, ceased about 4

A.M. of the 17th, the wind having got round to the Southward. I

had not the means of referring to a Barometer, but I have under-

stood that the fall was about an inch.

Observations of Mr. W. L. Pascal, Superintendent of the Lighthouse on

Hope Island off Coringa, onthe Hurricane of 16th November 1839.

On the \6th November. 1839. Saturday, at about 8 a. m. it com-

menced blowing fresh from the North-Eastward, with mizzling rain,

and continued so till 1 ep. m., when the wind shifted round to the

NNW. and terminated into a gale. About 2 pe. m. the wind shifted

to NW. when the river commenced rising, and at 8, the Island was

under water. At 10, the wind hauled round to the NE. and blew

a dreadful hurricane, (during which time the water rose to about

2 feet in the Lighthouse, with a heavy confused sea beating against

it, which burst open the door, and swept away every article in it;

at this time the top of the Lantern wrenched and whirled itself aloft.

The conductor broke into five pieces, and my house was completely

washed away, with every article it contained. At 12 a. m. the wind

shifted to the Eastward, and at | a. um. 17th, Sunday, it shifted to the

South-Eastward, and blew tremendous strong ; at 2 the water began to

recede ; at day-break the weather cleared up, and we found five corpses

on the Island.

PALI LS LIPIPO LO

Extract from the log book of Schooner ‘*‘ Jane,’ furnished by Capi.

Hazlewood.

14th November.—1839. The Schooner “ Jane” at sea, in longitude

89° 20/* and latitude 17°10’ N. <At10 p. m. the gale commenced from

the Eastward, and continued from that quarter till the 16th, and then

the wind changed to the SE. and cleared up. During the gale, we

* This must be I think an error of the copyist’s, for 89: 20’ would require a drift of

| 250 miles to have made the last as subsequently mentioned. I suppose 87° 20’ to have

been the vessel’s position. —H. P.

406 A Second Memoir with reference to [No. 100.

were drifted away to the Northward three degrees. On the 17th,

made the land about Ganjam. On the 19th, passed Vizagapatam,

and were boarded by a catamaran, which informed me that four native

vessels had been wrecked at that place, and the “ Indian Queen” put

to sea, leaving her Commander on shore. On the 20th, when steering

for Juggernathpooram roads, saw the coast strewed with wrecks of

native vessels, and passed 15 bodies of both men and women, and

lots of buffaloes. On the 2lst came to an anchor in Juggernath-

pooram roads, and found the “ Indian Queen” at an anchor, with the

loss of her foremast and bowsprit.

POLIIO IC LEDS FO PS

THE LATE HURRICANE.

Extract of a letter from Coringa, Nov. 24, 1839.—“ Indian

Queen” outside. |

Ihave got the little finger of my right hand broken, so you

must not expect a long letter, as I can hardly hold the pen. I

put to sea last Saturday morning at 1 o'clock, as the weather looked

very threatening (in Vizagapatam roads) and at 9 o'clock a gale of wind

cameon. <At midnight we had our jolly boat washed away, pitched

away the bowsprit, the foremast followed it, and main and mizen top

masts. Both pumps choked, and the ship making water. When the

boat went, it knocked in one of the stern ports, and filled the cabins. |

All hands baling ship and cabins with buckets; and had one sea |

come over us, we must have gone down. I assure you we have ©

had a complete hurricane, and it is God’s mercy we ever weresaved ; I |

never expected if. When the gale abated, we were in 25 fms. muddy |

water, and had it lasted another three hours, we should have been

snug on shore. Thank God we are safe. Did you but see the horri-

ble ravages the gale has committed at Coringa, you would be surprised; |

in fact it baffles all description. Every vessel in the river, and miles up,

are on shore and in the jungle, and all the vessels outside, with

the exception of seven, are all wrecked. Wrecks are lying about in

all directions : innumerable dead bodies of men, women, and bullocks.

Coringa is nearly washed away, Lighthouse, Flag-staff, and all.

Captain Pendygrass of the ‘‘ Catherine,” and Captain Marshall of the

“ Charles Dumergue,” both drowned, with their mates and apprentices. |

They were all on board the Dumergue at the time she broke adrift—_

went up the country, sprung a leak and went down ; and I suspect

1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms. 407

these gentlemen must have jumped overboard, and never reached the

shore, as the vessel has since been got up, but no bodies in her. She

has sustained a dreadful loss. Oh! it has been an awful gale. I can’t

help feeling thankful for our safety, when I witness the horrible

devastation of property and loss of life at this place. I hope you have

not suffered so at Madras. I will give you a full account in my next.

Captain Shreeve, I am sure, has put us down for lost, long ago. I

consider our safety a most miraculous escape. We left four vessels in

Vizagapatam roads ; all went on shore, were dashed to pieces, and every

soul perished. Fancy all that gale can do—and then you will not

guess half. Every person is starving here ; nothing to be got for love or

money ; I would rather have been where I was, out at sea, than in the

finest dock at Coringa. Every vessel has suffered, but poor Marshall

and Pendygrass have been the worst ; and their vessels too at a place

where you would think no gale that ever blew could hurt them.—

Madras United Service Gazette, Dec. 4.

AN AWFUL HURRICANE.

Four days tappal (the llth to the 14th inst.) arrived simultane-

ously from Calcutta on Monday morning. The cause of their deten-.

tion is found in the subjoined accounts of an awful hurricane experienced

to the northward. It is most providential that at Samulcottah, where

it appears to have raged with so much violence, not a life has been

lost ; but we fear that from seaward and the immediate line of coast

where the agitated sea made irruptions, bad accounts will be received.

The devotion of the faithful sepoy guard over the treasure, when the

warring elements seemed to dictate a quest of the nearest shelter, will

elicit warm approval.

Samulcottah, \8th November.—The small station with its neat

thatched cottages and well kept parade, is now a scene of desolation.

It was visited on Saturday night by one of the most severe hurricanes

ever known in this part of the country: it blew from 6 o’clock in the

evening till 5 o’clock the next morning, carrying away the roofs of all

the thatched houses, and leaving their inmates wet and shivering in

the dread of the walls falling in upon them. Happily this was not the

case ; but, with the exception of the Collector and Commandant, every

officer is houseless, and even theirs’ have been much shattered, though

tiled. The sepoys’ huts have been totally blown ta pieces, and their

408 A Second Memoir with reference to [No. 100.

families have taken refuge in the verandahs of the barracks. One fact

alone will illustrate the want of shelter now at the station :—two native

officers with their families are occupying the solitary cells at their onn

request. Trees that have stood for eighty years are now blown down,

even to the tamarind tree, which has generally such a firm grip of the

earth. A magnificent specimen of one in front of the Collector’s

Cutchary is fallen. The whole country is under water, and the

communication cut off from Cocanada and Ingeram, and we fear ac-

counts from that quarter will bring us lamentable details of the loss

of life and shipping.

A hurricane similar to this occurred here in 1832, but not so vio-

lent, or of so long a continuance.

Treasure to the amount of Co’s. Rs. 1,50,000 was left unguarded

on the plain ! but it was only for a short time, as the sentries who had

been blown away, managed to crawl back and throw themselves on

the bags! A fine trait of devotion truly! |

(Another account) Nov. 18.

‘It may be interesting to you to hear some accounts of the late

most awful hurricane we experienced here—from about 8 o’clock of

the evening of the 16th, till 4 the following morning—when the raging

elements began to subside ; and when it became day-light, we were

enabled to see the havoc that had been committed. And indeed

to behold the scene it was heart-rending: all the thatched houses in

the place unroofed—trees laid with the ground, and even some that

must have stood all weathers for the last half a century. The Lines

were quite destroyed—mot one house from right to left that has not

been blown down ; and as for the officers’ houses, with the exception

of the Major’s, not one dry corner could be found ; and the scenes that

were resorted to, to try and save themselves from the wind and rain,

each man the next morning recounting his adventures, certainly

made us smile in spite of the awfulness of the scene. Some got under

tables, others under beds, some sat on chairs moving from one spot to

another that could afford them shelter for the time, some were

obliged to quit their houses and take refuge in the mess house, being a

tiled building. You can hardly fancy the wreck that the place is in ;

but just recall to your mind the scene that the Mount Road presented

after the gale in 1836, and you may have some idea of how this place

now looks—not one whole tree standing in the place—if not blown

1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms. 409

down, all the large branches torn off, and only the trunk remaining

—indeed we ought to be most thankful that no lives have been lost

here. The accounts from Rajamundry are just as bad as this;

and from Cocanada the reports are dreadful—that the sea has

quite washed away the lower part of that village—from Coringa, and

Nirapilly, nothing has been heard, but there is much alarm about

their safety. We had a good deal of rain yesterday, and a good deal

last night—which brought the Samulcottah river almost up to the

only part of the old wall of the Fort now standing on the East

side. The gale commenced about NE. came round by degrees to the

East and got about SE. when it began to abate. The quantity of

rain that fell is not known, as the Pluviometer was running over, and

there is no knowing for what length of time. The Barometer fell about

1 inch from 12 o’clock on the 16th, till 12 o’clock of the 17th instant.

‘To-day there has not been much rain.’ —Spectator, November 27th.

( Another account.)

The subjoined particulars of an awful calamity with which Coringa

and its neighbourhood have been recently visited, have just reached

us. We lay them with a heavy heart before our readers, making no

comment upon them, but leaving the sad tale of woe which they

relate to speak for itself.

‘We were visited on the night of the 16th instant by the most

terrible gale of wind possible. Your house at Ingeram is completely

unroofed, the trees and walls of the compound destroyed, and P***

was very nearly drowned. All the European and native houses are

uninhabitable, and there is nothing to be seen from Coringa to this,

but a heap of ruins.

The wind began to blow in the afternoon of the 16th, but was mo-

derate till about 11 o’clock at night, when it became furious, and

lasted till 4 o’clock the next morning.

The water from the sea rushed in with such violence, that the only

houses remaining at Coringa, are ***’ s large house, and three or four

other brick built houses. All the rest, it is said, have been carried

away. I have had 22 fect of sea water in my garden, and in my

room which is under my bungalow, 1% foot.

It is said that more than 20,000 people have perished by this terri-

ble hurricane, which lasted only five or six hours. There is nothing

AlO A Second Memoir with reference to [No. 100.

to be seen in every direction but dead bodies and drowned cattle.

Sixty native vessels which were in the roads, laden with paddy, have

disappeared, and it is not known what has become of them. The

“ Union,” although she had fowr anchors and chains out, was carried

away, and is now laying at a short distance from the middle of

the river of Nellapilly. The ‘‘ Catherine,’ which was in a mud dock,

and. well secured by the earth, was also carried away, but fortunately

got into the “ Charles Dumerque’s” dock, which the last named vessel

had left a few days before. The ‘‘ Charles Dumergue’” was drifted into

the large river of Yanam, and is now half buried in a sand island,

opposite where the ferry boat crosses over; but no news at all of

her captain who was on board, and also of the commander of the

“* Catherine,” his brother-in-law, and a few other people. They might

have been all drowned, as all over the country was nothing but —

like the sea. You can have an idea of it when I tell you, that

I see from my house a Choolia sloop lying quite near the white

pagoda of Onagalo, which is four or five miles from Coringa in

the interior of the land !—Madras Herald, 277th Nov. ;

Vizacapatam.—The first five days fresh NE. monsoon,—the two

last days a heavy gale, as hereafter described.

‘The appearance of the weather on Friday evening, the 15th, be-

tokened a gale, which commenced increasing during the night, when

it blew hard on Saturday morning the 16th, with heavy squalls of rain

from NE. to North, which continued, mostly from the North during

the day.—The barque ‘ Indian Queen’ put to sea in the course of the

night on Friday ; and in the strength of the gale on Saturday, about

1] a. ., four Native craft (lately from Arrakan with grain on board)

put to sea. Two others in a most unaccountable manner having :

cut their cables and made sail came on shore against the Northerly (off

shore) gale!—The gale veered back to the Eastward, and blew hard

during Saturday night from ENE. to East without much rain ; and

on Sunday morning it moderated a little, shifting to the SE. when

it became more moderate, with occasional showers, and veering to

South still more so, but continued to blow a fresh breeze from

that quarter during the night. Monday morning the gale had sub-

sided, and the wind was light and variable, with squalls of rain from

W. to NW.—Noon, light variable winds from the Westward with

unsettled and cloudy weather. It is said that nine hands are missing

1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms. 411

from the crews of the two vessels wrecked here, and apprehensions are

entertained for the safety of the Native craft that put to sea: two

men were saved by the six tide-waiters and their catamarans off the

Port.’ — Madras Herald, 27th Nov.

Report to Government, by Charles Hawkins, Esq. Master Attendant,

Vizagapatam.

For several days previous to the 16th and 17th November, it

had blown a fresh North-east Monsoon wind, and two days previous,

the sky had assumed a reddish, brassy, and cloudy appearance ; par-

ticularly so, on the evening of the 15th, it still blowing fresh from the

north-east, which increased steadily from the same quarter, during the

night, to a decided gale, which blew hard on the morning of the

16th, when it veered to the northward and blew hard the whole

day, varying from NE. to north, (mostly north) with occasional

heavy gusts of wind and rain, the strength of the gale blowing about

10 o’clock a. m. In the evening the wind veered back to the east-

ward, and blew hard, and steadily during the night from ENE.

to East, without much rain. On the 17th, morning, it moderated a

little, and shifted to the south-east, and veering to south, it became still

more moderate with occasional showers of rain during the day. It

blew a fresh breeze from the southward during most part of the night

of the 17th, and on the morningof the 18th the gale had subsided ; wind

light and variable, with squalls of rain from West to NW. Noon,

: light variable airs from the westward, with cloudy unsettled weather.

_ N. B.—This gale was not felt at the Military Cantonment of Vizi-

| anagram, distant N. by E. thirty miles, nor was it felt at a Military

| post forty miles west, where they had but a few squalls of rain with the

monsoon strength of wind. From reports from the adjoining south-

erly district of Rajamundry, those parts must have experienced much

heavier weather than has occurred in this district.. I have seen it blow

much harder here, during twenty-three years service at this port, but I

| ave never seen a heavier sea ; the surf breaking in nine fathoms water.

POOPPPLL IL OP DIP DP

| Roads. Civil time.

_ 5th November, 1839.—Strong breezes and cloudy weather, but

discharging cargo.

' 3G

————

;

—

412 A Second Memoir with reference to (No. 100.

16th November.—At lh. 30m. a.m. of this date, the weather assumed

a very threatening appearance. Slipped both cables, and stood to sea

under a press of sail, to obtain an offing ; wind from N. to NNE. and

at 9 a.m. NE. strong gales, drizzling rain, and a high sea. Gale

increasing at noon, hove to under main trysail, and made every pre-

paration for bad weather.* At6p.m. wind ENE. Gale increasing,

with a heavy sea. At 7 A.M. jolly-boat washed from the stern and

knocked in one of the stern ports, which admitted a great deal of

water, both pumps choked, and all hands baling. Midnight, heavy

gales, with violent blasts of wind every minute, and a high sea, all the

sails blown away from the yards, though lashed to them. Wind

veering from ENE. at 6 p. m. to SE. by midnight.

17th November.—At | p. m. the gale increased to a complete hur-

ricane at SE.; pitched away bowsprit, foremast, main and mizen —

topmasts; put before the wind, which was at ESE. to save the ©

rudder, and clear away the wreck, and hove to again. At 2h. 30m. a.m.

trysail and gaff blew away. Wind at ENE. for one hour (1 to 2),

but SSE. by half-past three, and South at 6 a.m. Heavy seas

striking the vessel, which kept all hands baling. At daylight the |

weather, as before with a heavy cross sea running. At 6 gale

abating, ship rolling gunnels under ; made a little sail, wind at SW. |

by 74 a. m. when sounded in 25 fathoms, and saw Juggernautporam, |

bearing West. Noon, strong breezes SW. with a heavy swell. No

observation. p.m. Wind South ; came to in 73 fathoms. On the 18th

fine weather.

POPP LOLIOPIOLP LO IP

Abstract of the log of H. C. Steamer “‘ Ganges,’ Capt. Dicey, from

Calcutta to Moulmein, under sail. Cvivil time. |

12th November 1839.—From midnight to 4 a.m. moderate breezes |

and hazy weather, wind EDN. At 8 increasing with a confused sea on.

Noon, fresh breeze EDN. Latitude observed 18° 09’ N., long. 88° 33’ E. |

P.M. Strong increasing breezes, and dark gloomy weather with in- |

creasing sea; wind ENE. At 4 p.m. dark and threatening till midnight.

13th November.—Wind EDN. till 10 a.m. Squally and dark gloomy

* Captain Shreeve informs me that at this time he considers Vizagapatam to have |

been bearing NW. 70 miles from him. The gale did not extend as far North as Ganjam, {

nor South to Masulipatam.

1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms. 413

weather, appearance of a gale. Hard and increasing gale; made

all snug, vessel labouring much. 10 a.m. wind ENE. till noon, when

hard ENE. gale with very high sea. No observation. Latitude by ac-

count 16° 21’ N. longitude account 88° 51’ E. p.m. Hard gales ENE.

dark gloomy weather. 6 p.m. Barometer 29.00. At 8 weather appa-

rently moderating. Midnight, strong gales with a highsea. Bar. 29:0.

14th November.—Strong gale at ENE. dark gloomy weather, with

a very high sea striking the paddle box, cabins, and sponsons with

tremendous violence. At 4a.m. thesame, with heavy rain. At 6 wind

east, high sea running. At 7 wind ESE. At 8 put on steam, full

power, but could not obtain steerage way, wind EbS. Noon, fresh

breezes, with very heavy sea running, drizzling rain, ship labouring

much. No observation. Lat. account 15° 37’ N. long. account 88° 38’

_E. Barometer 29:20. 1 p.m. wind SES. Weather apparently

_ clearing, made some sail. 7 p.m. squally with rain. 8, strong increas-

_ ing gales and dark cloudy weather. Midnight the same.

15¢h November.—SE. wind, hard gales, lightning to the north-

ward, and SE. occasionally. Daylight, strong gales and dark gloomy

_ weather. At 8a.m. decreasing galeand cloudy, buta high seaon. Noon,

more moderate. Latitude by observation 16° 17’, longitude by Chron.

| 59° 40' E. Barometer 29:20. 1 Pp. m. wind SE. as before, decreasing

| breezesand cloudy. 4, fresh breezes with dark gloomy weather, passing

| squalls, rain, and aheavy sea. At8,the same. At midnight stiff breeze,

| with alternately clear and cloudy weather. Barometer 29:30.

| 16¢h November.—Wind SE. fresh breezes and cloudy. At 2 a.m.

_ light breezes. 5 a.m. Wind SEbE. At daylight fresh gales. At 8,

Barometer 29°50. Decreasing strong breeze, with a high sea. At 10,

weather clearing up. At noon, moderate and clear. Lat. by observa-

tion 18° 16’ N. longitude 90° 55' E. At p.m. wind EbS. moderate

and fine till midnight.

_ Captain Dicey remarks, that “ before the gale came on with him,

the weather appeared threatening, with a cloudy and gloomy sky,

| the Barometer fell very suddenly to 29°, and during the breeze the

| Wind was from SSE. tothe NE. After the first blow, it broke a

_ litile, and I put on the steam, and managed to make a little easting,

and although it came on again, it was with less violence, ; after which

| I found as I progressed to the eastward, the gale became less violent,

414 A Second Memoir with reference to (No. 100.

and had a very heavy confused sea, with hard gusts of wind at inter-

vals, and I think we experienced this storm with less violence than

other vessels further to the westward.”

POCPLP IPCI DO LOA

Capt. West, H. C. Steamer “ Enterprize,” informs me as follows.—

We had no bad weather, to speak of, across the Bay from Akyab ;

but whilst there, on the 13th, 14th, and 15th, of last month, the weather 3

was rather threatening from the eastward. The “‘ Amherst” left Akyab

on the 15th, and I understand they had a fresh breeze across from

ESE. We left Akyab on the 16th, and experienced a heavy swell from

SW. to SSW. and as we got over to the westward it was rather

squally, but not of the least consequence. The swell continued till

we got well up the Eastern Channel, but we hadno wind. We arrived —

at Calcutta on the 18th November.

Extract from the log of the “‘ Helen,” Captain Henderson.

13th November, 1839.+-Moderate breezes from NE. to ENE.

throughout the 24 hours, all sail set by the wind. Latitude at noon

19° 00’ N., longitude 88° 30’ E. |

14th November.—The first 12 hours squally, with rain from NE.

and eastward. Latter part steady breezes from the ENE. Latitude

noon 20° 10’ N., longitude 88° 35’ E.

15th November.—Moderate breezes from the eastward, with cloudy .

weather. At daylight passed close under the Floating Light Vessel’s —

stern and hailed her, but could not get a pilot (none being on board —

her). At 4 p.m. were advised by one of the Pilot brigs to stand to sea, |

the weather having a very threatening appearance, and the wind increas-

ing fast. At 6 p.m. put the ship under double reefed topsails and

foresail, down royal yards, &c. Fresh gales, with strong squalls. Sun

obscured. |

16th November.—Ditto weather with rain. At 6 a.m. wore ship and

stood to the NNE. wind East. At 4 p.m. sighted a Pilot brig, which

signalized to us to stand to sea; fresh gales with heavy squalls. The |

Pilot brig off the Eastern Sea-Reef was at anchor on the tail.

17th November.—The first part of these 24 hours, fresh gales with

hard squalls. Latter part, moderate winds from SEbE. and clear |

weather, latitude 20° 22’ N., longitude 87° 25’ E.

1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms. 415

Extract from the log of the A.C. S. “ Amherst,” 13th to \7th

November, 1839.

13th November.— At anchor in Akyab harbour. At midnight, wind

moderate at north, and threatening appearance.

14th November.—Wind N., NNE., NNW., NW., NE., andat mid-

night North; moderate, and light threatening appearance at daylight.

At noon clearing, but dark to the westward. Bar. at noon 29.90. At

midnight, moderate, but inclined to be squally and a threatening ap-

pearance.

15th November.—North to NNW. and NE. At noon, moderate

Sam. Bar. 29.94 and light air, but threatening appearance. Noon,

Noon 93 looking better; weighed, and crossed the bar.

4 P.M. 80 Bar. fell to 29.80; heavy swell from South; at ‘

$ — 84 8, moderate Northerly wind, and cloudy. Mid- |

Midnight 86 night fresh breezes, and cloudy, heavy swell !

from SSW.

16th November.—To daylight wind North to NNE. fresh breezes,

4am. Bar. 29.86 cloudy, and squally; threatening appearance to

8 89 the W. Daylight, strong breeze and rain, and

Noon 91 wind NE.; very threatening appearance to ESE.

eee 86 Noon, wind east, moderate; lumbering swell

8 —— 90 from ESE. and a cross swell all ways. Lat. D.R.

Midnight 88 200 48’ N., lon. Chr. 90°13’ E. p.m., Wind east,

threatening to SE. and swell from SSE. but in-

clined to clear. 8 p.m. Lat. by ( 21° 12' N., at

9 p.m. 12 fathoms water. Midnight moderate and

cloudy, threatening to Southwest-ward. fa

thoms water.

17th November.—Moderate but squally, threatening to SE. and SW.

4am. Bar. 29.82 sea moderate, wind east. 1 a.m. Floating Light’s

8 86 signal WDN. 3 N.

Noon 90

POPPLOPIPP DISD

Extract of a letter from Dr. Cumberland, Civil Station, Pooree.

The gale which prevailed on the Madras Coast in the middle of

November, did not extend to Pooree. On the 10th November we

had light winds from the north, and in the afternoon SE. with cloudy

_— ti,

416 A Second Memoir with reference to [No. 100.

weather. On the 11th, moderate breezes from NE. and cloudy weather.

12th, NE. to E. cloudy. 13th, NE. fine weather and fresh breeze. 14th,

NE. Moderate breeze, and fine weather. 15th, NE. to ENE. strong

breeze, cloudy with rain (nine-tenths of an inch,). 16th, NE to ENE.

strong breeze. At5 p.m. squall from ESE. and a little rain (one-tenth).

17th, ESE. rather cloudy. At 4 p.m. SSE. then E. to NE. At 5 p.m.

ESE. light winds.

Captain Elson, Master Attendant at Chittagong, in forwarding

the following register kept by Lieut. Young, Indian Navy, H. C. Sur-

veying Brig ‘‘ Hattrass” says.—

We had no gale here, (at Chittagong) but about the 14th, 15th, and

16th November, we had very cloudy weather, with slight rain, the

wind variable from NNE. to SE. but nothing approaching toa gale,

although there was a heavy sea outside.

417

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1840.] the Theory of the Law of Storms. 419

At Balasore on the 13th November, Captain Bond’s report to

Government, says—

13th—Ther. 79 Bar. 30.03* wind N. With heavy rain.

14th—Ditto 79 ditto 28.84 (2?) NW. to NE. a strong breeze.

15th—Ditto 80 ditto 28.82 NE. rain and puffy wind.

16th—Ditto 773 ditto 28.84 NW. to SE., decreasing wind.

17th—Ditto 78 ditto 28.82 NE. to NW. strong breeze with rain.

18th—Ditto 80 ditto 29.00 SE. to NW. clearing up for fair weather,

_ N.B.—Wind stronger to the southward of the hills south of Chora-

moon, also more rain to the southward than to the northward. On this

coast no craft lost, but to the southward, at Choramoon, salt was hove

overboard from two vessels, which ran into that river for safety.

PRPLIP DL IP IDOL OL AD

Extract from the log of the Ship ‘‘ Maidstone,” Captain Wimble.

Thursday, 14th November, 1839. a. m.—Squally, thick, unsettled

weather. Noon, steady breezes from the north-

Noon, Barometer, eastward, and cloudy. At 3 p. m. sounded in

corrected 29.956 43 fathoms. At 6h. 30m. saw the Light Vessel,

| bearing WNW. At 9h. 30m. came to in eight

fathoms,veered to 40 fathoms of cable. Light bearing SE. Midnight,

light winds and fine weather.

Friday, \5th. a. mm—Moderate breezes and cloudy. At 8, breeze

increasing. At 11, strong breezes and cloudy, veered to 60 fathoms.

Noon, more moderate. At 4, strong breezes and

Bar. Corrected. dark cloudy weather, the Barometer falling, made

Ap.M. 29.75 all snug, veered cable to 80 fathoms. At 8,

| 8 99.97 strong breezes and cloudy weather. Midnight

| 12 29.69 strong breezes and squally, with a heavy swell

from the south-eastward, wind E.

Saturday, 16th a. m.—Strong breezes and cloudy weather, wind

4 a.M. 29.75 EbN. At4, ditto weather, with a heavy swell

ib. 29.80 from SE. Daylight, squally with heavy rain.

Noon 29.85 Noon, strong breezes, with heavy squalls and

4 29.85 rain. At 4, ditto weather. At 8, strong breezes

'—«8 29.85 with constant heavy rain. Midnight, ditto wea-

‘Midnight 29.95 ther, with a heavy swell from the SE.

* This should probably be 290 30’ or 29° 03'

420 A Second Memoir with reference to [No. 100.

Saturday, 17th a.m.—Strong breezes from EbS. cloudy with rain.

At 8, more moderate, with light rain. Noon,

6am. Br. 29.95 fresh breezes from ESE. and cloudy weather.

Noon 29.90 v.m. Strong breezes and squally, with rain: At

Midnight 29.95 8, more moderate and fine. Midnight, fresh breezes

and cloudy weather: |

N.B. Captain Wimble having favoured me with the height of his

Barometer, at noon, at Calcutta, I have been able to compare it

with that of the Surveyor General’s Office. I have corrected his for —

the small amount of error—05 which it had. It may be mentioned

here, that this is the only instance in which out of thirty or forty

requests during these researches, I have been enabled to obtain this

very simple, but important datum!

I now place the extracts from the logs of the Honorable Com-

pany’s Pilot Vessels and Floating Lights, in the form of Tables from the

14th to the 18th November, and these are followed by the valuable

Barometrical observations of Mr. Hudson, of the Honorable Compa-

ny’s Floating Light Vessel ‘‘ Hope,” and those of the Surveyor General’s _

Office at Calcutta.

42]

the Theory of the Law of Storms.

1840.]

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423

the Theory of the Law of Storms.

1840.]

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[No. 100.

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the Theory of the Law of Storms.

1840.]

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426 A Second Memoir with reference to (No. 100.

Barometrical Observations, Honorable Company’s Floating Light

Vessel * Hope,’’ Captain Hudson, Lat. 21° 26', Long. 88° 17’.

Date. Time. Bar. Ther.

l4th Nov. | 8a.m. 29.95 72 |Moderate NE. hazy.

Noon, 96 76 |Ditto Northerly, ditto.

8 P.M. 95 80 |Light breeze from Eastward.

» 15th Nov. 8 A.M. 29.91 75 |Moderate ENE. squally to Southward.

Noon, 92 76 |Strong ENE. cloudy.

4 P.M. 86 76 |Ditto ditto ditto.

8 P.M. 92 76 |Moderate NE. and squally.

16th Nov. 8 a.m. | 29.90 75 |First ENE. and squally.

Noon, 92 77 =|Strong Hasterly breezes and unsettled.

8 P.M. 92 78 |N.Easterly winds decreaging fast.

17th Nov. 9S ae 99.94 79 Moderate Easterly winds, gloomy, and

squally weather.

Noon, 99 78 |Ditto ditto, thick gloomy weather.

4 P.M. 88 77 ~=| Ditto ditto ditto.

8 P.M. 92 77 =+‘|Ditto NE. cloudy.

18th Nov. S a.m. | 29.94 77 +‘|Moderate Easterly, and cloudy weather.

Noon, 98 79 =| Ditto ditto ditto.

92 78 (Light Southerly breezes, cloudy.

Meteorological Register kept at the Surveyor General's Office,

Calcutta, 1839.

Nov. |Bar. Noon.| Ther.

12 29.994 SILO Nise wet cae Cloudy, faint Sunshine,

13 30.018 84.5" ING Aho ee Clear,

14 29.970 © S4.0:ScNeser. . cme Partial Haze,

15 952 86.0 |E. ... . .|Cumuli and Haze,

16 972 81.0 |EbS... . .|Cloudy,

17 976 82.1 |S. .... .|Cloudy,

427

the Theory of the Law of Storms.

1840.]

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1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms. 433

HurRICANE OFF THE Preparis, 2ls¢ Nov. 1840.

A little hurricane experienced by the ‘“‘ Cashmere Merchant,” between

the Island of Preparis and Point Negrais, is one of singular interest, for

_ it much reminds us of the smaller whirlwinds seen on shore in tropical

countries. By projecting the vessel’s track and drift, it appears that this

vortex—and it clearly was one—could not at the most have exceeded

sixty miles in breadth. Its centre must have passed very close to the

ship. The direction in which it was travelling, also differs from that of the

preceding storm, being about NbW., and in this it approximates to

the September one. We have no farther notice of this storm from any

quarter. I have marked it upon the chart, and the following is the

extract from the ‘ Cashmere Merchant's” log.

Extract from the log book of the Bark “‘ Cashmere Merchant,” Capt.

7 F. G. Warren ; reduced to Civil time.

On 20th Nov.—At 5 a.m. the Island of Preparis bore SE. about —

five or six miles distant. To noon calm. p. m. strong breezes and

heavy squalls ENE. till midnight ; standing to the NNW. 3032 miles,

and to the NNE. 142 miles till midnight.

21st November.—Midnight, strong gales EbN. with a heavy sea.

Noon increasing to heavy gale at eastward, veering to north. 1 p. m.

Wind North to NE. At 5, p.m. heavy gales. At 9 Pp. m. wind flew

round to the westward, being about NW. with a complete hurricane,

and cross-sea ; vessel thrown on her beam-ends, all the canvas blown

from the yards, five shrouds of the main, and three of the fore rigging

being carried away, and water up to the hatches on deck ; cut away top-

€. gallant mast and yards, and sails from the yards to save the ship;

, sea making a clear breach over her. At midnight wind west ; vessel

lying on her broadside, working much, and making much water. At

5 p.m. the wind was WSW. having moderated from about 2 a.m.

Noon, wind NE. bore away for Coringa being leaky, and too much

damaged to reach Rangoon. Lat. by observation 16° 4’ N.

PPLE LP PPPPLIIIGI DO

We have now to consider what is the amount of the knowledge to

be deduced from these data,—how it agrees with the theory, —and how

the evidence goes to prove the track which I have laid down for the

Coringa storm. I may refer here to what I have said in the preceding

memoir, p. 585, Journal of the Asiatic Society, for June 1839, on the

434 A Second Memoir with reference to [No. 100.

subject of the uncertainty which besets us, either from the state of the

weather, or other causes, rendering it impossible to ascertain exactly

the ship’s position, or the true direction of the wind. I may add here,

that we should further consider, that in a circle of 320 miles circum-

ference, or about 100 in diameter, each point of the compass includes

an area of ten miles, which may be considered as a trifling error in

a vessel’s reckoning in bad weather, so that if the wind be marked a

point wrong, and the vessel’s situation also be only ten miles wrong,

and both these errors the same way, we may thus find a considerable

discrepancy appearing where none really existed. I mention this for

the information of those, who might perhaps look for more mathe-

matical exactness than our data will allow, and because I am desirous

of shewing how important correct observations are to us in tracing

out, step by step, the truths or probabilities which we deduce from them.

It will be more convenient to consider this storm under the follow-

ing heads.

I.—The formation of the vortex, or circle of the tempest, and

evidence for its form.

II.—Its size.

III.—Its rate of progression.

I.—The formation of the vortex, or circle of the tempest, and

evidence for its form. ,

We find that on the 12th at noon, (Diagram No. I.,) the Duke of

Bedford, Balguerie, Sumatra, and Cashmere Merchant, were all on

the eastern side of the Bay, between Lat. 11° 30’ and 17° 00' N.

and long. 90° 00’ E. and 92° 30’ E. Of these, we find the Sumatra

with the wind at ESE., and the Balguerie with it at_ WNW.

both with a strong breeze, and from this last being opposed to the

usual monsoon current of that season (which is from the northeast-

ward) we may suppose a vortex to be commencing. The monsoon

seems to have been blowing steadily all across the bay, at least from

the lat. of 14°, for we find on this day the Arethusa two degrees to

the eastward of Coringa, and the Ganges Steamer in the middle

of the Bay, in about 18° 30’ N., all with the winds between East

and ENE. We may then conclude that the disturbing force, what-

ever this was, had only began to operate below the latitude of 19°,

and near the Andaman Islands, and that its centre, deduced from the

positions of the Balguerie and Sumatra, was about where I have placed

1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms. 435

it for that day; in say 13° 30’ N. and 92° E. The SE. wind experi-

enced by the “‘ Duke of Bedford” is scarcely an anomaly, because of her

proximity to the Andaman Islands; the mountains of which, being

some of them 2000 feet high, may have operated, as ail high ranges of

land seem to do, by deflecting the winds into a different course. I have

therefore rejected her log for that day. The ‘“ Cashmere Merchant”

seems also out of the influence of the vortex, and too near the coast of

Tenassarim. ‘The centre, if there was one, might have been further

north or south, but I have preferred placing it nearly on a line with

the general direction of the tempest on the following day. Could we

have obtained from these ships a single observation when in Calcutta,

so as to test the accuracy of their barometers by a standard, these ob-

servations would have been far more valuable ; but as I have before ob.

_ served p. 420, I could only obtain this in one instance out of about thirty

applications made, while collecting information for the present memoir.

2. On the 13th we find the circle in some degree formed, for we

have, as will be seen by the Diagram No. II, and tables

Wind.

The Ganges,.... ENE. .. Hard gale, high sea,

The Bedford, ... ESE. .. Heavy squalls and Bar. falling,

al@uerie, 22)... SW. -- Blowing strong, sea rising,

and with their positions on the chart, this will give the centre of the

vortex, if there was one, about where I have placed it, in lat. 13° 42' N.

long. 89° 47’ E.

_ The ‘‘Sumatra’ seems to have run out of the influence of the

| vortex to the northward, and having no barometer, we cannot refer to

| _ its height. The storm can scarcely be said on this day to have reached

_ the ‘‘ Arethusa,” “ Ripley,” and “ Rosalind.”

| It is worth noticing, that the three ships first mentioned had all been

running fowards this point from noon of the 12th, and the changes of

wind which they had since that date are exactly such as ought to

occur if a vortex had been forming, moving onward in the direction

laid down, and they had been running into it.

We have for the Barometers, that of—

The Ganges,.... 29.00 at 6r.m. at which time she was about

' on the meridian of the centre.

The Bedford, .. 29.90, being 00.10 Azgher than on the 12th, the

centre having passed her.

436 A Second Memoir with reference to [No. 100.

The Balguerie,.. 29.66, being also 00.71 hzgher, than on the 12th.

We have unfortunately no comparisons in Calcutta for these Baro-

meters; if we had so, they might have proved of great value. That of

the ‘“‘ Ganges” was probably too low.

On the 14th, at noon, we have (Diagram, No. III.)

Ganges, wind about SE. clearing a little, heavy sea, Bar. 29.20.

Arethusa, NE. increasing strong gales and squalls.

Ripley, North, heavy gales, 29.65.

Rosalind, about NbE. hard gales and stormy.

The “ Bedford” it is worth remarking, had her barometer again falling

on this day, with very heavy weather from the eastward. The above

winds, and positions of the ships, place the centre in about 14° 28’ N.

87° 11' E.

On the 15th, at noon, we have (Diagram, No. IV) the “ Arethusa’

on her beam ends, in a hurricane which veered in 18 hours—or from

3 a.m. when it was at NE. to9 p.m. when it was at SSW. and

moderating—22 points; or about 11 point inan hour. I presume that

she must have been blown round the western side of the vortex, though ~

so far clear of its centre, that the calm which is usually found when

the ships cross the centre, and experience sudden shifts, did not occur |

with her. The “ Ripley” we find also in pretty nearly a hurricane as to —

the force of the wind. Her barometer as low as 29.25 at noon, when

we find the wind WNW. veering to WSW. by 6 p.m., or about —

four points in six hours, or at the rate of about 3 ofa point in an hour; |

from which we should conclude, she was farther from the centre than

the, “‘ Arethusa.” The “ Rosalind” had a hurricane at from WDbN. at |

2 a.m. to SW. and SSW. at 1 p. m., or veering seven points in

11 hours, or alsoabout 2 of a point in an hour; from which coincidence, _

and the direction of the wind, I have placed her on the same circle as

the “ Ripley,” having most unfortunately no better datum to go by. |

We have thus on this day, curiously enough, three ships blown each |

half or two-thirds round a circle! For the unprofessional reader should :

be told, that in weather such as is described in the vessels logs, of |

which I have always carefully preserved the expressions, a vessel does |

little more than drift bodily to leeward, as the wind veers with her. —

It will be observed, as to the extent of the storm, that the ‘‘ Ganges,” |

and “ Balguerie” had both the weather moderating, and were getting far-

ther from the centre. The “ Bedford’ and ‘‘ Cashmere Merchant,” how-

1840. ] the Theory of the Law of Storms. 437

ever, had still very heavy weather, but this was in the vicinity of the

coast, and not against the usual direction of the monsoon at this period

of the year; another instance in which, while a hurricane was fairly

formed, and travelling across the Bay, the monsoon also rises to the

strength of a heavy gale, asin the case of the hurricane of June, in my

firstmemoir. To the eastward we find that the “Indian Queen” on

this day was discharging cargo at Vizagapatam, and that the red ap-

pearance noted there, is the only indication of any change of weather,

in the absence of the barometer.

On the 16th we find that the “ Ripley,” “‘ Arethusa,” and “Rosalind”

had all fine weather, and again by noon they had borne up and made

sail, so that the hurricane must have moved very rapidly past them,

and have been of small extent. We have for this day’s data the some-

what vague accounts from Vizagapatam, Coringa, and the Hope Island

Lighthouse, but fortunately also the ‘‘ Indian Queen’s” log.

That of the “ Jane” is very imperfect ; the circle or its influence seems

to have been just reaching Vizagapatam at noon ; for we find that during

; the morning “ it veered to the northward, and blew hard the whole

day, varying from NE. to north, mostly north ; the strength of the gale

blowing about 10 a.m., and that in the evening the wind veered back to

the eastward ; blowing steadily all night from ENE. to east,” showing

that the centre of the vortex had passed somewhere to the south.

At Coringa itself we find some discrepancy in the simple report of

the Collector, and that of the Lighthouse-keeper on Hope Island, which

bears from the flag staff on Coringa, about EDS. distant five miles.

‘This last report would place the centre to the north eastward at the be-

“ginning of it, and yet according to the latter part of it, and to the Collec-

_tor’s report, it must have passed to the southward. I suppose these

anomalies in the direction of the wind, as well as any which may have

occurred in the direction of the storm,—for I take the Lighthouse-keep-

ers report to be the correct one, as to the direction of the wind, which

as a seaman he was most likely to estimate correctly—to have been owing

either to irregularities which do occur near the centres, or to have been

caused by the deflection of the first efforts of the wind against the

chain of the Rajamundry hills, to the northward, and not far inland,

against which, the direct line of the storm from seaward was impinging,

_ and by the opening of the valley of the Godavery. From the log of the “In-

_ dian Queen,” I have placed the centre at noon about where it is marked, ~

438 A Second Memoir with reference to (No. 100.

and I take it to have passed over the meridian of Coringa, to the south-

ward, and at avery short distance, about midnight of the 16th and 17th,

or early in the morning of the 17th. We have no farther news of it in-

Jand. Samulecottah, from which some reports are dated, is about fifteen

miles north of Coringa, but within 7 or 8 of the coast. I wrote to the

Collector of Coringa for further information as to the storm inland,

but have no reply. By the Lighthouse-keeper’s report, we find the rise

of the river to have begun at 2 p.m. of the 16th. Now as this was

owing to the damming up of its waters by those of the sea, and not to

any inland fall of rain,—for the inundation was one of salt water, a

wave, or rise, forced in over a low country—we may suppose this to

have a little preceded the vortex, which thus becomes, as I have made

it, one of about 150 miles in diameter. This agrees with the position of

the *‘ Arethusa,” which vessel we find at this time bearing up at 6 a.

with fine weather, and the wind at SE. at noon, being out of the storm.

I trust that to those who will take the trouble to follow these obser-

vations, referring to the diagrams which are upon the same scale as the

chart, will be satisfied that there is as good evidence as the mature of

things will allow, for the track which I have assigned for this storm.

II. The size of the vortex.

It will be seen by the chart and diagrams, that this is a remarkable

instance of a storm decreasing in size as it progresses, but apparently

have the “‘ Ganges” with a severe gale at ENE ; the “ Balguerie” with |

it at SW., and the “‘ Bedford” at ESE.; all with their positions well |

ascertained, and including thus 22 points, or 2ds of the compass, may be _

taken I think, as a fair instance of a circular storm, about 300 miles i in f

diameter. That of the 16th where, though the hurricane—for it cer

tainly was one there—had just left the ‘“ Arethusa,” ‘‘ Rosalind” and

“« Ripley” a few hours, was but just touching Coringa, Vizagapatam, and |

Samulcottah, and had fairly begun with the “ Indian Queen,” may be |

taken as proof that it had then contracted to about 150 miles, and was |

blowing with much greater violence. There is no instance in this hur-

ricane of any vessel having been becalmed while the centre of the vortex

was passing ; so that we must either suppose that there was no calm

at the centre, or that no vessel passed directly through it. This is

a distinction wortb being borne in mind for future guidance.

1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms. 439

III. The rate of progression of the Storm.

If our centres are correctly laid down, we find that the storm must

have advanced from the 12th to the 13th about 150 miles,

13thi, >. | Wthows." 159

Toth’ "sr “rGthy: f° 160

Porn... 17th, es

Total, .. wa. wat) | fe 66d vailesuimitive days

or 131 miles per day—or about 54 miles per hour, on a line about

N.71 W.a rate which does not very greatly exceed that of the storm

of June. The apparent check in the rate of motion between the [4th

and 15th, if it really occurred, is curious. The centres on those days

are tolerably well ascertained, and I should be inclined to suppose

them, as correct as the others.

I cannot close this second memoir, without repeating that from

every officer connected with Government, and from most of the mer-

)

cantile community, I have met with the most zealous assistance. The

Marine Board, through their indefatigable secretary, Mr. Greenlaw,

the Bankshall, through Captain Clapperton, and Captain Biden, Master

Attendant at Madras,—to whose kind attentions I shall have particu-

larly to refer in a future memoir,—have all vied with each other in

forwarding the collection of materials for me ; and indeed, though it is

‘strange to say it, the only class of persons whose co-operation was

especially necessary, and who were somewhat dilatory in according it, is

that for whose especial use and benefit it is intended !—the command-

_ ers of ships! To this however there are, I am happy to say, some very

honorable exceptions ; and I trust that as the uses, objects, and suc-

_ cess of our inquiries become more evident, we shall have less reason to

}

;

_ complain on this score. The negligent commanders may reflect that

there can be no harm done, in giving us the information ; and to

get safe off when others are dismasted, always reflects some credit ;

| while, on the other hand, the most careful man may have his re-

putation and his prospects injured by a succession of misfortunes ;

against which the best safeguard is the knowledge we are trying

to elicit.

440

Notes on the Wild Sheep of the Hindoo Koosh, and a species of

Cicada. By Capt. Hay.

Genus Ovis. Incisors Molars ~ —

Adult male 3 feet 4 inches at shoulder. From nose to tail

5 feet 4 inches ; head 1 foot; horns 2 feet 6 inches in length,

base, and turned spirally backwards and downwards, points —

afterwards incline forward.

A large beard from the cheeks and under jaw, divided into

two lobes, neck ponderous, 14 inches long and 24 in circum-

ference.

It has no mane above. General color pale rufous, inclining

to grey, fading off to white beneath. Muzzle white; beard on

- either lobe white, connected to a streak of long black flow- |

ing hair reaching to the chest. Legs covered with white smooth

short hair; belly white; tail small, short, and together with |

buttocks white.

Girth of body measured behind shoulders 4 feet.

Has a lachrymary sinus, very perceptible on dissection, there

being a deep cavity in the bone under the eye.

The hair is particularly electric.

This differs from the Ovis Tragelaphus (of Dr. Smith), or 4

bearded. Argali, in the following respects—

Ist. In having a lachrymary sinus.

2d. In having no standing mane.

3d. In having no long hair on the knees.

Ath. In colour of horns, which in the species inhabiting the |

mountains of Mauritiania (Morocco) are black.

A variety of the Ovis Tragelaphus, inhabiting the mountains |

of Upper Egypt, is represented as wanting the mane on the |

shoulders, but is nevertheless said to have long tufts of hair |

round the fore knees, which differs from the species inhabiting

the hills of the Hindoo Koosh range, and now under description. |

1840. | Wild Sheep and Cicada. 44]

They are gregarious in flocks of about 40, and are usually led

by an old ram.

The female is inferior in size, and not so much of a rufous

colour, and has small horns, inclining backwards and outwards

about 6 inches in length. They produce their young in May

and June. ‘The lambs are the colour of the female, have a dark

stripe down the back, and in front of the fore legs.

On my march with the army of the Indus from Kandahar

towards Cabool, I observed a remarkable congregation of the

insects commonly known by the name of Cicade, or Tettigonia,

_(Fab.) which in no book on Entomology have I ever seen noticed.

These insects, as far as I had hitherto observed in the Eastern

Islands, where they are called Trumpeters, and in different parts

of India, especially in the Himalaya about Simla, where their

evening chirping must be familiar to all visitors, have never

appeared to me in large societies, an individual person not being

able to capture above a dozen of an evening. These likewise

have always been confined to wooded countries, and the Tetti-

gonia of Italy, and shores of the Mediterranean, the celebrated

insect made sacred to Apollo, and mentioned by Virgil, Cicada

stridens, is, I imagine, always found in thickly wooded countries.

In Afghanistan, where scarcely a tree is to be seen (generally

speaking), I have been astonished at finding certainly not less

than eight species of this insect; I believe them all to be new,

because I have never before met with them, but I regret to say

I have not a single book upon Entomology to refer to, and this

note not being intended to identify species, but merely to show

‘the very extraordinary numbers they were found in, I shall

confine myself to the observations I made.

The first species of Tettigonia that attracted my notice was

in the month of May at Kandahar, a very diminutive insect,

which flew into our tents of an evening; this did not surprise

me, because there are trees in the neighbourhood. "

But at Jellowgheer, in the Turnuk valley, about fifty miles

442 Wild Sheep and Cicada. [No. 100.

from Kandahar, where not a tree is to be seen, or a shrub, ex-

cepting the jewassee, which grows in luxuriance, and a few

tamarisk bushes, I discovered three larger species of Tettigonia,

and fully as abundant as any flight of locusts I had ever seen.

The prevailing colour was a deep orange, and the stems and —

branches of the tamarisk were covered with them, as hardly to

be able to distinguish a particle of green, and their noise all

day was unceasing. The jewassee bushes being at the same time

covered with the empty scales of the pup, and shewing at once

that these insects were bred on the spot: otherwise I should have

conceived they were only migrating. Our tents and tent ropes,

as soon as pitched, were covered by these insects, in fact every

thing looked yellow. They continued in equal numbers for

several days march through the Ghiljie country, and I saw in —

all eight or nine different species. One scarce variety I dis-_

covered with pink wings, and another, far less active in flight, —

appeared upon the ripe ears of corn, and immediately they were ‘

approached made a heavy flight for a yard or two and fell to the ;

foot of the corn, not again lighting upon the heads. The wings

of this last species have not the transparency that all the others,

excepting the pink winged variety, possess.

Fortunate indeed is it that Providence has formed these

insects to live by suction, or their damage to the crops if fur- |

nished with the jaws of a Locust, would be irreparable: their _

clinging propensities had, however, entirely deprived some bran- |

ches of their shoots. : 4 i

Now what appeared to me extraordinary was, that these insects

Should appear in this country, where there are apparently no

birds or animals to feed upon them. Locusts where they appear

in vast numbers, as in Africa, always have their destroyers fol-

lowing them: but here not a gryllivorous bird was to be seen, |

not even the Vespertilionide to disturb them at night. The only |

enemies they appeared to have, were some large Libellule, which |

pounced upon them, and carried off what appeared to be double

their own weight.

1840. | Wild Sheep and Cicada. 443

The Pupe* at seasons must be very abundant, and might even

_in this country have afforded the ale food, as well as the

Pupe of the Locusts.

* T believe I ought to have written Larve for Pupe, as they only undergo

a semi-metamorphosis.

ft, Grit.

Note on the above.

The readers of the Journal who would wish to compare the description

of the wild sheep of the Parapomisan range with that of the Himalayas,

will find Mr. Hodgson’s full and accurate notice of the latter animal

Vol. iv. Journal Asiatic Society, p. 492. Capt. Hay, in a letter to me,

says, “The enclosed description of our wild sheep at Bameean differs

I think from the species in the Himalaya. I have now three lambs

in my room perfectly domesticated, but such places as they attempt to

climb, show the nature of the mountains they inhabit; what think you

of a couple of them setting to work to climb up my chimney, nearly

perpendicular, but with projecting bricks here and there! I am anxious

to observe their habits, and if any of my notes, &c. &c. &c.”

Capt. Hay has in a part of his note on the Cicada alluded to the

possibility of the species of insect which he found in such numbers, or

their “larve” furnishing an article of food to the Greeks, in the same

manner as the locust. Being curious to see whether any allusion is

made by ancient writers to the locust, or Cicada, as an article of food

in countries adjacent to Bactria, I referred to the ordinary and well known

_ authorities for information. Pliny alone has, speaking of the locust,

(Lib. xi. ep: 29.) “Tot orbis partibus vagatur id malum. Parthis et he

- cibo grate.’ No mention is made of the insects in the accounts extant

of Alexander’s march (Arrian. Quint. Curt.), nor even in Strabo (Lib. xv.)

for the ordinary use of the locust as an article of food with the Boeotians,

y. Aristoph. Acharnes. Act. iv. scene 7.

, ’ , a ? ’ ay] ’

(rérepov akoldse nowy eotv, 7 KIyAat.)

The querist being informed, in reply to this, that ‘locusts are much

better flavoured” (than thrushes) v. also scene 1 of the same act, where

a Beeotian comes in selling them, calling them “the four winged.” I did

not like to publish the whole of Capt. Hay’s note, without remarking on

what might have appeared startling. (Ty

by eb

444

Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

(Wednesday Evening, 15th July, 1840.)

The Honorable Sir E. Ryan, President, in the chair.

Read the Proceedings of the last Meeting. |

Major R. J. H. Bircn, and Captain Broome, proposed at the last Meeting, were

ballotted for, and duly elected Members of the Society.

A. CameBELL, Esq. Superintendent of Darjeeling, proposed by the Officiating Se-

cretary, and seconded by Sir E. Ryan.

Rev. A. Wattulis, of Bishop’s College, proposed by Sir E. Ryan, seconded by the

Officiating Secretary.

Major PotrinecER, Bombay Artillery, proposed by Captain Mac irop, seconded

by the Officiating Secretary.

J. J. Torrens, Esq. B. C. S. proposed by the Officiating Secretary, seconded by

Captain Mac eon.

Baboo RamMcopauL GuHosE proposed by Dr. J. Grant, seconded by Captain —

MacLeop. ;

Dr. T. Tomson, the Curator of the Society, proposed by the President, seconded

by the Officiating Secretary.

Read letters from W. J. Hamixton, Esq. Secretary to the Geological Society of

London, and J. ForsHat, Esq. Secretary to the British Museum, acknowledging ;

receipts of the 2nd part of the 20th Volume of the Transactions of the Society. ”

Read a letter from Messrs. W. H. ALLEN and Co., Book Agents of the Society in

London, intimating their having paid the arrears of subscription, 24/., due by the

Society to the Oriental Translation Fund up to the end of the past year.

Library.

The following books were presented :—

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, London 1839,

No. 10.—by the Society.

Oriental Christian Spectator, Bombay, May 1840, Vol. I, No. 5.

Letter to Major General Jonn Briaas, on the discovery of part of the secon

Volume of the Jami-al Tawareekh of Rasheed-ul-Deen, by W. Mor.ey, Esq.

—by the author.

Committee of Commerce and Agriculture of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great

Britain and Ireland, London 1839,—by the Committee.

Sojutii Liber de Interpretibus Korani Arabicé editus et annotatione illustratus,

Lugduni, Batavorum, 1839. 4to 1.

Lexicon Arab. et Lat. of Haji Khalfae, by Gustavus Fluegel, Leipzig, 1837.

2nd Volume.

Map of Hindustan in Nagree character.—by the Honorable H..T. Prinsep, Esq.

Cotton Trade of India ; its future prospects,’ part 2nd.

The following were recejyed from the booksellers :—

Recherches sur les Poissons Fossiles par L. Agassiz, Neuchatel, with plates.

ap af

‘

1840. ] Asiatic Society. 445

avec Planches,—2.

Journal des Savans, October, 1839.

Annals of Natural History, and Magazine of Geology, Botany, and Geology, Lon-

don, 1838, Nos. 1 to 10.

Literary and Antiquities.

Read a letter from Mr. W. Mor.ey, Barrister of Lincoln’s Inn, forwarding a pamphlet

on the Jami-al Tawareekh, a General History of Nations—which is to appear in the

transactions of the Home Society. The discovery of portions of this curious work, the

Ist Volume alone of which was hitherto supposed to be extant, is highly valuable ;

the first vol. is the history known as the TaRREEKH-I-GHAZAN Kuan: the whole

work consisted of 4 volumes, and was completed by its author, RUSHEED-0OD-DEEN,

about 709 Hej. The MSS. now discovered came originally from Luckrow, and

was found by Mr, Mortey, and subsequently other and later portions of it by Profes-

sor ForsEs, in the Library of the Society in London. The portion of the manus-

cript that has as yet been found, commences with the eleventh race of the kings of Khut-

_ta, the previous part had not yet been traced, and unfortunately the date is not in

consequence ascertainable, but the titles of the kings, “‘ Rai Kugao,’’ or “‘ Kukao,”’

seem to point them out as of that race with whom the numismatic discoveries in

‘ Affghanistan have made us acquainted; but the Officiating Secretary informed the

_ Meeting that there was a chance of recovering the remaining portion from Lucknow,

or from the Royal Library at Delhi, at one of which places he hoped traces of it might

be found among the collection of other manuscripts. There was also a trace of the same

work at Herat; and he had sent copies of Mr. Mor.ey’s pamphlet to several influ-

ential members of society in different parts of the country, in order to endeavour a

partial recovery of the Manuscript.

N. B. Since the above announcement, nearly 100 abridged copies of the pamphlet,

‘translated into Persian, have been circulated to every person, and place, by whom, or

‘in which, traces might be found of this invaluable work. The Officiating Secretary

~ has had late intelligence from Lieut. Conolly of the alleged existence of original MS.

of so very ancient a date at Bokhara, that he almost dares to hope that some portion of

‘the work may be discovered in that stronghold of Islam. Suggestions have been

made on the mode of effecting this.

Museum.

A number of Coins from Ispahan were laid before the Meeting by the Officiating

Secretary for their inspection ; and were found to be not very ancient, but they were

beautiful specimens.

. Physical.

The Officiating Secretary next submitted the Report of the Curator upon the speci-

‘mens of Natural History in the Museum—with a proposition to the Society to purchase

the specimens of stuffed animals and birds which were still remaining of Captain Hay’s

collection at Messrs. Tulloh & Co’s Auction Rooms. Captain Hay had written to the

Society, wishing them to make an offer for the whole, as he was desirous of getting

them off his hands. The Curator and Mons. Boucuezy had on this been to inspect the

Bie

446 Asiatic Society. [No. 100.

specimens—many of which they found to be very valuable and in good preservation,

but many had suffered from the neglected way in which they had been exposed in the

Auction Room. Both gentlemen, however, strongly recommended the Society to

make this addition to their Museum, if it could be done for 3000 or 3500 Rupees ; the

cost to Captain Hay, to make the collection, had been 26,000. Dr. Grant thought it

a great pity that Captain Hay had not come to some resolution of this nature be-

fore; he doubted not Captain Hay paid every farthing of the sum stated for the

collection. Dr, G. was in Cape Town when he commenced it. When the ex-

pense for the transmission of such specimens to the Society was taken into the

account, he thought the Society would do well to give the sum required, and place

them in the Museum, for it would cost considerably more to get similar specimens of

their own.

Sir E. Ryan, called the attention of the Meeting to the proceedings held re-

garding this collection on their first arrival in India, in 1838. A Committee was

formed for the purpose of taking the subject into consideration; they highly approved —

of it, and an application was made to Government to furnish the Society with

the means of purchasing the collection, but it was refused, on the ground, that

specimens of birds, &c. were, of too perishable a nature for a climate like India,

but that they may be offered to some Society at home.

Sir E. Ryan, did not think proper to purchase the collection by raising a sub-

scription among the Members, as the object for which the Society was originally

established was to obtain only Indian specimens, of which duplicates were to be sent

to the Museum of the India House, and the purchase of foreign specimens merely for

the purpose of comparison, could not well be done with any good results, unless there

was a perfect Museum, and the funds of the Society could not raise it to that.

Dr. Grant begged to recall what he had before said, as he was then unacquainted with

the circumstance now mentioned, and to concur entirely with what had fallen from the

President; but he would in addition beg to suggest to the influential members of na-

tive society, that they should step forward, aud now that so good an opportunity offers,

purchase the collection themselves, and have a Museum attached to one of their in-

stitutions, the Hindoo or Medical College, by which means, and a very little outlay,

they would save to the country this valuable collection. Mr. E. Stirling proposed that

an offer be made to Captain Hay to place the specimens in the Museum at the So-

ciety’s expense till a purchaser be obtained. Sir E. Ryan said this offer had once |

been made to Captain Hay, but refused—he however had no objection for its being |

made again. ‘The proposition was then put and carried nem con.

Read a letter from Captain Hutton, 37th N. I. dated Candahar 24th May, regard-

ing his Ist part of a tour to the Spiti valley, which persons writing anonymously im

the public prints had reflected upon in a manner to hurt the author’s feelings. |

Captain H. entered at some length into the subject, and expressed his desire to re- |

fund the advance made to him by the Society for the purpose of the tour, if doubts |

were entertained as to the mode of his having performed it, or as to the general origi-

nality of the information communicated. As no doubts were expressed, it was resolved

to decline the offer of refund, and record the Society’s sense of the value of the ad-

dition made to its Museum, in the Geological specimens procured by Captain HutTon,

during the tour in question.

N. B. The 2nd, 3rd, and last parts of the tour have since been received.

;

a ™ sa - | sy

447

Erratum in the article on Lightning Conductors,” published in

the last Journal.

It gives me regret to have to point out a serious error in my account

of the accident by lightning which occurred to Dr. Goodeve’s house,

in May, 1837. The distance of the part struck from Mr. Trower’s con-

ductor, is twenty-two yards, instead of twenty feet, as stated in my letter.

_ The error was occasioned by my entrusting the measurement to a

native assistant, who no doubt either contented himself by a guess, or

unknowingly used the word feet instead of yards in his report. Illness

prevented my making the measurement myself. Fortunately, however,

the error does not in the least degree vitiate the argument, in which the

accident was mentioned for illustration’s sake alone. That the best conductor

will not protect a radius of 60 feet (as Biot has assumed it would) is now

proved by the history of so many lightning explosions, that an error in

one is of no importance whatever. The reader will find in paras. 10, 11,

12, 13, and 14, of my second report, sufficient facts to set this question at

rest for ever.

My chief object in noticing the accident to Dr. Goodeve’s house was to

shew, that one and the same explosion may fall on a conductor and also

on other adjacent bodies; that is, that one conductor may not be capable

of carrying off the whole of the electricity of a single flash, although the

conductor remain unmelted, or even be not perceptibly altered by the heat

of the discharge. This view is but strengthened by the occurrence as it

now stands in the corrected account. The greater the distance, the more

remarkable is it that the primary flash should have been subdivided, as in

this instance. Let it be remembered that Dr. Goodeve saw the flash

strike both objects at the same instant.

I congratulate Mr. Daniell on the occasion thus afforded to him for a

further display of the peculiar tone, and temper, which characterized his first

report. But I repeat here distinctly, that the error into which I have been

betrayed does not in the slightest degree affect the inferences which ail the

facts recorded manifestly lead to---1st, that a conductor, however well con-

structed does not infallibly protect aspace of sixty feet radius,---2d, that a

flash of lightning may strike a conductor, and other adjacent objects at the

same instant. The occurrence at Dr. Goodeve’s house has nothing to do

with the discussion regarding the “ lateral discharge ;” and had the accident

never taken place, the arguments I advance would not be in the least de-

gree affected. One good result, at all events, will proceed from this

mistake---that I shall never again depend on the measurements made by

persons who do not understand the object in view, and the necessity for

care in their performance of so simple a task.

W. B, O'SHAUGHNESSY.

Calcutta, 10th September, 1840.

x (

Exe obtary

athe

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCLETY.

Points in the History of the Greek, and Indo-Scythian Kings

in Bactria, Cabul, and India, as illustrated by decyphering

the ancient legends on their coins. By CurisTIAN LASSEN,

Bonn, 1838.

_ With Mithra, it appears, was connected a very peculiar poly-

theism, which had utterly departed from the spirit of the unfi-

_gured worship of light, as taught by the original and true Magi;

it also appears, that Mithra himself was considered in this wor-

ship as the solar god, Helios, as the Sol Invictus of the Roman

inscriptions of later periods, and that a number of deified

_ beings are grouped around him, produced by the same com-

"bination of the religious elements of Asia Minor and of Iran.

This religion was more congenial to the Parthians than the

_ purer form of Magism. When under Arsaces vi, they con-

_ quered the sanctuary in Elymais, where the goddess Nanea

was adored, and when they appropriated to themselves its

_ treasures, they may have probably admitted the worship of

_ this goddess under the name there used.* The Indo-Scythians,

when in the time of Arsaces vii, and vit1, about the year

130 B.c. they roamed and plundered throughout the Parthian

_ empire, found this worship already established, and a horde of

_ the same people maintaining themselves for some ages in a remote

corner of the Parthian empire, made it as entirely their own,

1 Continued from p. 378. vol. ix.

* Strabo xv1. p. 744. Vaillant Arsac. imp. p. 41.

No. 101. New Series, No. 17 3M

450 Lassen on the History traced [No. 101.

as if it had originated with them. It must have been the

same horde of this people of Nomades, which was ruled by

the dynasty bearing the name Kanerki, as the coins of the

Kanerkis alone, not those of Kadphises and Azes, exhibit the

gods of this system. |

Without as yet undertaking to determine chronologically

the era of the Kanerkis and Oerkis, J shall now content myself

with collecting facts from the fragments of the language

upon the coins, to apply them hereafter to history. Now as

to this, Mr. Mueller has pointed out, with great minuteness and

perfect correctness, as appears to me, two principal elements,

included in the system of gods upon the Kanerki coins ; deified

beings, according to the doctrine of Ahuramazda, of Ormuzd;

and, secondly, those taken from the religious belief of the

countries of Asia Minor, viz. of Mithra, of Nanaia, and of the |

Persian Diana. ‘This supposition is countenanced by the names

of gods, which, as far as their interpretation is corroborated,

are not derived from the countries of India, but from those

of Iran.

I shall review the names of these gods, with regard to |

their derivation, and in effecting this, it will be my principal |

object to ascertain, whether Indian names be discovered among |

them, as the consequence of this would be, that the Pantheon

of the Indo-Scythians received some additions on the banks of |

the Indus.

My whole task is here so beautifully prepared by Messrs. —

Prinsep* and Mueller, that I cannot do better than present |

their inquiries in a form, which assimilates with those of my own, |

The gods are the following — a

I. Mithra. A figure in the dress of the east, with flowilil |

robe, the head surrounded with a circular nimbus of pointed .

rays, extending the right arm, and supporting the left on the |

hip, or leaning on a spear. M. 229.

Upon the coins, on the face of which Kanerki is styled |

Baoirsvc, we observe HAIOD$; and MIOPO where he is |

styled PAO-KANHPKI; MIIPO appears exclusively to be- |

* Especially rv. p. 629, &c.

1840. | Strom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 451

long to those coins where the name is already corrupted to

OOHPKI. Mueller p. 236.

The original form in Zend is Mithra, to which the Mi@ox

of the names of the Cappadocian months corresponds: hence

is produced Mihir in Pazend, and Mihir (y¢0) in modern Persia,

which forms are connected with the Cappadocian forms Minoav

(pronounced Miiran) and Mvap in a more corrupted form. In

‘the same manner MIOPO upon the Kanerki coins is transformed

into MIIPO, which latter must probably be pronounced Mihiro.

(v. Mueller at the same place.)

I beg only to add, that Mitra, though in Sanscrit likewise

denoting Sun, is merely one name of the sun among many

others, nor is it distinguished in a way, that it can have

given rise to this peculiar name of the supreme Helios. Mihira

also denotes sun in Sanscrit, and though this cannot be corrupt-

ly altered from Mitra, yet it is to be derived from a Sanscrit

root, as grammatists do. But it must depend wholly upon the

fact being carefully ascertained, that Mihira was not only used

in modern writings, but also in the Vedas to denote sun, whe-

ther we can approve of this derivation, or we have to bring

back this word, together with the worship of the Indo-Scy-

thians to India, after its corruption in the countries of Iran

from Mithra to Mihira.

II. MAO, the moon. A youth in the dress of the East,

similar to the dress of Phrygia, with flowing robe, a kind of

turban on the head, with a large half moon behind his should-

ers, such as the Deus Lunus bears upon coins of Asia Minor,

the situation in the whole, the same with Mithras. (v. Mueller

at the same place.)

Mao is the nominative of the Zend form of mds, the word in-

‘deed is likewise Sanscrit, as it is a common word of all the Asian

Tanguages, denoting the moon as a measure for time; the root

is md, (measure) but the Sanscrit nominative is mds. The forms

May, Mny, are only various off-shoots of the same root. The

genitive MANAO, shortly to be alluded to, which presupposes

the root MAN, appears to warrant, that the lunar god in the

form he is possessed of upon our coins, was received from

the West. But here may likewise be admitted the interpreta-

452 Lassen on the History traced [No. 101,

tion, that MANAO is to express the Zend genetive mdonhé. In

this case a@ would have been substituted for A, which letter

could not be expressed in the Greek language, while do, the

o of which, together with the succeeding nh, takes its origin

in the s of an older form, probably was no real diphthong ; but

both o and nh together seem to express the nasal pronunciation,

which precedes f in this position; the vowel d, as that of the

root, was therefore alone expressed in the Greek orthography.

III. MANAO BATLO, obviously a deified being, related

to Mao ; a large moon-like sickle therefore also appears with him

behind the shoulders ; he has four arms, leaning one arm on

the hip, and holding symbols, not to be made out, with the

three others; he is in a kind of Turkish dress, with large

trowsers, seated on a spacious throne. (v. Mueller at the same

_ place, p. 236.)

Mr. Prinsep has explained BATO by Hie: (Sanscrit) splen-

dour ; the word besides denotes, beauty, glory, omnipotence; and

Bhagavat, is a name of Vishnu, as also a frequent epithet of

gods. At the same time it belongs to the Zend, and even to

the old Persian language, and on carefully examining the mean-_

ing of the word in them, it becomes evident, how this peculiar

god of the moon is to be understood upon the coins. The

four arms perhaps intimate Indian influence.

IV. Anaitis, NANAIA, NANA, strangely also called NANA

PAO, a female figure, dressed in long folded drapery, having

a nimbus without rays, and a tiara with flowing ribands,

with the right hand holding a branch, or something similar. (v.

Mueller at the same place.)*

The Persian Artemis has been long ago recognised in this |

goddess, the worship of whom Artaxerxes Mnemon endeavour- |

ed to spread over all Persia, especially in Bactria, and it agrees

with this supposition, that this Artemis, as Mr. Raoul Rochette

has proved it, appears upon the Agathokles-coins as Artemis

Hecate, bearing a torch, and triple-formed according to the

phases of the moon. The word could hardly have originated in

Tran, and certainly not in India; it is a goddess of the moon,

and the grammatical form of the word is likewise feminine ;

* As. Trans. pl, ur. No. 4 pl. xxxvi. No. 4.

1840. | Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 453

so that the form PAO, by her name, seems to violate the rules

of grammar.

V. Athro, AOPO, an old man, bearded, clothed in a tunic,

with a wide flowing robe, with the extended right hand (at

least on many coins) holding a wreath tied to a long riband.

The upper part of the figure is surrounded with flames, which

leave no doubt, that here a genius of fire is represented, (v.

Mueller at the same place). To Mr. Prinsep is due the well

founded interpretation by the Zend word dtars. The word is

here, however, transmitted from the grave declination dtars into

the soft one ath(a/ra, (nom. athro.) In Sanscrit (of the

classic period at least) the word atar does not occur in the

_ sense of fire. |

VI. OKPO. This word is usually met with near a figure,

the lower parts of the person clothed, with the left hand holding

a trident, and the right a snare, and leaning upon an Indian ox.

Mr. Mueller reminds us, that this position is similar to the figure

of Siva and his bullock, Nandi, upon the Kadphises-coins.

The same name is also ascribed to a figure, standing opposite to

Nana,* having a light dress, four arms, and the head surrounded

with a circular nimbus without rays.

Mr. Prinsep has proposed to explain the word by arka (in

Sanscrit, sun); this is doubtful, for besides that we have al-

ready the sun, Mr. Mueller very properly reminds us, that all

the names, authentically explained, lead to a Zendic origin ; like-

wise the reason for the transposition of rk to kr is not evident.

~ On the other hand, a Zendic word suited to explain OKPO,

is not known, and besides another interpretation is indeed more

to the point.

The bullock, and the four arms, call to mind the Indian god

Siva, whose name is Ugra; the snare ? (pdéza) also is an attribute

of Siva. By the coin, As. T. rv. pl. x1. No. 1, it is still more

evident, that Siva is meant, when he as pazupati, (lord of

animals) has an antelope with him. As to what Siva had to do

with this system, might be differently interpreted ; leaving,

however, this to the mythologists, we would only add, that

* Vol. 1. pl. xxxvur. No. 7,

454 Lassen on the History traced [No. 101.

whenever Nana and Okro are placed opposite each to the other,

Siva in this case is obviously interpreted in accordance with the

character of Mithra. For the Indian Siva has the goddess of

the moon only as attributive, usually as a moon-formed sickle

over his head, here however stands the goddess of the moon

opposite to him as his wife, as if she were understood as meta-

morphosed into Parvati ; moreover Parvati has a strong resem-

blance to Artemis Hecate.

If this interpretation of Okro be well founded, (and so it

must be by reason of the bullock Nandi upon the coins, As.

Trans. tv. Pl. xxxvii1. Nos. 4, 5), an Indian element appears

in the Indo-Scythian system, which as first annexed to it on the

banks of the Indus, may be easily explained by the Siva wor-

ship upon the Kadphises-coins.

Okro as well as Athro point out a dialect, which allowed of

no literal absorptions, and therefore was different from that ex-

hibited in the native legends.

VII. OAAO, As. Trans. tv. pl. ur. No. 8.°A youth with

a crown of glory, and a light dress. He holds, as he runs, with

both hands, a wide robe, which falling down in large circular

lines, surrounds the figure. (Mueller.)

The name is as yet unexplained ; I propose vddé, that is wind,

(in Zend vdté, modern Persian bdd.) In Sanscrit too, vdtd

denotes wind, the god of wind; more frequently vdju. As the

wind is also worshipped in Zendavesta, and even as védéo, this

element of Scythian mythology perhaps belongs to Iran. . The

running alludes to the wind.—

Iv. pl. xxv. No. 11, 12, and No. 13. <A standing male figure,

dressed in a tunic, with the left hand leaning on a spear, the

right resting on the hip, flames round the shoulders, and a head

dress, the shape of it indistinct. It stands there PAHOPOY-

MAKAP, which Mr. Prinsep* has acutely altered into APAH-

* Mr. Prinsep observes, v. p. 643, that some copper. coins have OPOOK-

PO, and would explain it by Arjarka. According to my supposition,

OPOOKPO approaches more nearly Indian orthography. The figure

on & very late and rough kind of coins, (see rv. Pl. 1.) which is called the

1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 455

OPOY MAKAPO®X. In the same relation as APAHOPO

stands to AEPO, does. |

IX. APAOKPO or APAOXPO to OKPO. The figure

of Ordokro, however, is very different from that of Okro.

Ardokro is represented as a woman in long clothes, with a circular

nimbus round the head, in the hands a large cornucopia, usually

in a standing position, but upon later coins, sitting on a throne,

with the feet on a footstool (Mueller). Mr. Prinsep has pro-

posed the very plausible interpretation, that the prefixed syllable

APA might be the old Persian Arta in Artaxerxes, the

Pehlivee ard in Ardeschir, and in similar names, therefore vener-

able, holy. But I strongly hesitate. How can Ardokro have a

male termination, and female figure? Then Okro, substituted for

arka ardokro would be a vox hybrida. The same will be ob-

jected to Okro, when substituted for Ugra. This is true, but if

Okro was properly explained by Ugra, another interpretation is

offered for Ardokro.

Ard perhaps in this case may be Ardha, meaning half,* and

Ordokro is ardhégré (half Siva, i. e. an androgyne Siva) as on

the other hand Ardhanari, (half wife), is likewise used for this

figure. This interpretation satisfactorily vindicates the mascu-

line termination with the figure of a goddess.

X. OPAATNO upon a coin of Kanerki, As. Trans. tv.

Pl. xxxvr. No. 1, Mr. Prinsep takes it for OPAAINO, from

ard, and the Indian agni, fire. The coin however, has no

symbols of fire, f and the legend gives ™ instead of N. I shall

wait for further information.

XI. @APO. At the same place, No. 2, an OOHPKI coin,

with the robe, so frequently thrown. behind with those figures,

extending the right hand, the left supported on a long sceptre,

the head surrounded with a circular nimbus, very little different

from Mithra himself. (Mueller.) |

dancer, refers also to Siva. There seems to be OPOOKPO too, p. 633.

We find there the complete type of Siva Tripurantaka, the wild dance of

_ Siva, who throws the giant to the ground. I refer to the representation

by Tod, Trans. of the R. A. S. 5p. 11. |

* It is a figure armed with spear, sword, helmet and a wide robe.

+ V. p. 640.

456 Lassen on the History traced [No. 101.

Mr. Prinsep (V. p. 640) calls to mind the names Phraates,

Phraortes, Phradates. The last especially is very plausible; and —

Phradates might have been substituted for Pharadates; Phara

would be the root for Pharé. Mithradates and so many simi-

lar names are sufficiently known. Phradates cannot, however,

be but /radata, i. e. fra cannot be but the preposition. I ob-

serve in Vendidad Sade, p. 50, a word fra (P}), , which I, how-

ever, cannot explain. :

XII. Mr. Mueller cites, according to the coin, vol. Il. |

Pl. xxv. No. 11, another figure of a god, with the legend

OAYOBOYAAKANA ; AAA, however is uncertain. I have |

no conjecture to offer whatever, (there is only one figure) on

this word.

The word MAOPO which Mr. Prinsep reads on some coins

of the king, riding on an elephant (As. Trans. 111. p. 453), per-

haps is merely MIOPO, a little indistinct. Thus we at least

observe it upon one of those coins; vol. v. Pl. u1. No. 10.

I have thus subjected these coins also, as briefly as I possibly

could do it, to an examination, with reference to their philolo-

gical facts. The principal historical fact, resulting from them,

that the dynasty of Kanerki, Oerki, and of their successors, how-

ever they may have been styled, were addicted to a doctrine, |

4 which compounded of those of Mithra and Zoroaster, cannot |

have been produced, but while they passed through Bactria to |

India, scarcely required so long a discussion; while on the other |

hand, as regards the religious history, a discussion, much more

exact, must be undertaken, as many new materials will proba-

bly be supplied from additional coins. The mixture of an Indian |

ingredient in that mythology derived from the Siva worship, may _

be considered as a discovery, casually obtained. All these names

of gods do not properly fix the native country of the coins, but |

bear the impress of those countries, in which the gods origina-

ted, and not necessarily or exclusively of the region in which |

the Kanerkis reigned, when the coins were struck by their order.

The words of Zend, however, incidentally concur in proving |

and perhaps of Sogdiana. In a strict sense, PAONANOPAO |

and KOPANO alone hint at the native country of the coins.

1840. | Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 457

§ 10.

Indian, Sassanian, and very ancient Indian coins.

We shall here only touch these two classes as the limits of

our investigations, and as points, important for the critical

illustration of the former classes. A discovery made by Mr.

Prinsep, and fully examined in some treatises by him, gives both

classes an unexpected reference to the foregoing ones, viz. that

the Indian coins the most ancient we know, have been gradually

formed partly out of the different species of Kanerki-coins, partly

out of a peculiar class of Sassanian coins.*

This latter class scarcely belongs to the well known dynasty

of Persia Proper, whose coins are brought for sale to the bazars

of Cabool, (As. T. VI. 289) but a collateral line of the Sassa-

nides must have reigned in Cabul, and Beghram. At the latter

place a great number of their coins have been discovered. We

‘observe two different kinds of them, to which a numerous

division of coins is joined, already entirely Indian, and having

Nagari legends. These latter shall here no further occupy us.

The first class of the coins, strictly Sassanian, consists of

‘small copper coins, which may be divided, after the head-

dresses of their images, into three series: one coin of this class

‘is published by Mr. Masson, As. Trans. v. Pl. xuiv. The

‘legend appears hardly to be in the characters, known to us.

‘The second class is chiefly distinguished by a buffaloe’s head

being over the head of the king, and by the fire altar on the

‘reverse. Their legends seem to be a species of the character of

“Sassanian Pehlvi as found on coins, but they also have Déva-

“nagari letters, As. Trans. v1. Pl. x1v. No. 3. No. 5. No. 6.

_ By this they are connected with a class, a few specimens of

which are only discovered, two however in Manikyala. They

have the complete Sassanian type, with the exception of the fire

“altar, with legends in Dévanagari, As. Trans. 111. Pl. xxt. p.

+439, v1. p. 288. A third of these coins from Cabul (As. Trans.

i. Pl. xxv. No. 6.) distinctly has the name SlarIeea

* See chiefly As. Trans. IV. p. 621, p. 668, then vol. VI. p. 288. Speci-

mens of Hindoo coins, descended from the Parthian type, though the word

Parthian in the title for Sassanian is not at its right place.

P ON

458 Lassen on the History traced [No. 101].

Crivasudéva. Beside these legends, others in Pehlvi characters

are met with. A Vdsudéva is related by Muhammedan history

to have been king of Kandja about the year 330 a. p.* As.

Trans. tv. p. 348. He is perhaps the same, the coin of whom

is extant. |

The first of the classes, above mentioned, of the Sassanian

coins from Kabulistan, proves, that a separate (independent)

dynasty of Sassan’s descendants have reigned there ; the second

class proves, that a dynasty, related to it, or the very same,

ruled in India itself, perhaps in the Punjaub, (to this conclusion

we are led by the Indian characters), and that it gradually gave

way to purely Indian kings ; for Vaésudéva is certainly an Indian

name.

Mirkhond indeed mentions the name of the king of Cabul, as

of an independent king, the daughter of whom the Sassanian

Hurmuz, the son of Narsis, married.

I think I still can point out a new kind of coins, referring

to this division. :

Swinton has already published a coin, which he calls Parthi-

ant. The head of a king is there surrounded by the following

Greek legend : BACI-AEQN METAC-MO—, while the

reverse has a Roman Victoria, and a legend in acharacter, which _

Swinton proposed to read, (upon the pretended similarity with

Palmyrian letters), Padeshane mo(nesh), Emperor Monneses.

On this Monneses as on Adinnigaus of which affinitive coins |

exist, Ekhel arrived at the result, that they were not Parthian, |

* This Vasudéva perhaps belonged to the dynasty of the Guptas’ which

we find in India at the same period with the Sassanides, of whose names |

Mr. Prinsep has already restored a long series according to coins, As.

Trans. v. p. 536. One of them, Kandragupta, boasts in the second inscrip- |

tion of the column at Allahabad, not long ago authentically published, of

having received tributes from the kings of Persia and Saka. The expres-

sions, are very remarkable: SaTAMTEMTEIAVTS the Shah, born

of God, the Shah of Shahs, “ whieh exactly is the title of the Sassanides |

upon coins and in inscriptions. The proper name is unfortunately not |

mentioned. As. Trans. VI. p. 977. |

+ De Sacy Antiquités de la Perse, p. 304. a

t Philosophical Transactions---vol. u. Pl.1. p. 115. Pl. rv. No. 1, another /

coin, which Swinton ascribes to Balogases 11. (vol. xurx. p. 593) has also |

relics of native writing, which however is not distinctly Cabulian.

1840. | Jrom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 459

but Bactrian kings.* Mionnetf arranges both under the kings

Characene, upon the authority of Visconti, who first properly

determined the coins of this dynasty, (I-conographie Grecque.

III. p. 260.—)

I do not find, that among the acknowledged coins of Monneses

any one is noted, which has upon the reverse a legend in native

characters, and supposing that the Mo upon the coin of Swinton

supplies Monneses, this king. was not a native of Charax,

but of Cabul; for the native legend obviously is the following :

PS YAVSYIALY 142 viz. in the ordinary form: PAANLA FAVL

(ma)haraj6 raja dirajé.

The writing has exactly the strokes of the characters in the

topes.

The head dress of this coin has rather a Parthian than a

Sassanian character, as the victory also intimates a Parthian,

not a Sassanian dynasty. The form of the native character

leads us, however, almost down to the age of the Sassanides,

and certainly fixes Cabul as the native country of this coin

The existence of the Greek writing must, however, prevent us

from assigning this coin to a later period than that, when the

Greek writing was still in use upon the coins in the countries

of Iran. The Sassanides never made use of it, as far as I know,

upon coins, and with the Kanerki-coins it fell into disuse in the

border countries of India. The coin may therefore belong to

the period, preceding that of the Sassanides.

_ The type of the coins, which are proved to refer to Monneses,

is at variance with the supposition, that the king on the coin

under discussion was likewise called Monneses. But as there

now is none in the series, known to us, of the Parthian kings,

whose name commences with Mo, we must be allowed to sup-

pose, as of the Sassanides, so of the Arsakides, a collateral line

to have established an independent kingdom on the borders

of Kabulistan. But it would be proper to examine, whether

the initials preserved of the name rather be not ME, in this case

Meherdates might be conjectured.

To return to the real subject of this chapter, I conclude these

remarks by observing, that no Indian imitation of the Kadphises-

* Doctr. num. vel. 1. vol. u1. p. 560. + Tome vit. p. 510. y. p. 706.

460 Lassen on the History traced [No. 101.

coins has been hitherto discovered, and I shall pass to the infer-

ences, which may be drawn from the facts adduced.

First.—The Kanerki dynasty have probably survived all the

the Kanerkis gradually slide into Indian types, which those of

the others do not do.

S'econdly.—The use of the native writing did not cease with

the downfall of the Kadphises-dynasty, for it still exists upon

the topes, which entomb coins of the Sassanides as well as of

the Kadphises and Kanerkis, and the coins of the Sassanides are

besides of a more recent form, than that used on the coins

of Agathokles. The Pehlvi character under the Sassanides, the

Cabulian character on the topes, and a form of Devanagari,

much approaching to the modern one, existed therefore together.

Thirdly.—The types of the Kanerki-coins in the last period

exhibit such a great decay of the art of die-cutting, such a total —

oblivion of all traditional remembrances of Greek art, that we

must on this account too conclude this dynasty to be the last |

before the Sassanides.. The Sassanides moreover had a different |

religion. But we will not dilate too much on these inferences ;

for as we do not know when the Sassanides settled themselves

in Western India, we cannot dispute that the Kanerkis may _

have held out for a long time in the time of the Sassanides. —

Nor is it allowed from the extinction of the native characters”

upon the coins of the Kanerkis and from its existence upon |

those of Kadaphes and Yndopherres to infer, that the Kanerkis

universally and simultaneously supplanted the Kadphises; for |

the very existence of the coins upon the topes in which Kaner- |

ki-coins were already enclosed, proves that the writing, as being |

on the coins, was still in use when Kanerki-coins were already |

struck; it proves, that there were other reasons for not adopting

that writing upon the coins, than the abrogation of the charac-

ters of the legends; or, in other words, the coins do not prove

that the Kadphises did not reign at the same time with the first

Kanerkis. But it will be more advisable to look, if possible,

for some other, and better defined leading points, before at-

tempting to set ourselves right in this field of speculation, con-

fused as it is by the entanglement of dynasties.

461

SECOND PART.

APPLICATIONS TO HISTORY.

Sal bse

Geographical points.

We shall now attempt to comprehend under some more

general points of view, the materials, obtained by independent

inquiries, applied detachedly to different subjects. We may

perhaps thus succeed in grouping these single facts into classes

properly arranged.

The results of inquiry separate themselves into three divi-

sions, being partly paleographic, and partly philological, from

both which (together with those results which the numismatolo-

gical examination will bring to light,) follows a series of historic

facts, which are to be compared, and brought in accordance

with the relics of written history, as it is delivered to us.

From the foregoing inquiry it has been proved on the whole,

_ T hope, that the countries, in eliciting the history of which these

ancient coins have unexpectedly presented themselves as a novel

documentary agency, are the western boundaries of India. The

coins have been partly discovered in western India, especi-

ally in the Pentapotamia (Punjab) ; and the tope of Manikyala,

between the Indus and. Hydaspes, has been a principal source

of discovery, though it is only one among a number of many

others on a smaller scale. ‘They are also found in the regions

along the Cabul river, and especially abound in the ruins of

Beghram, a town at the southern entrance into the Indian Cau-

" casus, situated if not exactly, yet very near the place where

Alexandria ad Caucasum was founded. The whole course of

that river, however, is a mine of coins, and the favourite site of

the topes, coeval with and witnesses to that period, to which the

more recent half of our coins, not the work of Grecian kings,

appertains.

_ Though the more eastern part of India, viz. the (Doab) land

between the Zatadru and the Jumna, as well as the country

462 Lassen on the History traced [No. 101.

in the north from the Indian Caucasus to Bactria, have contri-

buted their share to our treasures, yet they have done it only

in an inferior degree. Now if the place of discovery of coins

may point out the country in which they originated, the Punjab

and Cabul are those to which must belong most of the names

of kings we have examined. It is therefore necessary more

carefully to set ourselves right as to the geography of those

countries, with regard to Bactria, and the other parts of India;

as regards this, however, the general information possessed by

our readers will be amply sufficient. Without extending this

geographical inquiry, we may be allowed to refer, as respects

the Punjab, to a published work* which indeed now requires

some additions and corrections, but which yet contains all

the statements, most important for our purpose.

With respect, however, to the countries about the Cabul river,

where the boundaries of Indian and Iranian alphabets, lan-

guages and nationalities are fixed, where the empires to which

we have to assign their situations come most closely in contact,

and seem to intrude one into the place of the other, and for the

historic geography of which, there exist sources not fully con-

sulted, as regards those countries, it appears to be indispensable

to attempt an independent inquiry, with constant reference to

the points to be discussed in the course of examination.

As between Hindoostan and the highlands of Tibet, the

Himaleh, properly so called, is the wall of separation, so is the

western continuation of the same mountain range between the

countries belonging to the Cabul river, and Bactria; we may

call this western branch the Indian Caucasus or Hindookush. —

From the point where the Indus, descending from the north,

breaks through this mountain range, it first runs, in about the

36th degree of north latitude to the meridian of Jelalabad; the

western extremity of this circle nearly coincides with the 35th

degree of north latitude. These mountains, viewed from the

southern low land, appear as a four-fold chain of towering hills,

*De Pentapotamia Indica commentatio geographica atque historica

Bonae, 1827, 4to.

+ Elphinstone ; an account of Cabul, 1. p. 154, 2 edit.

1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 463

the fourth range of which being the highest and nearest to the

north, rises to the level of eternal snow, and has at least. partly

an elevation of 20,000 feet.

The Hindookush further runs from the point presently de-

scribed north-west, and then westerly, till it attains its culmina-

tion with the elevated snow-clad peak, properly denominated

the Hindookush. The mountains then gradually descend to-

wards the west, assuming the name Paropamisus, while the

higher range, turning south-south-westerly, rises again in the

Kohi-Baba to a high snowy pinnacle. Under this lies on the

westerly side, Bamian, which therefore has a northerly, and not

a southerly aspect ; this is the discovery of Burnes.

These vast mountains, the Indian Caucasus in its most exten-

Sive sense, from the point where the Indus breaks through them

to Kohi-Baba, are the northern boundaries of the countries

about the Cabul river. From this range most of the tributaries

of the Cabul river descend, and it gives the country its promi-

nent features. We must look at it therefore more closely.

At the western extremities of the first eastern half of the Indian

Caucasus, a high tract of mountains stretches down to the valley

of the Cabul river; its southern extremity from the northern bank

is thrown opposite to the Sefidkoh, Gn the Afghan language

Spin Gur), viz. white mountain, which rises on the southern

bank of the river; this southern end is the high snow-clad peak,

_ Kooner, very nearly approaching to the valley of the river. We

shall give this transversal range the name of the Kanda moun-

tains, as they were probably called so in the native language.

The whole of the countries about the Cabul river are equally

divided by them into regions of a totally different character, the

_ western and the eastern.

To know the boundaries of the country under consideration,

_we must recur to Kohi-Baba.. Hence extends a high mountain

tract to the south. Though no remarkable hills, no table

heights are mentioned as existing among them, yet the course

of the streams would range in their favour. The Hilmund and

Urghandab descend from that mountain tract in a southern di-

rection to the basin of the Zareh ; the Ghazna runs to the north-

eastward, and joins the Cabul river, flowing to the south-east.

464 Lassen on the History traced [No. 101.

South-westward from Cabul there lie, says Sultan Baber,* “ high

snow-clad mountains, and the Bamian chain (Kohi-Baba) is of

an extreme height. The Hirmand, the Sind,t the Doghabeh,

Kunduz, and the Balkh rivers all rise at their culminating

point, and one may, it is ae drink on the same =i out of the

sources of all these rivers.’

These are the natural boundaries of the countries of Cabul

towards the west.

From the mountain tract, where Ghuznee lies southward from

Cabul, to the Sefidkoh, already mentioned (which may be con-

sidered as the most northern branch of the Soliman mountains,

running from the north towards south) the valley of the Cabul

river is bordered by hills of less height and regularity. They have

not received any general name, and but small bodies of water

descend from them, as they are not high enough to be continually

covered with snow.

Looking again from the Sefidkoh to the point projected

from the south of the Kanda mountains, we have the confines

of the western half of the Cabul countries. The valley of the

river, narrowed by the Sefidkoh and Kooner, appears like a rocky

gate between the west and the east of the countries through

which the river forces its way, over cliffs and down rapids, while

from Sefidkoh the Tira chain of hills with its ramifications ex-

tend eastward to the Indus. The Salt range, so called, commen-

cing from the same point, runs south-easterly to the same river,

which it reaches at Karabag ; the Tira chain rises from the south

over the plains of the Cabul river.

Thus once more gaining the Indus, we have comapnatod: ‘the

whole extent of the Cabul countries, the natural boundary of

which towards the east is that river.

The eastern half of these lands may be called the inner,

as may the western half, the ou¢er boundary of India.

To understand the articulation of each of these boundaries,

we must look closely to the rivers.

The Cabul river, which rises at the foot of the Kohi-Baba,

* Memoir, p. 282, German translation.

+ A mistake, it must be the Cabul or Gurbund.

ee aa eee

1840.) From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 465

and flowing from Cabul itself in an almost direct line, joins

the Indus at Attok, forms as it were the bond, by which the

yarious members of these geographical divisions are connected,

_ and proves their inseparable unity.

_ From the high mountains to the north there run to the banks of

_ the Cabul river many streams in valleys, which are either distinct,

_ or connected with others ; each of these valleys, and in an inferior

degree every lateral valley, forms an independent district, and

hence the various articulation of the whole.

_ With regard to these valleys, which we may call after their

rivers, all the streams having the most easterly direction, viz.

the Abbasin, which is furthest east, and the Burrindu, a little

‘more to the west, flow into the upper Indus, without passing

through the Cabul districts.

More to the westward rises the Sewad, into the valley of |

‘which river that of the Penjkora runs from the west, while

the Bagar from the south-eastern declivity of the Kanda

‘mountains joins the united Sewad and Penjkora. In the

latest map (by Burnes) the three united rivers are called

Lundye, which having passed Hashnagara, disembogues into

the Cabul river. .

_ These valleys, descending in terraces towards the Cabul and

the Indus, form the mountainous country of the inner boundary

of India to the north-west, to which also belongs the plain

_ above the valleys on the banks of the river, as well as the

northern declivity of the Tira chain, before mentioned. The

plain is hot low land, already manifesting a completely Indian

character; Peshawur in the centre of this plain is situated on the

banks of the river. The northern districts of the valley form

landscapes of a genuinely Alpine character, adorned with all the

luxuriant beauty of an almost tropical mountainous country.

| Now between the eastern and western extent of the Cabul

| country lie the Kanda mountains, with the Sefidkoh as a high

' wall of separation, which cannot be appropriated to either of

' those districts. From the central point, whence it spreads its

| ramifications from the Hindookush to the southward, another

| high elevation rises, the Belut Tag, which extends in a circle

_NNE. to the Mustag, and forms, as it were, the northern

466 _ Lassen on the History traced [No. 101.

continuation of the Kanda range. From its north-eastern ex-

tremity, the Pushtigur, a river now called Kameh, gushes

rapidly southwards, and forces its way between the Cooner and

the Nurgil in the Cabul valley, almost opposite to Jelalabad. |

This narrow and almost impervious valley rises like a long nar-

row gateway in a northerly direction ; on the north side of the

Pushtigur the streams already flow to the Oxus. The Kameh

valley supplies but few accommodations for trade with the

north, it is little accessible from the plain of the Cabul, it is

rather a wall of separation to the east and the west of the |

whole country along the river.

From Sefidkoh a valley of a more remarkable character opens

towards the Cabul river, through which the Soorkhrood, (‘‘ the

red river,”’) flows.

Just above Jelalabad the boundaries between the warm low

lands of the east and the cooler highlands of the west, are |

determined ; this little district of Jelalabad, on the river Cabul

and the stream formed by the junction of the Kameh, and the

Soorkhrood, may represent the gate, through which we enter |

the outer boundary of India. |

Cabul lies almost in the centre of this boundary, and is at least

in a historical and political point of view, the centre point of the —

country. In her neighbourhood, rivers from the south-west, the

west, the north-west, and north, unite and form the main river,

which has obtained the name of the town. At this spot open -

the great roads, whether for peace or for war, between

Iran and Turan on the one hand, and India on the other. — It

is a situation, possessed of inexhaustible importance, as the

whole history of southern Asia bears witness.

Looking on the subject in detail, we find, that due west of the

lofty Kanda hills the valley Laghman splits in two, forming

those of Alishung and Alingar, and opens towards the Cabul

river.* More to the west the valley of Tugow is traversed by

a river of the same name, not far below the disemboguing

of the Panjhir. This river takes three united streams into-

the Cabul, namely, itself, the Gurbend, and the Nijrow, which

* Elphinstone, i. 160.

i *

1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 467

all descend from the Hindookush through main valleys, in

which less considerable bodies of water are discharged, giving

the effect of the fibrous ramification of a leaf in the union

of these river valleys. The Gurbend, rising in the western range

of the Hindookush, flows to the east, the Panjhir from north to

south, while the Nijrow runs in a south-western direction to

the Panjhir. The district above the junction of the three rivers,

is called the Kohistan, the highlands of Cabul, a beautiful

Alpine country, not inferior to that of Penjkora, and Sewad ;

_ below that junction extends the more even country of Kohdaman,

“the skirt of the mountain.” This variously ramified system

of valleys includes the passes, which lead from Cabul itself,

_over lofty mountains, winding upwards through their vallies

in ramifications, either westward to Bamian under the Kohi-

Baba, or’ northward over the Hindookush, to Anderab and the

higher north. There are altogether seven or eight of these.

On the southern boundaries of this western district of the

_Cabul we have to notice the valley of the river Ghuznee, which

leads to the town of the same name, lying on a rugged lofty

plain, the ancient seat of mighty dominion.

Hence goes the road to the river valleys of Arachosia, descend-

ing westwards.

The plain of the valley of the Cabul river, before it reaches

Jelalabad, lies in a situation so much higher than that of the

dower part of the river, that the climate and products are as

different from those of Peshawur, as are the products of loftily

placed, and frigid Ghuznee from those of Cabul.

As the outer boundary constitutes a gradual approach to the

inner one, so is it in relation to India Proper. Cabul is one of the

most beautiful countries of the earth, highly praised by Sultan

Baber, warm in virtue of its southern situation, and the protection

_atforded by the mountains towards the north, and at the same

| time cooled by reason of its height above the level of the sea.

This very succinct description was specially intended to call

| _ to mind the following facts.

First.—That the natural road to India passes through western

| Cabulistan, whether we start from Arachosia, from Aria (Herat)

468 Lassen on the History traced [No. 10].

or from Bactria, the paths from the northern and central Asia

meet here.

Secondly.—It must not be forgotten, that the districts along

the Cabul river have a tendency to resolve themselves into petty

states and national confederacies, unless a vigorous hand sways

the sceptre within the country. The country does not only

separate of itself into an eastern and western division, but, if

circumstances admit, small independent powers may also main- —

tain themselves in the valleys of the northern tributaries of the

main river. |

Thirdly.—Supposing such a state of disorganization to exist,

each of these little river districts will seek its centre in itself,

and create a petty capital. However, in a state of well ordered

union, some particular foci of intercourse along the course of the

main-road, about Peshawur for the eastern, and Cabul for the

western Cabulistan, about Jelalabad, as connecting both, and for

intercourse with the Kameh valley—lastly, at the entrance into

the passes over the Hindookush on the low lands round Begh-

ram—must be formed by the course of mercantile transactions.

To render these relations quite evident, we may observe, that

the peculiar architectural monuments of the country, the topes, |

are grouped round those four mentioned places,. Peshawur in

the vaileys of the Khyher tribes, Jelalabad at Soorkhrood, Cabul

itself, and, lastly, at the foot of the mountain district round

Beghram. |

For the purpose of giving a sketch of the historical accounts”

of this country, we may commence by observing, that we must

especially keep in view accounts as to the national characteristics

of those people, without engaging in a complete inquiry into the |

passages of the ancient geographers. We shall postpone this to |

a more appropriate place, and besides, there exists already a

very thorough examination of this kind by an eminent geogra-

pher.*

By way of beginning on a safe basis, let us commence with the

celebrated campaign of Alexander the Great.

* Carl Ritter on the campaign of Alexander the Great in the Indian

Caucasus (in den Abhandlungen der Berliner Akademie aus dem Jahre

1829, p. 137.

‘J

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 469

He found these countries and nations in the state which must

have subsisted during the whole period of the Achzemenides;

for the rulers of Persepolis in succession to Darius, the son of

Hystapes, who perhaps exercised a more vigorous authority, were

satisfied with the attendance of those remote nations in the

field on occasion of war, and with the regular transmission of

tribute ; they did not disturb the tribes in their national customs

and institutions, though they were powerful enough to check

the violent inroads of the northern hordes, by whose success

national characteristics were afterwards introduced of a totally

novel description.

When Alexander after having aiieed the Drangges and

Arachosians set out for Bactria, he encountered Indians for the

first time.* Having subdued them, he reaches the Caucasus, and

founded on its skirt an Alexandria, the situation of which, ac-

cording to the careful examinations of Mr. Massont must be

most probably looked for near Beghram. The Indians above al-

luded to, therefore inhabited the highlands, which separate the

streams running to the Helmund, from the tributaries of the Ca-

bul. Strabo calls those Indians Paropamisades, but uses, how-

ever, as he often does, an inaccurate term, when he states, that

_ Alexander had penetrated to the Arachosians through the Paro-

pamisades.{ ‘The passage through their country during the

winter season was difficult on account of the large quantity of

snow, but it abounded with villages and provisions for the army ;

it was the highland westwards from Cabul.

We again follow the march of Alexander, when returning to

Alexandria Sub-Caucaso; he passes for the second time the

Hindookush, the town is then called Alexandria in Paropami-

_sades.§ These Indians are therefore obviously called by a

peculiar name, after the mountains, viz. Paropamisades, the

name of the mountains which they inhabited, being partly Paro-

pamisus,|| and partly Caucasus, and this name refers as well to

‘Arr. E01. 28. folks, EV pnGs

t XV. Ariana, § 10. § Arr. IV. 22.

|| Ptolemy, more correctly Paropanisus; it is the country under the

mountains, which are called Nishada in Indian geography. That the

ancient geographers have assigned the name Paropamisus to the more

western mountains, we are not authorized to assert.---(Lassen).

470 Lassen on the History traced [No. 10].

the Hindookush itself, as to its western parts, the Kohi-Baba, —

and the lower ranges, which at the lower extremity are protended —

in a westerly direction. With the nation of the Paropamisades

must also be numbered those tribes, who inhabit the valleys of the

northern tributaries of the Cabul, viz. of the Gurbend, Panjhir,

and Nijrow; for Alexander formed a new Satrapy out of the |

districts of the Sees Kat rye aAAne ixtancy ® eC TE EC

tov Kwonva morapov.

The Kophen is not,* however, as might be supposed, the Pan-

jhir, with his two tributaries ; for by starting from Alexandria,

which upon this conjecture must have beensituated at the Kophen,

one would come first to this river; we find in Pliny “ab ea

(Alexandria) ad flumen Copheta, et oppidum Indorum Peuco-

laitin coxxvit.”?, Whether Peucolaitis be correct here or not, is

besides the question. The Kophen evidently is, we may say, the

united Ghuznee and Cabul rivers, and the Satrapy of the Paro-

pamisades is the Kohistan and Kohdaéman of the present geo-

graphy of Cabul, together with the mountain vallies on their —

western boundaries.

Till the arrival of Alexander at the river Choes, Arrian (v1.

23) uses no other names (than the above); the intermediate

country to the junction of the Choes (Kameh) with the Cabul,

may therefore have belonged to the Satrapy, not the nation,

of the Paropamisadest

Strabo§$ says, “ near the Indus there are the Pope |

above the heads of whom the mountain Paropamisus rises.’

* Are. LIT 22.

Toe ie

} Pliny vi. 23 ‘says’ “some authors still add to India the four Satrapies,

Gedrosia, Arachosia, the Arians, and Paropamisades ‘ultimo fine Cophete

fluvio.’ Is now the Cophen the extreme boundary of India with the addi-

tion of the Paropamisades? This would be an absurdity, and Pliny does

not recollect, that by adding the Paropamisades to India, he had not to

describe the remotest confines of the Paropamisades toward India, but

the boundary of India, enlarged towards the west. He has therefore:

retained the boundary of the Alexandrian Satrapy of the Paropami-

sades, at the same time, that he gave it up. The reason upon which

those Satrapies were numbered with India, was an incidental one, viz.

the cession to Sandrokyptos by Seleucus Nicator.

foe Te $9.

1840. | Jrom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coms. 471

But this is to be accounted for by a similar negligence in ex-

pression, as Strabo sometimes commits. He afterwards places

certain nations between the Paropamisades and the Indus,

which is a striking contradiction. |

The following statement of Strabo is of far greater importance.

According to him, the whole country between the Indian sea in

the south, and the Paropamisus and Caucasus on the north, the

Indus in the east, and Karmania, Persia, and Media, in the west,

is an immense square, which is comprehended under the general

name Ariana; the Gedrosians, Arachosians, Paropamisades, in

parallel layers are superimposed one on another. We shall not

dispute the systematical regularity of this view, in favour of

which the Paropamisades are extended to the Indus. Ptolemy,

who distributes in the same manner these nations, and defines

more correctly the boundaries of the Paropamisades, does not use

this general term, nor does it occur in the narratives of Macedo-

nian history. Strabo has perhaps got it from the Parthian and

Bactrian history by Apollodoros. It is true, he says, that

the name Ariana likewise refers to some tribes of the Persians,

Medians, Sogdians, and Bactrians, or, (to apply here our mo-

dern information), that the ancient name Aarja of the Arians,

was also in use with the four principal nations of Iran, before

mentioned, but he distinctly places between the western

and northern Iran, properly thus called, and India lying

more to east, his Ariana, as a separate division, as an inter-

mediate country, in which the nationalities balanced towards

both directions, and were neither of a marked Indian nor. Irani-

an character. But more precise investigation would certainly

prove, that his view, concerning such a great nation, forming a

transition from the Persians to the Indians, though it generally

were correct, still must be defined more correctly in various

points of view, to bear upon the different divisions (of that

nation). The Airjana of the Zenda vesta, however like in name,

has certainly nothing in common with this Ariana, though many

be pleased to confound them.

We must hereafter take up again the thread of the inquiry,

| what situation between the Indians and Persians the Paropami-

sades have occupied ? |

472 Lassen on the History traced [No. LOL:

Alexander, after having arrived at the Choes (Kameh) com-

mences on the western bank of the Indus his campaign against

the nations, in a strict sense here already called Indians. They

are named by Arrian, numbering them from west to east,

Aspasians, Guraeans, and Assacanians.* Strabo styles the na-

tion, first mentioned, Hippasians,t and substitutes for the Choes

the Choaspes, which disembogues into the Kophen (§ 26) and

which therefore cannot be, as it occurs upon the map of Ritter,

another name for the Kophen. Aspais a term, alluding to

Persian language, and Choaspes (qazpa) is the river of beautiful

horses ; there is an evident reference of the nation with the

river, and they probably lived on its banks. Alexander first

marched upwards to the Choes. TlopevOeic 6 Tapa tov. Xonv

KaXovpevoy ToTamoyv Opevny Te OdOV Kal TpayElay, Kal Tourov

diaBac Xareroc, K. T. AX.

He reduces there two towns, the second of which was called

Andaka, he then proceeds to the river Euaspla. Kat dueAQov

TwoAARY oooy, devTEpatoc apikeTo T™poc THY TOA.

After having taken this, he passes over the mountains to

Arigaeum.{ I must here depart in view from our celebrated

geographer Mr. Ritter, who thinks Euaspla to be the Choes, |

but it must be a tributary of the Choes which Alexander ~

touched, dueAPov zoAAny odor, and after he had already marched

into the Kameh valley. Alexander first left this lateral valley of

the Kameh, when setting out for Arigaeum. Kuaspla now is

partly a Greek translation, (sv-as7Aa perhaps <v-ao7rnc) of :

Choaspes (hu,gut Sanscrit svhazpa-quzpa).

Strabo by taking the Choaspes for the Choes, viz. the smaller

for the larger river, has confounded both of them, while Arrian

separately mentions them. Choaspes, or Euaspla, probably is

the Seesha upon Mr. Elphinstone’s map.§ .

F AVin2o.

cf ant Silie Si tad.

{ Arr. IV. 24. |

§ Lam ls the ae here also to contradict the excellent his- |

torian of Alexander the Great, Mr. Droysen. The point at issue is _

especially the OC oarae passage of ag te 8 26. ’AXéE ‘Savdpoc—eméa- |

tTpeWev— kat TOV Kwon TOTApOV kat Tov Xoaowny, o¢ eg Tov

1840. | rom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 473

The Aspasians probably are the same with the Azvazeelas

of the ancient Indian geography, who are neighbours of the

Kambdjas, fighting on horseback.

The Guraans are the inhabitants of the valley at the river

_ Guraeus, (Arr. Iv, 25) the Penjkora, into the valley of which

Alexander descended near Arigaeum ; the Guraeus, according to

Arrian, retains this name to its disemboguing into the Cabul,

while Ptolemy only mentions the Sewad, the Suastus. Gorydale

was probably situated just at its very disemboguing.

The Assacanians in their towns Massaga and Ora had their

abode between the Guraeus and the Indus.* From them there

are distinguished the Astacanians, who are no doubt justly taken

_ for the subjects of Astes, the ruler of Peucala, the district on

both banks of the Indus, above the disemboguing of the Ko-

phen.t According to Ptolemy, the Gandarians inhabit this

country, who live therefore on the northern bank of the Kop-

hen, while Strabo relates of the Gandaritis, living on both

bank of the Kophen ; he follows here the native view, according

to which Gandhara denotes the country from Peshawur to the

Indus.

The Massianians, mentioned by Strabo, are too insignificant

to be inquired into, and we shall leave it to others to deal with

Kogny euBarra woramov, Kat Kara TIAnynpov mod pvsic

Tapa T'wpvdadnyv TOA, Kal Sussov rHv re BavdoBnyny Kat THY

Tavéapirw.

-Mr. Droysen says (history of Alex. p. 376) we need only to omit Kat

preceding TIAnynpvov to find every thing correct. Now if the sense,

not the syntax alone must be in accordance, Oc and pusic and duswv

would be referred in this case to the Choaspes, disemboguing upon this

conjecture through the Gandaritis into the Indus, i. e. the Choaspes would

do what is due to the Kophen, which Strabo himself mentions as the

main river. There consequently is also a confusion in the views of

Strabo, an unprecise understanding of the reports, and the words following

eufsarreu woramoyv are indeed to be referred to the Kophen. Hence it

follows, that Plegerium, Gorydale are towns, and that the districts Ban-

dobene and Gandaritis to the disemboguing of the Kophen into the Indus

successively are met with.

* Arr. 1V> 2@find. T...Strabo,’ XV. § 27.

+ Droysen, history of Alex. p. 374.

474 Lassen on the History traced No. 208:

the fabulous Nysaeans. We have mentioned every important

fact for our purpose by adding, that Alexander did not touch

the southern bank of the Kophen, since he was informed, that

it was not fertile, as the beautiful land of Alps in the north.*

We therefore meet between the Paropamisades and the Indus

a series of independent, warlike mountaineers, under their chief-

tains, separated into many smaller tribes, rich in flocks and

herds ; they are always called Indians, though no mention is made

of either institutions characteristic of India, nor of Brahmins.

This is doubtless correct ; for they were inhabitants of the Indian

frontier, not exactly regulated by Indian customs, outcasts of

the soldier caste, as Indians might term them.

As mention has been made of the Gandarians, we are allowed

to combine these accounts with those, long before given by

Herodotus. The Gandarians he mentions, must be the same

with those now under consideration. Darius also enumerates

them among the number of the nations under his sway. He-

rodotus does not mention the general name of the Paropami-

sades, but only single tribes, among whom the Sattagydes

perhaps belong to the Paropamisades of a later period.f

In these accounts the national discrepancies between eastern

and western Cabulistan appears most evident, the western half

belonging to the Paropamisades, the eastern to India.

Ptolemy’s accounts are contemporaneous with a period refer-

red to in some of the coins; the additional value his infor-

mation thus acquires, is enhanced by constant perspecuity of

detail and expression.

He considers the (Keac) Koas (VII. I.) as the main river, as”

it indeed has a much longer course than the Cabul or Cophen,

which stream is not mentioned at all. Hence according to him,

the Koas disembogues into the Indus, and the Suatus (in the In-

dian language Zubhavastu, the Sewad) into the Koas. He knows

the sources of the latter in the mountains of the high north,

which he calls the mountains of the Komedes.

Under the sources at the Koas there live the Lambage,

* Strabo; XV: 26:

+ Old Persian arrow-headed inscriptions, p. 110.

1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 475

(Lampate) whose billy district extends to the mountains of the

Komedes, hence up the valley of the Kameh and into the Cau-

casus over the Pengkora or Guraeus, a country of wide extent,

while in Sanscrit Lampaka denotes only the inhabitants of the

valley Lamghan, on the western side of the Kameh valley.

Ptolemy’s authority gives us evidence, that the restriction of that

name (Lamghan) is of a more modern date, and that the deriva-

tion of the name from Lamech, according to Sultan Baber’s con-

jecture, is a wholly vicious etymology. The peculiar Lamghani

language, prevailing in this mountain valley, together with the

language of the inhabitants of the higher Kameh valley and the

Indian Caucasus, viz. of the Kafirs, thus called, is an Indian

dialect, and the separation of the Lamghanians and Kafirs into

different nations, as is the case in Cabul, is not founded upon

any original national discrepancy.

According to Ptolemy, the Koas is the most western river of

India, however, he does not consider it as the boundary river,

_ but in his opinion, the confines between India and the country

of the Paropamisades are the meridian, in which the sources of

the Oxus* are included ; he places them one degree more to the

west than the Koas, and therefore according to him, a district

westward from the Koas still belongs to India, which as it ap-

pears, is inhabited by the Lambage, he (Ptolemy) mentions ;

for the present Lamghan is included in the very same district

to which Ptolemy has assigned no other inhabitants. These

national boundaries almost completely coincide with the poli-

tical demarcation between the Satrapies of Alexander, viz. be-

tween that of the Paropamisades and of the Upper India.

Looking to eastern Cabulistan, we observe, the district Suas-

tene lies, according to Ptolemy, at the sources of the Suastus ;

it is therefore the same that Elphinstone has called Upper

Sewad.

He places the situation of the country Goryaea (r wovata) be-

low the Lambage and Suastene. This is the district between

the Bagur and the Pengkora, and on the other hand, that to the

Lundye, i in the north of the Cabul river to the mountains, which

include the Kameh from the east.

Mey Vols, ee

476 Lassen on the History traced [No. 101.

The name Goryaea is therefore used by Ptolemy, as it appears

in a more comprehensive sense, than the name of the nation of

the Guraei is ordinarily used by the ancient (geographers).

The evident carefulness with which Ptolemy always proceeds in

the applications of names, renders it not improbable, that he had

good reasons in using that name in a more comprehensive sense.

Goryaea (perhaps Garja in the language of that country,*) seems

indeed to point to an expression like Kohdaman in our days,

(west from the Kandar hills,) the mountain district below the

highest ranges of the snow-clad peaks.

Ptolemy places between the Suastus and the Indus, the Gan-

darians, to whom the town Proklais (Poklais) is appropriated ;

here then the Gandarians are restricted to the northern bank

of the Cabul river; for Proklais is the Peukela of the ancients,

and the Pushkala of the Indian geography ; according to Strabo

the Kophen still runs through the Gandaritis. The dominion

of the Gandarians, as it appears, is therefore restricted to the

northern mountain valleys, and Ptolemy is instrumental him-

self in explaining this. In describing the extent of the Indo-

Scythian empire, he observes, that its main part is situated along

both banks of the Indus, but he also places Indo-Scythian towns

just in the country along the lower part of the Cabul river, i. e.

just in the old seats of the Gandarians. Among them Artoartar |

appears even to be the capital or the royal camp of the horde. |

Artoartar is there a foreign word, and arta reminds one rather of |

the Parthian than of Scythian elements of the language, it is the

drta of the names Artaxerxes, Ardeshir, &c. But since upon |

Scythian coins Athro and Ardethro, consequently Persian |

names of Gods are observed, it is no wonder, that we meet like- |

wise in their towns with elements of Iran.f Artoartar having

* From gari, in Sanscrit giri, mountain, Zend gairi ; there consequently

perhaps gari. The modern word in Affghanian language is gur, but hence

it does not follow, that Goryaea must be derived from that language. .

+ Artoartar 121° 30’, 31° 15’. Nagara 121° 30’, 32° 30’. Divertigium Coae

ad Paropamisades 121° 30’, 330 0’ the juncture of the Cabul and Kameh,

Nagora and Artoartar were therefore situated in the same meridian.

But since the course of the Indus as well as the country bordering to it is |

displaced much too far towards east and west, the real situation of those

three places carmot be looked for in the same meridian.

1840. ] Jrom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 477

been ascertained as a town of the Scythians in the country of

the lower part of the Cabul river, gives evidence, that the

Gandarians had at that period no longer the dominion in their

native country, and it offers itself the conjecture, that an in-

dependent power of the Gandarians maintained itself only

round Peukela. Of the towns which Ptolemy still mentions as

lying in these Indian confines, Nayapa m kat AtovucdrodArg

is especially notable, Nagara, a genuine Indian word, is the name

of the town, it therefore probably had with the Indians the

meaning of the principal town of this district. The term “ town

of Dionysos,” cannot be attributed but to the Greeks, who

full of the expedition of Bacchus to India, thought, that they

recognised even in this town the vestiges of his energies. If

Ptolemy has correctly fixed its situation, it would lie opposite to

the mouth of the Kameh. As, however, the whole country is

assigned another position in geugraphy, this only is certain in the

statement of Ptolemy, that Nagara was situated on the southern

bank of the Cabul river, not far from Jelalabad. Below Nagara

there follow four more towns, assigned to Indo-Scythia, Nagara

itself is not numbered among them.

When we now turn to Ptolemy’s description of western Cabulis-

tan, this is, in his opinion, the country of the Paropamisades.*

The eastern boundaries toward outer India are already defined ;

Jelalabad and Lamghan belong to India. Bactria borders it in

the north, the natural confines there being the Hindookush ;

in the south is Arachosia, from which the Paropamisades are

separated by mountains under the name Ilagurat. Mr. Ritter

asserts, probably correctly, that they begin at Sefidkoh, and

extend to the table land of Ghuzneet. It is indeed a very

general term, parvata, mountain, and the name recurs for the

northern tribe of the Arachosians, viz. Hlapyunrac3 as it is the

Same name, so it is undoubtedly the same nation, the moun-

taineers on the right bank of the Ghuznee river. Ptolemy sup-

_ posed these mountains to extend from east to west, while they

tun south-west. He fancies, as does Strabo on the authority of

at Wile $8:

+ See the map to the essay above mentioned.

478 Lassen on the History traced (No. 101.

Eratosthenes, that the country is a square, and on this supposi-

tion he defines the place of the different nations. The Cabolte

live according to him, towards the north, namely in the valleys

of the Gurbend and Panjhir; the town Ortospana or Cabura

in the centre of the country (which is certainly identical with

the modern Cabul), supplies their name. The <Aristophyli,

a Greek name, have their abode in a westerly direction towards

Aria; we must look for them below the Kohi-Baba. Further

down are seated the Pabii, or after another reading, the Parsii ;

the Ambaute, lastly, live in the east, and are therefore the neigh-

bours of the Lamghani; this name has likewise turned out

useless, and we cannot draw any conclusion from it.

It is strange, that Ptolemy does not mention the tributaries of

the Cabul river in this part of Cabulistan, it is said, at least he

does not; however, the river ['wetac, into which another dis-

embogues, is probably the Gurbend, and the nameless river is

perhaps the Cabul itself, the Kophen of old, of which there is

made no mention.

Of the names of towns, Cabura has been already touched

on; traces of the town of Alexander have disappeared at this’

place, and it is difficult to look for it under another name

among those that Ptolemy noticed; but we shall still make

especial mention of one among them. <Arftoartar recurs here, as

it were to show us the old seats of the Scythians, from which

they started for the Indus. It lies in a north westerly direc-

tion from Kabura, and just in the mountains, where the passes

lead from the sources of the Cabul river to Bamian. .

In the statement of Ptolemy it appears much more distinctly

than in those of the Macedonian period, that eastern and west-"

ern Cabulistan were likewise, in a national point of view, se-

parated into two equal divisions, almost consentaneous with their

natural boundaries ; the western half belonged to that nation,

whose separate tribes are comprehended under the general name

of the Paropamisades ; the eastern is numbered with the Indians ;

but the plain at the lower part of the river is now under the —

power of the Indo-Scythians, and perhaps only Nagara, and the

- Gandarians give the appearance of independent Indian nationa-

lity. It is a great loss, that Ptolemy does not furnish us with

1840. | ~ from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 479

any information on the political statutes of western Cabulistan.

Upon these, as well as upon the national relations, a much

clearer light is thrown by those accounts, of which we shall

presently make use. We allude to the reports, given by the

Buddhist Chinese travellers, which are contained in Abel Ré-

musat’s posthumous work, so important to Indian geography.*

There are three such reports, the most ancient of which is,

however, alone completely published. First, the report of

Fahian, who in the year 400 a. p. made a pilgrimage to India.

Secondly, that of Soung Yuntse and Hoeiseng, who in the

beginning of the sixth century were in India.{ Lastly, the

report of Hiuan Thsang, who came to India about the year

632 A.D.

As these travellers were Buddhists, and pilgrims to the holy

places of their belief, this religious purpose is the prevailing

subject in their narrations, and they omit many things on which

it would have been of far greater importance to us to obtain in-

formation. But their narratives, as given by eye-witnesses, are

invaluable, and we observe no trace of their having told what

was not reported to them, or what they did not see, or imagine

they saw. Their estimates of distances, when referring to extend-

ed measurements are indistinct and exaggerated ; fortunately

they mention so often places easily to be recognised, that we

can generally set ourselves right without difficulty in the coun-

tries they have enumerated.

But if I now venture to differ in many instances, as to

the interpretation of these Chinese narratives, from Abel Ré-

‘Mmusat and his two successors, Klaproth and Landresse, as well

as from our celebrated geographer Mr. Ritter, I have briefly

(for the detailed exposition of this Chino-Indian geography must

be reserved for another place) to vindicate my deviations.

Rémusat first of all displaces and alters the situation of all the

"countries of western India by supposing, that the Indian district

_ Gandhara is the same with Kandahar (in Sanscrit Kandadhara.)

| ama according to him, Fahian visits Tchuchachilo or Tant-

* Foe Koueki, &c.

t p. 3.

{ p. 354.

480 Lassen on the History traced [No. 101.

chachilo, which the Chinese, however, only described by hearsay ;

and as Fahian does not mention his having gone there over

the Indus from the west, Rémusat inferred, that the situation

of Tanitchachilo must be on the western bank; but it is in fact

the Tawxila, (Takshazila of the Indians) between the Indus

and Hydaspes, Rémusat was therefore under the necessity of

displacing all the districts of the western Indian frontier, too far

westerly. We may again trace, in the report of Hoeisang, the

confusion of Gandhara with Candahar, and the river Southeou,

which is but the Indus (with Fahian Stntheou) is removed to

Kandahar. I undertake to prove these assertions good in all

their details, if their correctness be disputed.

I shall now state, with regard to every province, the grounds

on which its situation is fixed.

Udjdna, Outchang, as it is called by the Chinese, according to

Pracrit form, Ujjand, (garden, park) is bordered by the Indus

to the east ;* the name of the capital is Mengholi, (Mangala, the —

fortunate), and it is probably situated in the valley of the river

Souphofasoutou, as they call it, or of the Zubhavastoo, the Sewad,

or Suastus. Fahian mentions, however, not by name two other

rivers, probably the Penjkora and the Bagur. If Rémusat says,

the country was bordered by Kandahar in the west,+ we observe

in the original Kiantolo, (or Gandhara). This has lead Mr. Ritter

to the mistake of looking for Udjuna near Jéelalabad,t but it lies

to the northward from Gandhara, therefore on the northern side

of the Cabul river.§

We extract the following notices from the copious collection

of Chinese narratives published by Rémusat. The name is said

to have been given to the country by an Indian king of old,

who was wont to hunt here; it was his park. Baber also used

often to hunt here. Besides the Buddhists, there also resided

here a number of Brahmins, who were much devoted to astro-

logical inquiries. .

Buddha is said not to have advanced beyond this. Here

we still find Indian letters, and an Indian dialect, but no where

* Fahian, p. 45. Hiuan Thsang, p. 380.

+ p. 46.

t Erdkunde, VII. p. 289.

§ Foek, p. 379.

1840. | Jrom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 48]

| beyond, i. e. towards the north, where the Caucasus forms the

natural separation of the nations. But Hiuan Thsang says,

perhaps with more exactitude of definition, that the language is

Indian, though with some deviations.* Udjana is many times

mentioned as an independent empire in the Chinese annals _be-

tween the years 400 and 642 a. p.

The little principality Suhoto was situated southward from Ud-

jana, and westward from Kiantola beyond the river (Cabul), if one

set out for it from Kiantolo.t This definition is not very clear,

it must be about the country within the angle between the

Kameh and Cabul, on the northern bank of the latter. Kiantolo

(or Kzanthovei) is bounded on the east by the Indus,f the situa-

tion of the town Foe-chafou was in a westerly direction, three jour- -

neys distant from the Indus. (p. 355) Westward thence was

the town Kiantolo, with the tower of the king Kanishka ; the

same town is also called Poulouchapoulo, or Foe-Leoucha, and

Paloucha seems to be a variety of Foechafou. North-eastward

fifty is beyond the Cabul river (about fifteen miles), there was

situated the town Pousecolofati, (or Pushkalavati,) the district

attached to the town Peukela on the Indus, the Peukelaotis of

ancient writers. The way from the Indus to Peshawur is estima-

ted to be three journeys;$ in this town we recognise Foechafou.

This country is the Gandaritis of the ancients, the Ghandhara

ofthe Indians, and the concurrent testimony of the Chinese

{

narratives does not at all admit its being extended to Kandahar.

The capital, the name of which in the Indian language perhaps

was Purushapura, town of men, town of heroes, is to be looked

for, it appears, in the country of Khybers. There is yet a tope,

| larger and more splendid than that of Manikyala,|| but this can

| hardly be the tower of the king Kanishka.

Fahian describes Foeloucha as an independent little state ; the

| repetition of the same account proves, that the capital of Kian-

tolo, and the town Purushapura, and this Foeloucha of the

* Foek, p. 381.

+ Foek K, p. 64. p. 45 p. 355.

t p. 379.

§ Treffenthaler’s description of Hindoostan, 1. p. 46.

|| As. Trans. III. 327. VI. 879.

3 Q

a eS Ne

482 Lassen on the History traced [No. 101.

three reports is the very same with the tower of the king

Kanishka. From Peshawur Fabian takes a southern, Hoeiseng

a western direction to arrive there, the Khyber mountains lying

to the southwest.

This Parushapura is the same from which Remusat, and after

him Mr. Ritter* presumed to infer, that the Belwens, strong

favourers of Buddhism, already existed at that time. I do not

know whether Mr. Ritter will allow these Belujens of his to

break a lance with a critic.

From Foeloucha westward to Nakie there are sixteen jéanas.t

Hiuan Thsang corrects the name into Nakoloho; he comes

there from Lampho (or Lamghan), crossing the great river

(Cabul) ; it is a distance of 100 lis, or a little more than five

geographical miles.{ Nakoloho lies in the valley of the river

Hilo, where is the town Hilo, one (geographical) mile from the

capital, a mountain is also called Hilo, at which Nakoloho was

situated. (p. 86. p. 54)

This river on the southern bank of the Cabul cannot well be —

any other than the Soorkhrood, and we must look for the town

Nakoloho at the mouth of the stream in Balabagh. The

Buddhist monuments, said to be near Hilo, are the same with

those on the Soorkhrood from Balabagh to Jelalabad. (As. Trans, _

III, p. 325.)

I imagine I recognise the river Hi/o in the Hir of the map of

Danville and Rennel, at the junction of which with the Nilab,

the town Nagar is situated; there is another river Hir to be

accounted for in accordance with the different narratives, which

is said to pass the town of Cabul. If now Hilo certainly be the

same name, Nakoloho also appears with the same certainty a

Chinese paraphrase for. Nagara.

This leads us again to the Nagara of Ptolemy, which must

needs be situated westward from the curvature of the Kameh

river. On account of the evident similarity of the names the

conjecture will be admitted, that his Nagara is not different

* Erd. VII. 678.

ft p. 85.

{ p. 378. The five miles must be taken from the places nearest to both

banks of the river.

1840. | trom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 483

from Nakoloho. His Artoartar might coincide with the town

Purushapura of the Chinese.

For Hilo, and Nakoloho, (or Hir and Nagara) another sup-

position is possible, the correctness of which I have not the

means of deciding. If namely, near Jelalabad, itself a tributary,

falls into the Cabul, this might be the Hir, and Nagar, the Jela-

labad. The name Hir, however, leads of itself to Soorkhrood,

(red river) if the Indian word hiranga, (gold, of gold colour,) may

be recognised in it, and besides in the latest descriptions of Ca-

bulistan, no other notable river, except the Soorkhab* is made

mention of. The architectural monuments of this country, more-

over, which commence at Balabagh, are not discovered more

than four (English) miles beyond Jelalabad. This circumstance,

and the fact, that Lamghan lies opposite, led me look for a

_ higher situation for Nagara on the banks of the river.

Nakie in the year 628 a. p. was subjected to the empire

Kiapiche on the Gurbend, it was the boundary district between

Gandhara and western Cabulistan.t The town was sixteen

| joanas from the capital of Gandhara, or, according to others,

fifty lis in a northerly direction from it beyond the mountains, f

| a distance of about twenty-five geographical miles. Tieffentha-

| ler estimates the way from Soorkhab to Jelalabad at twenty-

four (miles), and the capital of Ghandara cannot have had a

| much more eastern situation than Jelalabad. The way of

| Hiuan Thsang, however, did not follow the river, but the moun-

| tains, and it was perhaps more direct.

__ To set ourselves right in western Cabulistan as to the Chinese

description of it, we must begin with Hiuan Thsang’s entrance

| from the north into the country. He goes from Bamian east-

| ward over the snow-clad mountains, then over those, called The

_ Black, and is then in the country Kiapiche; the distance is not

| stated, but as the town Kiapiche lies in the mountains, he has

| probably gone from Bamian only into the next valley towards

| _ * M. Court conjectures “ sur les marches d’Alexandre,” p. 28. elle (la

_Yiviére de Kabool) entre alors dans la vallée de Djelalabad, ou elle recoit

_ @abord les eaux du Sourkhab, qui vient du Canton de Peiver et ensuite

celles de Khonar (Kameh) qui a sa source dans le Kaferistan.

{ Foe K. p. 89. { Hiuan, Thsang, p. 379.

BSI ss earners

484 Lassen on the History traced [No. 101.

the east. A pass leads in an easterly direction from Bamian-

into the valley of Gurbend; Baber has described this defile ;*

I refer for this to the corrected map of Burnes ; 200 Hs north-

wards from the capital are the great snowy mountains, conse-

quently the Hindookush, so that the capital cannot be Cabul,

as Mr. Landresse conjectures. It was then (632 a. D.) an

independent empire, to which some neighbouring states were

subjected ; we know this fact already of Nakie. There was

the old kingdom of the Gandharas, not perhaps of the Indians,

but of the Scythians, who took afterwards possession of the In-

dian Gandhara. Ptolemy places the town Kapisa two and a

half degrees northwards from Kadbura, and Pliny,t (VI. 25. 23)

when numbering the countries westward from the Indus says,

“a proximis Indo gentibus montana Capissene habuit Capis-

sam urbem, quam diruit Cyrus.”

It is undoubtedly the Kiapiche of the Chinese.

This district is indeed not assigned to India, but most of the _

places, the names of which are cited by Hiuan Thsang, can be

derived from Sanscrit roots. The mountain Pilosolo, (steady as

an elephant,) is Pélusdra ; but this very term for “ elephant’’ is

considered as introduced into Sanscrit from another language.{ —

I only mention this in order to recall the affinity observable —

here to an Indian language.

When Hiuan Thsang leaving Indiaf{ on his pilgrimage had

passed the snowy mountains, he descended for three journeys,

and reached Anthalofo. This is Anderab in the Balkh. On the

southern side, the furthest state is Foelichisatangna(sthana), |

where a Turkish family reigned in the capital Houphina. Baber

made his first march to Cabul from the north through the Pan-

ghir or Kip-chak pass. He says, “ On arriving at the top of

the pass, Upién or Hupian, I saw for the first time the star

Soheil.§’’ This statement determines Houphina.

Below Houphina the empire Thsaokiutho was situated, attach-

ed in Hiuan Thsang’s time to Kiapiche ; it was therefore in the

valley of the Panjhir river. Here also he makes mention of

* Denkwuerdigk, p. 363.

+ De pentap. Ind. p. 84.

t p. 395. § p. 262.

1840. | Jrom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 485

Stoopas, which are attributed to the Indian king Azoka. The lan-

guage and characters of this country were, however, not Indian.

The empire Falanou, extending to the south, the situation

of which most probably is on the river Baran, still belonged

at that period to the kingdom Kiapiche. This river is often

mentioned by Mr. Masson, and still more often by Sultan

Baber, and it is strange enough, neither of them distinctly say

what river is meant by it. According to Baber, the Alingar dis-

embogues into the Baran, (p. 276) and in travelling from Cabul

to Lamghan on crossing the Baran,§ two distinct plains are met

with between the foot of the mountains of Gurbend, and the

river Baran. Baber goes down along the Baran to collect the

revenues of Nijrow. Hence Baran must be the name for the

united Gurbend and Panjhir rivers downwards to Lamghan.

The statement of Falanou lying below Thsaokiutho, leads to the

same conclusion, and it is a much more certain one than the dis-

tances, incorrectly stated regarding this immediate region, enable

us to arrive at; but I cannot enter here upon an examination

of them. It must be the Kohdaman, perhaps the Verena of the

Vendidad. Beghram probably was, in Falanou, separated, as it

appears from Cabul. Falanou, though a province of Kiapiche,

is still assigned to India, however little similarity the language

is said to -have had to Indian idioms. It seems to have been

here, that the distinctive separation of the spoken languages

occurred.

In his journey to India Hiuan Thsang, does not describe

Falanou and Thsaokiutho, but he goes from Kiapiche to Lampho.

This seems to intimate, that he travelled a mid-course, between

_ the two above mentioned countries, upon the great road, which,

deaving Thsaokiutho to the left and Falanou to the right, leads

over Beghram to Nijrow, Lamghan and Jelalabad. (Masson As.

@. V. p. 2.)

Lampho is 600 lis distant, in an easterly direction, from

Kiapiche, the way goes through difficult defiles, it was on the

confines of India, and lies about the Black mountains ; they are

perhaps the Siahkoh on the river Kohdaman. (Masson I. 1. p. 2)

Lampho certainly cannot be any thing other than Lamghan,

§ pp. 276. 294. 326.

oo,

436 Lassen on the History traced [No. LOL.

the Lambagae of Ptolemy, and Lampaka of the Indians. In

Lamghan there exists an old monument, which the Mahom-

medans pretend to be the tomb* of Lamech, which Hiuan

Thsang has perhaps visited.

The aboriginal inhabitants of Lamghan still use an Indian

dialect, and it is indeed a very remarkable fact, that the national

contrasts of these people may be so distinctly traced throughout

various periods. Ptolemy and Hiuan Thsang entirely agree as

to this point, and we have besides the language in corroboration.

Hiuan Thsang did not meet with an Indian language, or Indian

characters in the valleys beyond the Kohdaéman; within the

Kohdaman itself, there was a certain similarity with the Indian

dialects. On the southern bank of the Cabul river, Nakoloho is —

the extreme boundary of India.

I hope, that I have thus illustrated, though very briefly, the

Chinese description of those districts; there remains yet another

province, which the Buddhist pilgrims, whose reports are avail-

able to us, have not visited, to complete this sketch, and it

must be still touched upon. This is Kipin; which Fahian men-

tions, without having advanced so far himself;t it is entirely

passed over by Hiuan Thsang. It often occurs in the Chinese

annals, from soon after the year 142 B. c. down to 758 a. D. ;f

it was then united with Udjana. In the beginning of the sixth

century it waged war with Gandhara on a boundary question,

(Foe K. p. 354) and must therefore have possessed those districts

which were adjacent on the west to Gandhara. As the Chinese

annals make mention of relations between Kipin and the Chinese

court, but not of any with Kiapiche, we might be disposed

to presume, that Kipin was the diplomatic expression, used to

indicate the complete empire Kiapiche. But the statements

point to another situation. Kipin was 700 lis to the southward

from Bamian, and not eastward as was Wiapiche, and 400 lis

eastwards from Sieiu with its capital Husina, which must be

Ghuznee. These accounts lead one indeed to the neighbour-

hood of Cabul, which is not mentioned in the reports of the

* Baber, p. 276. Hence he derives the name.

t p. 22.

{ The reports are collected by Ritter VII. 682.

1840. | trom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 487

pilgrims. Here Remusat’s assertion, that Kipin is the country

about the Kophen, seems to be confirmed. It is the tract

about the sources of the river rising to the west of Cabul. It

accords with this opinion (to maintain) that Kipin was distin-

guished as a state independent of Kiapiche and Falanou, and

is made mention of as a principality which bordered upon Gan-

dhara, and at one time also possessed Udjana. It is likewise in

accordance with the above, to distinguish Kaofu, by which term

Cabul seems to be meant, from Kipin. The one fact is evident,

that the word Kipin was used in a more extended and more

limited sense at different periods. The Chinese accounts most

forcibly support what has been already theoretically inferred

from the geographical character of the Cabul districts, that they

easily split into a number of petty principalities, subjected to con-

stant alteration as regarded their extent and their boundaries.

§ 12.

The Alphabetical Characters.

We will first inquire as to the letters (used in these countries),

and this inquiry will be made rather with reference to their

historical than their paleographic relations, as these latter can-

not be explained in all their bearings (consequences), without

our having obtained the perfect alphabet.

First, as to their nature. The letters are partly independent, °

i.e. such as occupy their own places in the line, and partly

dependent, such as the vowel signs; the former are either con-

sonants, or diphthongs, or vowels commencing a syllable.

Let me first put together the consonants, as we have disco-

vered them. |

Guttarals-: 60.4 seas 2 Wk 3s. kh 3m.) he:

LEE CIES |S AA ee ey 767)

Stipes si. «sire oniiels ced tute Vscd sith ch Tn Sesrdht

IANS Sees bes otev'e np. S. f. (doubtful. )

Semivowels: ......... rah: Vaal ou i etlis, SaUNe.

BUDPAMES 2) ccc ccecccses Saeki STIS,

PNISAIS 6. vosins ais os aoe sav Jo Ws: Sy Ey Ms

Finally, an uncertain sign f.

488 Lassen on the History traced [No. 10].

This table shows still some deficiencies ; we still want a G,

which I do not venture to adopt from a doubtful word of the

inscriptions on the topes ; we may also look for a K ( @ ) and

a B, perhaps also the softer sibilants. This conjecture is found-

ed upon the observation, that the characters still undecyphered,

are as many as there are letters deficient ; and under this idea,

the supposition that the language may not have possessed con-

vertible, and intermediate consonants, is nullified. |

The diphthong P, 6, is always written within the line; the

same must also be supposed as to the analagous % é, though this

is not yet determined with certainty.

The vowels 9, a, and %, u, appear to be ascertained, but J, i,

is not so certain. If the remark, that in the alphabet the

different quantities of the vowels are not expressed, be well

founded, we-have not to look for further additions to the vowels ;

but we must still wait the decision, as to whether the sign,

supposed to denote the shortened u, can be proved correct, or

whether & was ordinarily substituted for u. Upon this suppo-

sition, however, would arise a contradiction as well in the mode of

representing the vowels between i, and u, as also in the manner of

expressing the Greek v. The vowels i, and originally, as is most

probable, u, also, when following consonants, are denoted by

peculiar marks, annexed to the consonants; the i by a small

perpendicular line’ drawn through the consonant from above; u,

if our supposition be correct, by a small angular projection to

the right.

A, is considered as inherent in the consonant, and a conso-

nant which presents no other sign of a vowel, must ordinarily

have the vowel a, whether long or short. A, being excluded

from a final consonant, is not denoted by any sign. ‘There

seems to exist a diacritical point for distinguishing similar

characters; a small cross line annexed below is a mere calli-

graphic ornament.

(To be continued.)

489

Journal of a trip through Kunawur, Hungrung, and Spiti, undertaken

im the year 1838, under the patronage of the Asiatic Society of

Bengal, for the purpose of determining the geological formation

of those districts—By Tuomas Hutton, Lieut., 37th Regt. N. J.

Assistant Surveyor to the Agra Division.

PCPLO LE EPPO LELE PDE LO

PART II.

On the 15th of June, the thermometer, at sunrise, indicated 47°,

at an elevation of 10,522 feet above the sea. This morning we

started betimes, and once more proceeded in search of the habitations

of men. :

About a quarter of a mile from camp, we had to cross a torrent,

whose waters were luckily at this early hour of the day, reduced by the

frosts on the heights from which it came, but yet its force was such,

that it required some care and exertion of strength, to enable a man to

stem it safely. Seeing me make preparations to wade through it with

the rest, a couple of sturdy Tartars at once came forward, and while

the one stooped down and offered me his back, the other, before I could

say a word, had bound me to it with his red sash, like any other load,

and away they trudged into the stream, where after several awkward

stumbles, caused as much by their laughter at my apparent uneasiness

as from the violence of the stream, they gained the opposite bank in

safety, and released me from bondage. They then gave assistance to

several of the loaded people, and seemed to care little about the cold-

ness of the stream, although its temperature was 36°, and the hour of

the morning, seven.

The streams, whose waters are supplied from the melting of the

snows above, are often only passable in the early hours of the day,

when their sources are still bound up by the frosts of the preceding

night, swelling so rapidly towards the afternoon, under the influence of

the sun’s rays, that neither man nor beast can stem them. I saw an

instance of this in a stream at Hungo, where at four o’clock in the

_ afternoon its breadth was upwards of twenty feet, while at seven next

morning, when I crossed it, it was, though still strong and violent,

barely eight feet across.

490 Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. [No. 101.

While on the subject of rivers, it may not be amiss to notice an

error which Dr. Gordon has inadvertently fallen into. In his account

of a voyage down the Indus to Bombay, he attributes the small

quantity of water observable in the Sutledge and Garra, during the

winter months, to have been occasioned by the failure of the rains in

the hills, during the preceding season.

The fact is, that these rivers are not at all dependent on the rains for

their supplies, but like all those which have their sources in the hills,

are fed, during winter, from the snows alone; and the small quantity of

water remarked by Dr. Gordon, was occasioned by the severity of the _

frosts in the upper hills, which had bound up their sources in ice.

The rivers of the plains are most swollen during the months of June,

July, August, and September, because at that season the frosts on the

snowy ranges are less severe, and the snow melts away beneath the

influence of the summer heats from all the inferior elevations, supply-

ing the rivers with abundance of water, which again gradually decrease

in violence as fresh autumnal frosts and falls of snow occur.

This too is annually proved to be the fact by the rapid rise in

all these rivers during the hot months, before the rainy season has

commenced.

As the rivers are most swollen during the prevalence of the monsoon,

it may appear to the inhabitants of the plains that the rise of the waters

is to be wholly attributed to the rainy season, and that the volume

of their waters diminishes as the rains gradually die away. This,

however, would prove a very erroneous idea, for although undoubtedly

rivers after coming within the influence of the monsoon, receive

immense additions from the drainage of the surrounding country, yet

it must be remembered that they are not at ali affected by the rains

through a great portion of their passage through the mountains, and

especially in those regions where they take their rise.

Thus they could merely receive those additions during the prevalence

of the monsoon, and whether the rainy season had been heavy, or the

reverse, it would exercise no influence over the rivers during the

winter months, or in any way affect the quantity of water at that

season.

The sources of all the larger rivers from these hills are situated far

beyond the influence of the periodical rains, and consequently the total

failure of the monsoon could but affect them during that particular

1840. ] Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. 491

season, and then only in those parts within its influence. Did these

rivers owe their origin to the rains, the remark would have been

correct enough, but as they derive their source from lakes, and are fed

by snow waters till they have passed through the outer barriers of the

snowy range, it must be apparent that the shallowness of their streams

in winter is-owing solely to the severity of the frosts above.

The volume of such rivers during winter, even many hundreds of

miles from their sources, will always furnish a sure, and never-failing

index to the rigour or mildness of the seasons in the mountain tracts

from which they take their rise; for if the winter be mild above, the

rivers will possess a more abundant supply than when the contrary

is the case, and the changes too, which take place above, such as frosts

and thaws, will always be marked by corresponding changes in the

volume of the rivers.

An instance of this kind fell under my own observation during

the passage of the Indus, in January 1839, near Shikarpore, by His

Majesty Shah Shooja. During the few days occupied in crossing his

troops, the river fell amazingly, so as to lay bare some sand banks

which had the day previous been deeply covered with water. This

| was of course occasioned by severe frosts in the regions of the Himalaya

_ through which the Indus and its various tributaries flow, and shortly

_ after, I received letters from the hills, which stated that the winter in

| the higher tracts had been severe, and that much snow had fallen. The

subsequent melting of this snow a little later in the spring, again

_ caused such a rapid rise in the waters of the river, as to add greatly

to the labours and anxiety of the engineers who were constructing a

bridge of boats at Bukkur for the passage of the army of the Indus,

for the swell of the waters was so great as to threaten the destruction

_of the bridge, by sweeping away the boats.

In the stream we had just waded through, a man and_his pony last

year in attempting to ford it at midday, were swept down by the force

of the current, and hurried into the Spiti, where they were both lost

in the rush of waters. .

_ Our path from this treacherous torrent continued tolerably level,

along the side of the river; one while broad and good, as it led us

across the alluvial flats, and again affording scarcely room for the

foot of any living creature, save the sheep and goats which had form-

| ed it.

492 Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. [No. 101.

About half way between our last encampment and the village of

Larree, to which we were journeying, stands Soomra, situated on the

right bank of the river, and within the district of Hungrung; it is

built on one of the accumulations of alluvion so often alluded to;

and in which the valley abounds.

Many of its fields are now uncultivated, and the village itself, though

appearing to possess many houses, is occupied by ¢hree families only,

each consisting of from six to eight souls. There were lately two other

families residing here, but they could not rear sufficient to recompense

them for their labour, and have emigrated to some other place.

Near this we fell in with a large flock of beautiful sheep from

Choomoortee, which was travelling to Dunkur for grain. The sheep

are driven from village to village with the wool on, and as the required

quantity is cut from their backs, they are laden with the grain which

is received in exchange ; and which, when the fleece is all disposed of,

is carried up into Chinese Tartary and sold at a profitable rate.

The wool of the Choomoortee breed is very fine, and much longer

than that of the low country sheep ; it is therefore in much repute, and |

purchased for the purpose of making birmore, sooklat, and blankets.

The wool called “ pushm,” from which shawls and pushmeenas

(shawl stuffs) are made, is entirely obtained from a breed of goats re-

sembling those to which the name of ‘‘ Cashmere,” has been applied ;

they are often four or five horned, and do not thrive below Pooee and

Soongnum in Kunawur, both because they are unable to bear any de-

gree of heat, and on account of the humidity of the lower climates.

Their true habitat is in the higher and remoter regions of Chinese Tar-

tary, where they attain to their greatest perfection.

The pushm is a remarkably fine wool, very silky and soft to the

feel, and grows at the roots of the long hair with which the animal is

clothed. It is obtained in the summer months by shearing the goats,

in the same manner as sheep, and afterwards separated from the hair,

which is not thrown away, but reserved for the purpose of making

ropes, as hemp is unknown in these higher tracts. This wool is after-

wards brought to the lower hills for sale, and forms one of the chief

exports from Tartary. The pushmeenas, which are manufactured. from

it, are chiefly from Rampore and Cashmere.

The skins of this breed are also used by the Tartars as an article of

dress for the winter, and form with their long hair and thick pushm, a

1840. | Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. 493

warm and comfortable garment, which is worn with the hair inwards,

in the manner of a cloak.

A fine pushm is also obtained from the large breed of Tartar dogs,

usually termed ‘‘ Thibet mastiffs” ( Canis Molossus, var Thebitanus ),

but it is not in sufficient quantities to form an article of commerce, al-

though it is said to be far superior in quality to that of the goats.

Captain Herbert remarks, that, “‘ the Government has not succeeded

in introducing the shawl goat either into Hungrung or Kunawur.

This as regards the former district is a mistake, for although they will

not thrive in the more humid climate of Kunawur, they abound in

Hungrung and in Spiti, although the breed is not reputed so good or

productive of wool, as that of higher Tartar districts.

This third march at length brought us to an inhabited place, and

there we halted for the day. The village of Larree is situated on the

left bank of the Spiti, on a deposit of alluvial soils. It is nevertheless

a poor place, and contains but ¢hree families, consisting of about twenty

souls. There are some good flocks and herds of yaks belonging to this

village, which however were all away on the heights at graze, the

neighbourhood of Larree producing nothing in the shape of pasture.

Here growing in the fields among the grain, were many plants of a very

pretty and delicate iris, which I had observed also at Chango, in

Hungrung; it forms the third species I have met with in my trip.

The flowers are of a pale blue, and the petals delicately veined with a

darker tint; there was also a white variety of the same, occurring in

some abundance. Another very beautiful flower was also seen spread-

ing along the ground in stony or otherwise barren places, and bearing

a large white blossom ; it occurs throughout Tartary, and in some of

the higher parts of Kunawur, and in the former country is called

/“ Kabra.”

On our arrival at this village the people refused to have any thing

to say to us, and to our demand of grain, &c., they declared they pos-

sessed none, as in the preceding year the village had been plundered

by Runjeet’s troops, and the present crop was not yet ripe. This my

guide declared to be a lie, as he knew they had plenty, but were

fearful that we should help ourselves without giving payment for what

we took.

After a long parley they were induced to bring a small quantity of

| flour, which they offered for sale at four seers for the rupee. This,

494 Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. —_[No. 101.

I at once refused to take at such a rate, as I knew they were selling

it much cheaper among themselves, and I had purchased it at Chango

at twelve seers.

I therefore opened my own store and supplied my people for the day,

but even the knowledge that we could do without their grain failed to-

reduce its price. Nor was I more fortunate in obtaining a sheep for

my own use; for they would not produce a fat or a healthy one, but

brought mé an old ewe, which looked like the mother of. the flock, and

declining to buy her, I was necessitated to take a two year old he-

goat, or to go without my dinner.

Leaving Larree on the 16th of June, I continued my route towards

Dunkur. A short walk, during which we had to ford two streams,

brought us to the village of Tabo, which is chiefly inhabited by Lamas,

who cultivate the soil, and attend also upon the takoordwara, or tem-

ple, which is a large building, and ornamented inside with a number

of earthen figures of their gods, by no means badly executed. These are

arranged along the walls of the principal rooms, which are also painted

with many grotesque figures and flowers connected with their my-

thology.

Last year when the Ladak rajah was obliged to seek protection in

Bussaher from Runjeet’s troops, the figures in this temple were sadly

mutilated. The houses of the Lamas were pulled down, and the noses

and hands of the idols were cut off and thrown into the river. This

outrage is generally attributed by the people to their invaders, but in

reality it seems that it was perpetrated by the followers of the Ladak

rajah themselves, who when deserted by their master, thought to ingra-

tiate themselves with their conquerors, by assuming the same form of

turban, and mutilating the gods of their own countrymen. If asked who

defaced the images, the Lamas always accuse the “ Singa,” as they

term the Seikhs, but when questioned as to the numbers who invaded

them, all accounts agree in stating sia or seven men, and the rest were

the adherents of the Ladak rajah. These fellows also, finding the op-

portunity favourable, and knowing that the blame would be laid upon

others, plundered every village in Spiti, and levied a fine of fifteen

rupees on each, with a threat that they would repeat the visit. Every

excess is however attributed to the Seikhs.

From Tabo we proceeded towards Pokh, or Pokhsa, by a road which

1840. | Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. 495

one while led us along the margin of the Spiti, and at another, up over

crumbling rocks of slate which overhung the river. These heights

were sometimes of a frightfully dangerous nature, the soil being so loose

and crumbling, that often the pathway had slipped down altogether into

the waters below, and left a gap over which we were obliged to pass

by making holes for our feet, while we literally overhung the roaring

torrent at a height which made one shudder to behold. I am quite

_ sure that had I been left to myself, I should have fallen from the very

care I took to avoid it, and from the mere fear lest I should fall; but

_ the people about me were well used to such kind of places, and seemed

to regard them no more than would a goat or a sheep, and as one gave

me a hand to steady me forward, and another kept a hand at my back

to reassure me, I managed to get across well enough, although L

should previously have been very much inclined to say that the place

was impracticable. So much however does habit hide the danger of

any place, that on my return I walked along it without assistance, and

without the least idea of falling, though the coolies preferred sliding

down an easier part of the hill, and walking knee-deep in water.

A far more dangerous passage than this, was wading along the

margin of the river Spiti, at a place where its waters had swallowed up

the road. Descending gradually from the heights already mentioned,

the pathway lies along the margin of the stream, at a place where the

rocky mountain is too precipitous to be scaled. When the river is

unswollen by the melting of the snows the road thus runs between it

and the mural cliff which rises from the bank. Now, however, at this

late period the waters washed against the cliff itself, and left no passage

for about 200 feet, but through the stream. Taking hold of each

other’s clothes with one hand, and pressing the other firmly against

the rock, we slowly and cautiously entered the rapid stream, groping

along the bank up to our waists in water, whose temperature was any

thing but hot, and whose force was such, that had any one lost his

footing among the stones and fallen, he would inevitably have been

carried down by the current, and most probably drowned. The distance,

however, was not very great, and we reached the road again in safety,

_ where it once more emerged from the river’s bed. Luckily this cold bath

occurred but a short distance from our journey’s end, and hastening

on we soon arrived at Pokh, where we were glad to strip off our drip-

_ ping garments and warm ourselves at a blazing fire in the open air.

496 Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. [No. 101.

Pokh is a small and shabby looking village, and the houses, like ail

those of Hungrung and Spiti, are built partly of stone and partly of

mud, or unbaked bricks, that is, of stone for the foundation, and bricks

above; the walls are usually daubed over with whitewash, which, is

obtained from beds of friable gypsum occurring among the clays at the:

lower end of the valley ; the windows and doors are small, particularly

the former, which are often not above eighteen inches square, and have

a red frame or border. As usual there are no trees, except a few

poplars and willows on the margin of a stream. There are, however

some rose bushes and dwarf cedars in a glen behind the village.

Opposite Pokh, on the right bank of the river, is a large patch of

cultivation, and a few houses, called “ Pokh-ma-ring,” although the two

are usually known under one name. The cultivation indeed belongs

to the inhabitants of Pokh, and a communication is kept up by means

of a joola, or number of ropes stretched across the river, on which

passengers slide over. This joola had unfortunately given way just

consequently obliged to remain on the opposite bank, for to swim

the river at this season was impossible. The ropes used in the con-—

struction of this dangerous bridge, if such it can be called, are

made of willow twigs twisted strongly together, and about the

thickness of a man’s wrist; these are sometimes four or five in

number, and are fastened on either bank to an upright post driven

into the ground. From these ropes a loop descends, in which the

person sits, and pulls himself along. Many fruitless attempts were

made to convey a new rope across the river, by fastening a stone toa

long string, and endeavouring to throw it over to the other side, but

not one man in the village could succeed, for the stone invariably fell

into the middle of the stream. The Churriah and Tartars who were

with me also tried their best, but with the same want of success.

A bow and arrows were then resorted to, but they also failed to reach

the bank, and the experiment was abandoned. The Mookiah of the vil-

lage then said he would furnish a yak, to whose tail one end of the rope

was to be fastened, and the animal driven into the stream; if he suc-

ceeded in reaching the opposite shore, well and good ; but if, as was most

probable, the beast failed, and was drowned, he would abide the loss.

As the yak had to be brought from the heights where he was at graze

with the herd, I did not see the experiment tried, but on my return

1840. ] Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. 497

from Dunkur some days afterwards, the ropes were still lying at Pokh,

and no joola had been conveyed across, so I conclude that the expe-

riment had either failed, or had not been resorted to, although I forgot

to make the inquiry.

On the heights, in the neighbourhood of Pokh and Larree, the

wild sheep is said to abound, but there were no hunters in the villages

to send in quest of them, and the only one of whom Soomra could

lately boast, was now no more.

In the past winter he had described a flock upon the heigl behind

his village, at no great distance, and seizing his matchlock had started

for the chase which was destined to be his last. Night came and

passed ; the day succeeded and passed also, yet no hunter returned ;

and at last alarmed at his prolonged absence, his son started in search

of him, but all in vain. The traces of his footsteps were followed for

some distance up the mountain’s side, when, as if the hunter had been

spirited away, or vanished into air, they suddenly ceased at a large

fresh field of broken snow. Days and weeks passed on, and the won-

derful occurrence of his disappearance had begun to be forgotten, when

a sudden thaw took place, and his body was seen yet fresh among the

snows, at the place where his footsteps had ceased. His gun was

in his hand, and he lay as if in a sound sleep; but he was cold and

stiff, for he ‘slept the sleep that knows no waking ;” he had been

smothered in an avalanche from the heights above him. His were the

fields at Soomra which we saw lying barren and neglected, for his

family had left the place.

Of birds, we saw but few, and they were chiefly the raven, and

two species of chough, or red-legged crows. Chikores were abundant,

and the shrill whistle of the Bhair, or Ladak partridge, was occasion-

ally heard high up among the snows. Of the smaller birds, none

but the hardy little sparrow was seen, and I could not help think-

| ing that he, like the sons of Britain, appears in every corner of the

earth.

Leaving Pokh at sunrise on the morning of the 17th of June, we

travelled for about three miles along a flat and extensive plain, strewed

thickly over with boulders of every size. From this we ascended a

short but steep hill, in a N.W.b.W. direction, the river taking a

somewhat sudden turn, forming an elbow, on the outside of which

_ stands the village of Manéss below the Minériang pass, a difficult and

| 39

498 Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &e. [No. 101,

dangerous road, which leads from Spiti into Kunawur, about seventeen

miles from Soongnum.

From this turn the bed of the Spiti becomes much broader, and nu-

merous sand banks, or islands, are seen, some bare and barren, others |

producing shrubs of the barberry, causing the river to divide into |

many channels, which gives a pleasing effect to the scene. A walk of

four miles along the hill side, brought us at length to our encampment

beneath the fort of Dunkur. ,

The fort and village of Dunkur are built high above the Spiti,

among the ragged spires which crown the time-worn rocks that form

its bank. This rock is inaccessible on every side, with the exception

of that by which it is connected with the main range of hills, of which

indeed it forms a. spur, or offshoot towards the river. A stream

descends on one side of it from the heights, and in former days a

covered way existed from the fort to its banks, by which the garrison

were enable to obtain water unperceived by the enemy; this has

however long since fallen into decay, and its ruins now alone serve to

mark the line along which it formerly descended. As a place of

strength, Dunkur was well calculated to hold out against the rude bow |

and arrow warfare, as once practised in these high tracts, but as

a check to troops armed in the modern style, even without guns, it is —

insignificance itself.

The only spot I could find to encamp on here, was on a small patch |

. of grass, immediately at the foot of the cliff on whose crest the fort |

was perched, and which towered up some hundred feet above us. Near —

us were encamped a party of shepherds from Choomoortee, who had just

arrived to sell their wool and purchase grain. It is the custom among |

these people to give an order, while the crops are yet green and on |

the ground, for any amount of grain they may require, which when the

crop is ripe, is stored up by the cultivator until the summer of

the ensuing year, when the shepherd arrives with his flock, gives |

the wool in exchange, and receives his grain, which he puts into small |

bags, brought with him for that purpose, and drives his flock thus

laden back into Chinese Tartary. 4

In the evening when the flock was brought back from pasture, I had

an opportunity of witnessing the mode of shearing. The sheep whose

fleece had been selected, were caught, thrown upon one side, and their

legs bound together, when a shepherd having sharpened the long knife

“|

1840. ] Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. 499

which- he carries at his waist, proceeded with expedition to strip off

the wool, singing all the time, and joking with his comrades, who were

likewise busily engaged around him. In a very short time the whole

of the flock, save a few thin sheep, were sheared, and the wool being

twisted into bundles, was carried up to the fort, to which also the next

morning the sheep were driven, when having each received a load of

from ten to twenty seers, they descended and took the road back to

Choomoortee. ;

Soon after we had encamped, a scufile took place between these

shepherds and my Tartar guide from Leeo, and the latter at last came

into camp with a fine fat looking sheep. I was at first inclined to look

upon this as a daring highway robbery, but it soon appeared that in

the previous year the guide had advanced the sum of five rupees to

these shepherds for pushmeena wool, which they were to bring down

for him, when they descended to the Rampore fair. This wool had

been supplied in part only, and two rupees were consequently still due,

for which the Tartar fearing lest he should be cheated, had seized the

sheep in question. As the animal however with its fleece was worth

more than double the sum required, the shepherds came and entered

into an explanation, which seemed satisfactory to both parties, as the

animal was restored. I laughed at the guide for being so easily paci-

fied, and told him he would never get his money or his wool, but

he replied quite confidently, that the shepherds had pledged their

word, and therefore there was no fear, as a Chinese Tartar never broke

his promise.

With the wool on these sheep are remarkably handsome animals,

and have somewhat the appearance of the large English breeds, but

when shorn, they present such a different picture with their long thin

limbs and narrow carcase, that one would not know them to be the

same animals.

They differ much, also, from the breeds of the lower hills; standing

higher on their legs, and the horns wanting that solidity and strength

which those of Kunawur possess. There is generally a black longitudi-

nal stripe down the middle of the horn. I was anxious to purchase one

or two of this breed, but the people very honestly assured me that they

would not live below, on account of the dampness of the climate.

Most of these sheep were formerly purchased by the British Go-

vernment by an agent appointed for that purpose at Kotgurh, but

500 Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. {No. 101.

from some cause or other it was not found to answer, and the specula-

tion as abandoned. I have been told that a difficulty existed in

inducing the Tartars to sell to the British agent, they preferring to

trade with the people of the higher tracts.

Whatever might have been the case in those days I know not, but

at present I can confidently say, that the Tartars would gladly supply

the Government with any amount they might require. They will not,

it is true, bring their flocks down, because the climate is unfavourable

to them, and also because at the season of the Rampore fair the sheep

which are sheared early in summer do not possess a full fleece. The

wool however which is cut in the beginning of the year, is sold by the

Chinese shepherds to the Tartars of Hungrung and Spiti, and the traders

from Kunawur, and it is these people who would supply the market

if a demand were made for the wool, and who could procure it from

above, in any quantity they chose to pay for.

The failure is far more likely to have been caused by the avarice of

the low country traders, who purchasing the wool cheaply above, and

perhaps, as is often the case, intermixed with hairs,* dispose of it

again at a rate so exhorbitant as to prevent its yielding a remunerating

price in the home markets of Europe.

Had the agent instead of remaining in the lower hills paid an

annual visit to Tartary, and purchased his wool directly from the

shepherds themselves, instead of taking it from the hands of the traders,

he would not only have procured a better, but a cheaper article.

In case this wool should ever again become an article of speculation

either to the Government or to individual enterprise, it may not be

considered superfluous to offer here a few remarks on the method to

be adopted in procuring it.

In the first place I would warn the speculator against trusting to

native agents, but would recommend him to make his purchases him- |

self. He would probably not be allowed to enter the country under

the protection of China, but he might with ease and safety every

summer repair to Hungrung or to Spiti, where the Chinese shepherds

would not fail to meet him by appointment, and furnish any quantity

of wool he might have ordered in the preceding year.

* Since this was written, I have been informed that such was actually the case, and

that the wool was found to be so intimately mixed up with hairs as to render it unser=

viceable, without incurring a ruinous expense in cleaning it! |

1840. | Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. 501

It would be necessary therefore for him to make one trip in order to

see the shepherds, and enter into arrangements with them for a supply

to be delivered in the following summer at any Tartar station they

might decide upon, and also to ascertain what goods they would re-

quire in return ; for money, I imagine, would be held in less estimation

than saleable and useful commodities.

Having made his arrangements, he would again in the following

summer have to repair to the appointed place, where he would find the

shepherds (as I did at Dunkur) ready with their flocks, and he would

thus be able to select his own fleece, and see it shorn before him.

It would therefore be his own fault if any hair or extraneous matter

were received with it. Of this, however, as long as the wool did not

pass through the hands of agents, there would be no fear, for it is those

gentry who adulterate the article in order to increase its bulk, and

so derive from the inexperienced trader a greater profit.

The next point to be considered, is the carriage of the wool to the

lower hills, and this indeed would be the chief expense.

The method to be adopted, must be the same as that resorted to by

the hill people themselves, which is, to load it on the backs of sheep

‘and goats. —

For this purpose it would be necessary to purchase a large flock,

which during the winter season would find an abundant pasture in the

lower tracts, or even in the plains, and in the summer and rainy season

would be roaming over the grassy tracts of the upper hills. |

The first cost of these animals would be the chief expense, but even

this would in the course of one or two seasons repay the outlay by the

kids and lambs which would be produced, while something also would be

recovered by the sale of the wool and ghee obtainable from the flock.

With his flock therefore the speculator would transport to the

Tartar districts, flour, grain, salt, iron, ghee, butter, cloth, sugar,

and other articles in demand among the people, and for which, if his

purchases were judiciously made either in the plains or lower hills, he

}

might not uncommonly receive cent per cent on his outlay.

The profit thus made upon his own merchandise, would not only more

than pay for his wool, but would even nearly, if not altogether, defray

_the expense of transporting it to the plains, and thus indeed when

| once the prime cost of his flock had been realised, the speculator

_ mnight be said to receive his wool for nothing. From the profit arising

502 Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. [No. 101.

on his merchandise also, he would be enabled, should competition be

feared from the present traders, to afford to take the wool at a higher

rate than they can afford to do, and thus he could effectually drive

them from the market, and establish a monopoly.

The experiment is at all events worthy of another trial, since the

former failure is entirely to be attributed to the inexperience of the

agent, and the rascality of the traders who supplied him.

On the following morning, having left behind me four people to

receive supplies, I marched on towards Leedung, crossing the Lingtee

river not far from Dunkur. A walk of about seven miles brought

us to a miserable village of a few huts, which the guide told me

was Leedung, so we halted for the night. After my tent was pitched,

and the people had eaten their dinners, we all proceeded in search

of fossils in the ravines and water-courses which came down from the

heights along the river’s bank. Here, however, nothing worth the

trouble was found, but as I was searching at some distance from

the rest of the party, a lad, whom I recognised as having been with the

Dunkur commandant, came cautiously towards me, making signs that

there was nothing to be had below, and then pointing to the palm

of his hand, and looking towards the summit of the range of hills be-

hind his village, he gave me to understand that for a reward he would

lead me up the pass, where I should find something worth having.

To this I readily agreed, and at once gave him a small red necklace to

make the compact binding. He then in broken Hindostanee, and by

signs, told me that I must keep to myself his having given this infor-

mation, as the killadar had given orders that no one should show

me the path up the heights. I afterwards discovered that he was an

arrant cheat, and had taken me in with his story, as the killadar only

alluded to the passes into Ladak ; however I of course promised silence,

and when he had pointed out the road, we parted, and I returned

to my tent, when I gave orders to the coolies to be ready to accom-

pany me up the heights the next morning.

About a quarter of a mile from Leedung is another small vil-

lage called Larra. In speaking of either place the Tartars invariably

apply the names of both, as Larra-Leedung. This custom is not

however peculiar to Spiti, but prevails also in Kunawur when two

villages are near each other; thus in Spiti we find Larra-Leedung and

Chism-Kéburr to be applied to the villages of Larra and Lee-.

1840.] Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. 5038

dung, and of Chism and Kéburr, the two last being also on different

banks of the river; and in Kunawur the names of Dabling-Doobling

are always taken together, though they belong to different villages.

The crops at Leedung were very poor and backward, and it is

a great chance if they ripened before the snow fell again; the

cultivation higher up the river too, is seldom ready for the reaper

before the end of September, and is often wholly destroyed by an early

fall of snow. 3

In the morning I started with about a dozen people up the mountain

path, and after a toilsome ascent of 3,000 feet, reached the pass above

Leedung. Beyond this was stretched a wide and undulating plain,

shelving gradually to a stream far away in the distance; the pass and

all the neighbouring hills were yet covered deeply in some places with

snow, and the whole scene was one of cold and dreary solitude, with not

a tree to intercept the view, nor ought of vegetation but the furze.

Beyond the Shelving tract of land which spread down from the ghat,

_ arose again a mighty snow-clad range of hills lifting its hoary head to

an elevation varying from fifteen to twenty thousand feet above the sea.

Here on the summit of the pass, which is 15,200 feet, an extensive bed

_ of decomposing shale gave a black and charred appearance to the soil,

while high on either hand rose mural cliffs of brimstone interstratified

with sandstones of different textures ; these were spliting by the action

_ of the frost, and falling in heavy masses down the ghat, where low down

they formed vast beds of broken fragments of every size. Crossing this

pass and descending along the shelving plain, we came, to my surprise,

suddenly upon a village situated in the hollow formed by the undula-

ting and blackened hillocks of shale which rose in all directions, look-

ing like heaps of coals and cinders. Beyond this, the Tartar lad point-

ed to some dark ravines, or water-courses, where he said the fossils

were to be found. Thither we of course repaired, but though we

searched long and closely throughout the day, a few broken and useless

Specimens of the casts of Ammonites and Belemnites were all that we

collected, and after wandering among the snows and swamps and

) ‘muddy fields, at an elevation of 14,000 feet, from seven in the morning

until 5 pr. m., I returned weary and disheartened to the pass, from

whence we again descended to our camp at Leedung.

Though puzzled to account for my want of success, I had never-

. theless seen enough of the formation on the heights to feel convinced

504 Journal of a trip through Kunawur, fe. [No.H0l.

that fossils must exist there, if they were really to be found in the

Spiti valley, and I consequently determined to devote another day toa

further search. Accordingly on the morrow I broke up my encamp-

ment, and repaired to the village we had seen on the heights above

Leedung, among the regions of snow. Having now plenty of time to

look about me, I commenced a closer search in the bed of a snow

stream, which had scooped a narrow channel through the decomposing

shales. Here I was soon rejoiced to find that I had at last “ hit the

nail upon the head,” and a large supply of Belemnites rewarded me

for wading ankle deep up the chilly stream. Along with these a few

broken Ammonites were also found, and a species of bivalve shell,

which the Tartars termed ‘‘ puthur ka muchlee,” or fossil fish.

From this place, which was elevated 15,250 feet above the level of

the sea, and covered here and there with beds of snow, I proceeded,

after several hours search, to the village about a mile farther down,

where my tent was pitched and my people had all arrived.

The following day was again devoted to a search for more and

better specimens in various directions, but to very little purpose ; and

seeing now no prospect of obtaining more, and being unable from the

depth of snow to search the lake of Chumor-ra-reel, now only three

days journey from us, I was reluctantly compelled to give the order to

retreat, for our provisions had dwindled to one day’s supply, and

there was here no prospect of procuring more for love or money.

The village at which we had encamped was called ‘“ Gewmil,”

and had an elevation of 14,104 feet, yet here, in spite of reviewers

and reviews, surrounded in the month of June by deep and extensive

beds of snow, a fine and healthy tract of cultivation smiled, like

‘some bright emerald midst the desert waste.” At this season, however,

the wheat and barley was barely six inches above the ground, and from

the elevation of the tract, it seldom ripens before the first days of

October. The hills around it on every side are clothed to their sum-

mits with the Chinese furze (Astralagus of Royle) which notwith-

standing the advanced season of the year, had scarcely put forth a

single leaf. This backwardness was however somewhat unusual, and

was owing to the lateness of the last fall of snow, which throughout

the upper parts both of Kunawur and Spiti, had fallen two months

later in the season than is generally experienced ; so heavy indeed was

the snow still lying on many of the higher passes, that it is more than -

1840.) = Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. 505

probable they could not have been free from it, or open to travellers

before the fresh autumnal falls occurred.*

The season of 1837, which in the Provinces, from want of rain,

brought sickness and scarcity upon the inhabitants, was also a time

of trial and misery to the poor Spiti Tartars, inhabiting the villages

beyond the fort of Dunkur. It was, however, not the want, but the

excess of rain, a thing so unusual in those parts, which caused the

failure of their crops, by rotting them on the ground; and the little

that escaped this scourge, and which would eventually have ripened,

was cut off so early as the month of August by a heavy fall of snow

which crushed and beat down the grain, and rendered it useless. At

the time therefore when I visited those parts, so far from being able to

furnish me with supplies, the wretched people were actually reduced,

like beasts of the field, to seek for herbs and wild roots with which to

satisfy the cravings of hunger, and they were rendered almost frantic

with delight by the gift of a handful of meal, which, though straitened

as we were ourselves, it would have been inhuman to deny them.

Many have been obliged to leave their homes and go as labourers

to Ladak, who were lately in possession of cultivated lands.

This, it would appear, is by no means an uncommon occurrence in

the higher portions of the valley, for the people in speaking of the

quantity of grain likely to be gathered from their fields, always put in

the proviso, ‘‘ if the snow does not fall early.”

Around the village of Gewmil, many ponds are found for the

reception of the snow water, from which the daily quantity requisite

for the irrigation of the crops is supplied. On one of these, at this

_ enormous height, were a pair of Brahminee ducks, which had fled from

the summer heats of the Gangetic Provinces to revel in the cool and

secluded retreats afforded on the snowy heights of Tartary.

Here, too, among the frowning cliffs, the raven and the vulture-

eagle were seen, as also the red-legged and yellow-billed choughs.

From one of the peaks, behind this village, which attained the height

of 14,714 feet, I beheld the course of the Spiti river, winding its way for

miles along the valley, until it was lost in a turn of the mountains.

From this spot I looked down upon the village of Larra, whose houses

and cultivation showed like mere specks, when seen from a perpen-

dicular height of 2,700 feet.

* This proved to be the case, as the Tartars could not descend to the Rampore fair.

; oT

506 Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. [No 101.

Viewed from this elevated station also, the majestic grandeur of the

neighbouring hills, which enclose the river like two lofty walls, sink

into comparative insignificance, and appear with their snow-capped

summits like so many glittering pyramids of sugar; yet they attain to

an elevation above the sea of seventeen to twenty thousand feet, and

their hoary and time-scarred heads are crowned by everlasting and

unfading snows.

It had been my earnest wish to cross the mighty Pralassa range

of mountains, from whose snows the Spiti river is supplied, and to visit

the beautiful and extensive lake of Chummor-ra-reel, of which Gerard

speaks, but from the unusual depth of snow over all the passes, I

found this to be impossible; for although I had plenty of time before

me, and could have waited till the thaws had commenced, yet the

chance that before they could be crossed the autumnal falls would

again commence, added to the total impossibility of obtaining pro-

visions for my people, rendered it necessary that I should beat a

speedy retreat from the inhospitable valley, and thus I was reluctantly

obliged to quit the district without having accomplished one of the

most wished for objects of my journey.

This lake is said by Gerard to abound with fish, and to be covered

in the summer months by flocks of ducks, geese, and other water-fow],

which resort there from the heats of the Provinces. From Puttee Ram

and others who have often visited the spot, I heard that its waters

were salt, and could not be drank, as they acted like medicine, so that

travellers and the wandering Tartar shepherds who sometimes inhabit —

the borders of the Lake in their black tents of blanket, are obliged to —

use the water of the snow streams and springs in its neighbourhood.

From these facts an interesting subject of inquiry arises; namely, |

above the sea and surrounded by hills, whose summits are usually |

capped with snow throughout the year, derive the fish with which it~

is now stocked? Are they identical with the species common to

our rivers of the Gangetic Provinces, or are they distinct and peculiar

to the Lake itself ? |

Doubtless there are many who will infer that they are identical

with the species of the Provinces, and that the Lake being the summer |

resort of water-fow], the ova have been deposited in its waters through |

their agency. But to this opinion I feel decidedly averse, from the

1840. | Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. 507

fact, that such a sudden transfer of the ova of species belonging to hot

climates, to the waters of a lake which is elevated so far above the na-

tural abode of the species, and which are often ice bound for several

months in the year, would render the ova thus transported totally

unfruitful; and that the climate of these regions is totally different

from that of the plains, is a fact which is fully established by the mi-

gration of birds to them during the summer season.

Again, those birds may resort there from the plains of China, as

well as from those of Hindoostan, and as it is equally probable that ova

would have been brought from both countries, we should find species

of fish peculiar to either country, not only being together in the same

climate, but in a climate which differs widely from the natural habitat

of all the species.

Moreover, I question whether the ova could have been brought from

the plains of either country, because the birds by whose agency the waters

should have been stocked, quit the rivers of the ‘plains, and resort to

those high regions in order to avoid the hot season in which the ova are

produced ; therefore the ova could not have been brought by them.

If, again, the lake was stocked with fish through the agency of the

_ water fowl which resort to it, how isit that the smaller lakes and ponds

have not been similarly stocked also, for both at Nako in Hungrung,

and at Gewmil on the heights of Spiti, I observed the Brahminee duck,

so common in the plains of India, yet the ponds at those places do not

contain a single fish ?

But as the birds do not arrive at the lake in question, in the course

_ of one or even two days, but make various halts in their journey from

the plains, it is at once apparent, that the undigested ova which they

are supposed to have brought with them, should have been voided rather

in the ponds of the intermediate stages, than in the waters of these

_ stupendous regions.

But the most decided proof, perhaps, that this lake was not

stocked from the rivers of the plains by the agency of birds, exists in

the fact that its waters are sa/t, and strongly impregnated with borax ;

| consequently the ova of species adapted for an existence in pure fresh

‘Tivers and ponds, could not have been productive in regions and

waters decidedly inimical to their constitutions.

The question however, is one of some moment, and worthy of being

| fuliy sifted. I am myself inclined to believe, as will be more fully seen

508 Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. {No. LOI.

hereafter in my geological notice of the Spiti valley, that those species

may be peculiar to the lake or lakes of those lofty regions, and that

they date their existence from the period when those waters first be-

came adapted to support the species which now inhabit them, and that

date I fix as posterior to the Mosaic Deluge, when, as I shall hereafter

have occasion to notice at some length,* the Himalayan ranges were

first upheaved, and many climates were called into existence, requiring

new creations to inhabit them, as they themselves were new.

It was for the purpose of endeavouring to elucidate this point, that

I felt so anxious to obtain a passage to the Lake Chummor-ra-reel, and

my disappointment may therefore be conceived, when I found the

pass impracticable from the unusual depth of snow which had fallen

so late in the season as the month of April, and which indeed fell

again, as I witnessed, for three successive days, during the latter end

of June, even so low down as Pokh in the bottom of the valley.

The clearing up of these doubts is a subject well worthy the serious

attention of any naturalist who may have the means and the inclination —

to visit the lake in question.

On the 23d of June, we proceeded once more towards Dunkur by ~

a most precipitous path, which wound backwards and forwards on the

side of the hill in such a zig-zag manner that we were almost in a line’

one above another. ‘The loose nature of the gravelly soil by no means —

added either to our comfort or safety, for those behind were continually

showering down vollies of dust and stones upon the heads of those

who were below. This descent at length brought us to the side of a

brawling stream, whose waters were dashing over the precipitous rocks

with headlong violence in their passage to join the Lingtee river,

many hundred feet below us. At the very place where this stream

was the most violent, and where it fell over the rocks in a long sheet

of foam, a faint shout of many voices reached my ear above the hoarse

roar of the cataract, and looking upwards, I beheld to my horror and

dismay, a large fragment of rock, rolling down the side of the hill

directly upon me. So hampered was I for room, with the steep

crumbling hill on the one hand, and the deep chasm on the other, that

I should undoubtedly have stuck fast to await the coming blow, had

not a Tartar near me, with more presence of mind than gentleness,

pulled me flat on my back and allowed the fragment to fly pass us into

* A Theory of the Earth.

1840. | Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. 509

the stream. On inquiry, it appeared that the rock had been displaced

by a goat which I had that morning bought for my people, and which

being refractory, a man was hauling along by a rope round its horns,

and thus in the resistance and scramble of its feet it had nearly made me

pay dear for my generosity. A few miles farther on brought us down

to the Sangho, across the Lingtee, and on the road to Dunkur, where

after a hot walk of about eight miles we halted for the night.

It is perhaps sometimes as well for us that we cannot lift the cur-

tain and peep behind the screens, or we should leave many things

undone that our ignorance of coming events prompts us to undertake ;

and thus it was with me, for had I been at all aware of the fatigues

and discomforts which awaited me, I do not think that even my love

of science would have tempted me into those bare and chilling scenes.

To describe the numerous shifts and annoyances that a traveller

meets with, would be but labour lost, and after all, from him who is

snugly ensconced ‘‘ in his ain ingle neuk,” or comfortable parlour,

these would but elicit a smile, and therefore it is useless to enlarge

upon them, as they must be felt, ere they can be fully appreciated.

Not the least of them however is the following; every inch of level

ground that can be rendered available is cultivated, and it often hap-

pens that the only spot the traveller can find on which to pitch his tent,

is one on which, to judge from the deep accumulations of their dung,

large flocks of sheep and goats have been folded since the days of the

good old patriarch Abraham. Here then “ the weary and way-worn

traveller” is necessitated to pass a night of sleepless wretchedness,

)

}

| stifled by the stench which arises in almost perceptible fumes from

the ground, and devoured by the myriads of fleas whose irritating bite

effectually banishes the overtures of that sleep which is so necessary to

furnish strength to meet the labours of the morning’s march.

Often have I been reduced to banquet on a goat which might, for

_ ought*I know to the contrary, have been as aged as myself, and the

father of a goodly progeny, strong, tough, and sinewy, as well could

be; yet hunger is the best sauce, and bad as I might have thought

; such fare, when better was procurable, I nevertheless have managed to

| make a hearty meal off “ sinewy Billy” and barley cakes, and blessed

my stars that matters were no worse.

To recount the incidents of each day as I retraced my steps through

Spiti to Hungrung and Kunawur, would be merely to repeat what has

510 Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. [No. 10].

already been written, and it will therefore suffice to say, that the same

streams were waded through, and the same broken and rocky paths

were traversed, till we again arrived in safety at the village of Chungo.

Having halted here a couple of days to refresh my people, and also to

procure specimens of the wild sheep, which abound in the neighbouring

cliffs, I once more started with the intention of going to Leeo, but the

Vuzeer Puttee Ram, who was now on his way back to Soongnum from

the fort of Skialkur, where he had been to inspect the store of arms

&c., advised me to take a passing peep at Nako, which he described as

a nice cool halting place. I therefore changed my plans and marched

to Nako on the heights above Leeo, Puttee Ram sending me a Ghoont

to carry me up the hill. The road for the greater part of the way was

the same as I had travelled over from Leeo to Chungo, when on

my upward journey to Spiti; it was so stony and rugged, that I

preferred trusting to my own legs rather than to those of the Ghoont,

in spite of the people’s assurance that he would carry me safely.

The village of Nako, like all the others of these regions, is a collection

of small dirty huts, with flat roofs, and built of unbaked bricks of

large size, intermingled with slabs of stone, or usually, as in Spiti,

of stone for the foundation, and of bricks above. There is a good deal of

cultivation about it, and water is plentiful. There is a small pond

of good depth near the village, on which were several Brahminee

ducks.

The village boasts of two or three takoordwaras, or Lama temples,

which contain a few very badly formed clay images of their gods.

The people have no objection to a traveller entering their temples,

which is a great convenience, as I found more than once when my tent —

was in the rear, after a long march. At Nako I took possession of one

of them, which afforded me a cool retreat during the heat of the day.

The walls of these temples are usually daubed over on the out-

side with red, whilst on the inside they are painted with numerous

grotesque figures of gods, men, and animals; they are generally

square built, and contain one room.

The largest of the kind I saw during my journey was at the village |

of Tabo in Spiti, where there are three or four rooms all decorated

with figures. | This temple is the largest in the district, and is conse-

quently the head quarters of the Lamas. It contains an immense

collection of manuscripts, which are said to contain all the mysteries of

1840. | Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. 511

the Lama religion, and on certain occasions are read to all who are

willing to listen. There was besides the larger rooms of images, an

inner apartment in which a small lamp was burning, and into which

I was requested not to set my unhallowed foot, as none but the

priests themselves were allowed, except a la distance ! to inspect

what was within. It contained a small altar, placed before a god, with

a brazen lamp burning on it; there were also brazen utensils of all

sorts and sizes, musical instruments, such as tom-toms and cymbals

and a quantity of raw ribs of meat, apparently of mutton, with which,

like the jolly friars of olden times, no doubt they were wont to regale

themselves.

There are a few Lamas resident at Nako, where they are zemindars.

They occasionally receive presents from the brotherhood in China,

of small carpets, tea cups, pieces of silk, &c. One of these men coming

to pay me a visit and to show all the curious things in his possession,

doubtless with a view to tempt me to become a purchaser, the conver-

sation by some chance turned upon the subject of how Lamas were

made, and who could become one. He said there were no really good

Lamas either in Hungrung or Spiti, as it had become somewhat cus-

‘tomary to make a Lama of any wealthy zemindar, who happened to

have a family, while properly speaking no Lama, should either marry

or have children.

I asked him if I could be made a Lama, to which he replied there

-could be no objection provided I would study for some months among

them, and be initiated into the mysteries of their religion, with regard

to the resurrection or reappearance of the Grand Lamas after death.

We did not get on very satisfactorily, as the Kunawurrees who were

standing by, burst into a loud laugh at my explanation of the case,

which displeased the Lama and made him drop the subject.

It seems however from what he said, that when a Grand Lama dies,

an inventory is made of all his effects, which are carefully sealed up

‘until his reappearance in life to claim them.

In explanation whereof, he said, suppose a Grand Lama were to

‘die in Chinese Tartary, his effects would be carefully guarded ;—some

time afterwards perhaps he might appear at Nako in Hungrung, in

the form of some Lama’s child.

This is known to be the new Grand Lama, from his laying claim

to the sealed up effects of the deceased Grand Lama. He is then

TOT LT I AL

ett a

“tN Re

512 Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. [No. 101.

asked what those effects consist of, and “where they are?—and he ~

accordingly states them one after another.

This is sometimes. deemed sufficient proof; but if doubts still —

remain, the effects of the deceased are brought and mixed with other

things, and the young aspirant is desired to show what are his, and

what are not.

If further proof be still necessary, the child is desired to give

some token that he is the Grand Lama, which he does by commanding

them to carry him to some spot which he points out, and there

he places his hand or his foot on a rock or large stone; when—

“mirabile dictu,”—if the spirit of the Lama be really within him,

the impression remains indented upon the rock ! !

This is deemed conclusive, as well it might be, and the urchin is

at once proclaimed Grand Lama; presents are showered upon him

from all quarters far and near, and he is carefully instructed in the

rites and mysteries of his religion, and in due time proceeds to his

head quarters in Chinese Tartary. :

Among the rocks, but chiefly on the crumbling accumulations of |

debris in the neighbourhood of Nako, and even at Chungo, there is a

plant found whose root is long and strikes perpendicularly downwards

to some depth, the outer coat or fibres of which produce a rich and

beautiful crimson dye. It is said however to be fugitive, but this may —

arise from ignorance of any chemical mode of fixing it. It is used by

the Lamas to stain their images. The Tartars call it “khame.” Be-,

hind Nako, at some distance, rises the mighty mountain called in the —

language of the country “ Purgule,” and towering aloft to a height

which exceeds 20,000 feet. It derives its name from its form, the —

word signifying “ cone-shaped or conical,” hence it is applied, like the .

term “ Kylass,” to any mountain of that form.

From Nako I proceeded a short down hill march to Leeo, which

is situated in the bed of the valley below, at a depth of 3,000 feet. The

day was excessively hot at this place, which is completely shut in by

hills rising on every side to the height of seven and eight thousand feet

above it. Its crops of barley, wheat, and peas, were beautifully rich

and luxuriant, and the numerous apricot trees were loaded with fruit,

though as yet small and unripe. The grain is reaped at this village

towards the latter end of July and beginning of August. In the dis-

trict of Spiti the harvest takes place in the lower and more sheltered

1840. | Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. 513

situations, such as Larree,; Pokh, Maness, and Dunkur, in the month of

August, while in the upper parts of the valley, at Larra, Leedung,

Keeoling, and Gewmil, on the heights, the grain is never ripe before the

end of September and beginning of October. At the last named

village it is ready about fifteen days later than at the others, which

are situated on the river’s banks, as might be expected from the differ-

ence in elevation, the village of Gewmil being at a height of 14,104

feet above the sea, while the others are from 12,200 to 12,500 feet.

Last year, in the month of August, the snow fell so heavily at

Gewmil, that the whole crop was beaten down and destroyed. This

present year of 1838, towards the end of June, the crops though heal-

thy looking, were not more than four or five inches above the ground.

It is surprising however to see with what rapidity the vegetation of

the upper hills is brought to maturity. When I arrived early in June

at Hungo, Leeo, and Chungo in Hungrung, their crops of barley

and wheat were not more than six or seven inches in height, while

-on my return, three weeks afterwards, they were all in full ear, and

would be ready for the reaper in July. This however is scarcely

} to be wondered at, when we notice the difference of temperature in

) that short space of time.—

At Hungo, elevation 11,413 feet by boiling point,

Sunrise. Noon. Sunset.

10th June 4\° 85° 60°

3rd July 60° 9G" 64°

Difference in 23 days 19° ree 4

At Leeo, elevation 9,362 feet by boiling point,

Sunrise. Noon. Sunset.

lith June 45° 100° 50°

2nd July 56° 110° 70°

| Differencein 22 days 11 10 20

__ At Chungo, elevation 9,897 feet, boiling point,

Sunrise. Noon. Sunset.

12th June oo? 82° 56°

29th June 43° 90° 69°

Difference in 17 days 12° 8 13

( To be continued. )

a14

Zoological Catalogue of the Museum of the Asiatic Society.— By

J. T. Pearson, Esa.

To H. TORRENS, Esa.

Secretary to the Asiatic Society.

Sir, |

When Curator of the Asiatic Society, I wished to make a catalogue

of that portion of the Museum—the Zoological, which was my particu-

lar charge,* and to this end got ready a good number of notes, and

began to prepare the catalogue; my departure from Calcutta, and

afterwards other circumstances, obliged me to put off copying and

correcting it. And at last I found, that not only had my arrangement

of the Museum been overthrown, but the labels I had attached to the

specimens were displaced, probably by some rough treatment. Under

these circumstances, my intention of publishing my notes was almost

laid aside; but as they may be useful when the Society shall have got

a Curator, by saving him a great deal of labour; and as the labels of

the osteological specimens were written in ink, they, at all events,

could not have fallen off, I have the pleasure of placing a portion of

the catalogue at the disposal of the Society ; the remainder shall follow

as soon as I can prepare it.

In the introductory remarks, I have explained the principles upon —

which I think such a catalogue should be made: I have therefore —

nothing to add upon that subject; but as a member of the Society,

I must deprecate the changes and innovations in the classification of

the objects in the Museum, which I understand to have been made. —

If every successive Curator be allowed to alter the arrangement at his |

* IT mention this, because blame has been cast upon former Curators, for their in-

attention to the Geological and Mineralogical portions of the Museum. Lest it should

be thought just to myself, I distinctly state, that I never took charge of more than the

Zoological portion of the Museum; Mr. J. Prinsep having had the Geological and

Mineralogical specimens under his own care: and I must say it will take much better

evidence, than any yet brought forward, to make me believe he neglected them

in any way; much less to justify the hue and cry that has been raised about them.

The confusion spoken of by the Committee of Papers in their late Curatorship report,

has probably arisen since he was compelled by his much to be lamented illness to

retire from the country ; or from innovations which are better calculated for display,

than for improvement.

1840. | Museum of the Asiatic Society. 515

own will, it will be impossible ever to prepare a catalogue to refer to

the specimens, and be highly injurious to the institution. The changes

made in the system of classification of the birds, by changing that of

Vigors for that of Cuvier, are, so far as I can understand, hardly

judicious; and I have yet to learn, that the makers are safer guides

in ornithology than Vigors and Horsfield.

I have the honor to be,

Sir,

Your most obedient humble servant,

J. T. PEARSON,

DaRJEELING, Member Asiatic Society.

11th June, 1840.

Some difficulty was experienced in making a catalogue of the speci-

mens in the Museum of the Asiatic Society previously to the year

1835, owing to there being, in many instances, no record either of

the specimens themselves, or of their donors; whenever the name of

the latter could be found out, it is given; and in future each specimen

_ should be carefully registered, immediately it is received.

In forming a catalogue of a daily increasing Museum, it is evident

it cannot be a systematic one. A numerical plan therefore is adopted,

in which the specimens are numbered according to the order in which

they come before the Curator. In the cabinet, however, a systematic

arrangement of the specimens will, as nearly as possible be followed,

and upon each a number placed, referring to the same number in the

catalogue. Thus the catalogue will be numerical; the arrangement

_ systematic.

But should it be thought desirable, the Curator can, in each suc-

cessive edition, add a list of the specimens, arranged according to the

| system cr method followed, as an Appendix.

_ The general system of classification adopted, is that of “‘ La Regné

| Animal,” on account of its being at present that most in use. But par-

| ticular branches of Zoology will be classified according to the system

best adapted to the present state of the science. In Birds, the classifi-

cation of Mr. Vigors will be followed, in Insects and Crustacea, that of

Latreille ; in Mollusca, that of Lamarck; and in Mammalia, Reptiles,

and Fishes, that of Cuvier himself.

;

’

SiG Zoological Catalogue of the [No. 101.

OSTEOLOGY.

No. 1. Cuass. Mammalia—Orp. Carnassiers—Fam. Carnivora—

2. | Trine. Digitigrades—Gen. Felis.

4, re. F. tigris—The Tiger.

6.J A Shull.

Among the lists of donations to the Museum, many specimens of

Tigers’ skulls are mentioned; but there is no record as to the donors,

of any particular specimen.

No. 7. Felis leopardus.—The Leopard.

A Skull.

No. 8. Gen. Hyena.

Sp. H. vulgaris.—The Striped Hyena.

A Shull.

No. 9. Gen. Felis.

Sp. F. kutas (?) The Kutas.

A Skull.

There is some doubt as to this specimen, but it is believed to belong

to the animal described under the above name, by Mr. J. T. Pearson, —

in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, vol. i.

No. 10. F. catus. The Domestic Cat.

; A Skull.

No. bse Canis.

12. +>Sp. CC. Lupus. The Wolf.

14. A Skull.

Mr. G. T. Lushington is mentioned/in the Journal As. Society,

vol. iv. p. 56, as having presented a series of skulls, among which were _

three of the Wolf. i

No. 13.

15. | Canis familiaris. The Dog.

16. A Skull.

17.

No. 18. Gen. Viverra.

Sp. Viverra.

A Shull.

No. 19. Orv. Quadrumana—F am. Simiade—Gewn. Semnopithecus.

Sr. SS. entellus. The Entellus Monkey.

1840, | Museum of the Asiatic Society. 517

A Skull.

The common long tailed, black-faced, black-handed Monkey of Ben-

gal, Behar, and Orissa.

No. 20. Orv. Carnassiers.—Fam. Carnivora.—Trise. Plantigrades.

Gen. Ursus.

Sp. U. labiatus (?) The long lipped Bear (?)

A Skull.

No. 21.) Orv. Marsupiata—Gen. Kangurus.

22.) Sp. K-——? The Kangaroo.

A Skull.

I am uncertain as to the species, and prefer to leave a blank, (which

may be filled up hereafter) to the chance of a wrong designation. A

cranium of a Kangaroo is stated in the 12th vol. Researches As. Soc.

to have been presented by Dr. Wallich, probably one of the above.

No. 23. Orp. Pachydermata.—Gen. Tapirus.

Sp. T. Malayanus. The Malacca or Indian Tapir.

i A Skull.

Major Farquhar sent this specimen to the Secretary in 1816, and his

paper upon the Malacca Tapir appeared in the 13th volume of the

Researches, 1820. Sir S. T. Raffles has since discovered the same

animal in the forests of Sumatra; and Sir E. Home has given a short

notice upon the comparative anatomy of the Tapir of Sumatra, which

was read before the Royal Society on the 22d March, 1821, and pub-

lished in the cxi. vol. of the Philosophical Transactions.

These dates are given, because a discussion has been carried on

between some English and French naturalists, as to the discovery of the

Malacca Tapir. The latter stating that it was discovered by Mr.

Diard, and the former by the donor of this specimen.

The present specimen has an additional interest, from its being the

first that brought the Malayan Tapir to the notice of the naturalist.

No. 24. Orv. Cetacea.—Fam. Sirenia.—Gen. Halicore.

Sp. H. Indica. The Dugong.

A Skull and part of the Vertebre.

: This specimen was either presented by Major Farquharson, or Dr.

Tytler ; I am uncertain which. In the paper in the Philosophical Trans-

o18 Zoological Catalogue of the [No. 101.

actions, by Sir E. Home, mentioned under the last specimen, the

author has instituted a comparison between the Lamintin and the Du-

gong, or Duzong. A matter which was settled long before # the

‘¢ Annales du Museum d’Histoire Naturelle.”

No. 25. Fam. Cete.—Gen. Delphinus.

- Spr. D. Gangeticus. The Gangetic Dolphin.

. A Skull. |

The Gangetic Dolphin is the Platanista Gangetica, of Hardwicke

and Gray.

No. 26. Sp. Delphinus delphis.—-The Porpoise.

A Skull.

In the 12th vol. of the Researches As. Society, mention is made of

a presentation by Dr. Wallich, of the cranium of a “Dolphin, found

near the Isle of France.” |

No. 27. Orp. Pachydermata.

28. Gen. Rhinoceros.

29. Sp. R. Indicus. The Indian Rhinoceros.

30.

A Skull.

Dr. Wallich presented jive crania of the Rhinoceros ; see Researches

vol. 12.

No. 31. Sp. Rhinoceros Indicus. The Indian Rhinoceros.

An articulated Skeleton.

This specimen was shot at Baugundee, in Jessore, by Mr. J. H.

Barlow, and presented in his name to the Society, 1834.

No. 32. Fam. Proboscidea.

33. Gen. Elephas.

34. Spr. E. Indicus.

A Skull.

Nos. 32 and 33 were presented by Dr. Wallich, (see Researches

vol. 12) the latter being a divided skull. No. 34, a fine specimen, was

presented by the late Dr. J. Adam.

The old trivial name for this species has been, for some reason or

other, changed into that of “ Asiaticus,” a name less definite even than

that of Indicus; and not, like it, recommended by time and classical

recollections.

1840. | Museum of the Asiatic Society. 519

No. 35. Gen. Sus.

Sp. S. scrofa. The Hog.

A Skull.

No. 36. Sus babyrufsa.—The Babyroussa.

37. A Skull.

Crania of the Babyroussa are mentioned in the list of donations

in the 12th vol. of the Researches, as presented by J. Dunlop, Esq.,

and Dr. Wallich.

No. 38. Orp. Carnassiers.

Fam. Carnivora.

Tris. Digitigrades.

Grn. Canis.

Sp. C. lupus. The Wolf.

A Skull.

Presented by G. T. Lushington, Esquire.

No. 39. Spr. Canis familiaris. The Dog.

A Skull.

No. 40. Orv. Rodentia.

Gen. Lepus.

Sp. L. cuniculus. The Rabbit.

A Skull.

It is well known that the teeth of animals of this genus are subject

to an extraordinary growth of the incisor teeth. In the present speci-

men, this is carried to excess; for not only are the incisors, above and

below, enormously lengthened, but the molar, or cheek teeth, also

partake of it; particularly the two anterior ones in the upper jaw,

which are much larger than any of the rest (though all are long) and

| _ curved outwards, as if making their way through the cheek.

No. 41.) Orp. Ruminanta.

42. | Tris. Capride.

43. > GEN. Antelope.

44,| Sp. A.cervicapra. The common Antelope.

45. J A Skull and Horns.

No. 46. Sp. Antelope leucoryx. The White Oryx

A Skull and Horns.

Major Hamilton Smith states the Antelope leucoryx to be the true

Oryx of Appian; the Antholops of Eustathius; and the great Goat of

520 Zoological Catalogue of the [No. 101.

the Shah Nameh; it is said to be common in Bahrein, and along the

coasts of the Persian Gulf, and also on the western side of the Indus, as

far as Candahar.

No. 47. Sus-cenus Damalis.

Sp. D.caama. The Caama.

Horns and part of the Skull.

Presented by R. Home, Esq., if this is the specimen put down

in the list of donations to the Museum in the 12th volume of the Re-.

searches as “a skull of the Cape Antelope.” The animal named by the

Caffers, Caama, is the Harte beest of the colonists; and the Cervine

Antelope of Pennant and Shaw.

No. 48. Grn. Antelope.

Sp. A. Thar. The Thar Antelope,

Horns and part of the Skull.

No. 49. Horns of the last species.

No. 50. A horn of the Thar Antelope (?/)

This horn differs from the preceding in being more robust, more

so far down, nor so much wrinkled longitudinally, as they are; and in

the rings being more numerous, and better defined than in them.

These differences are so marked as to lead to a doubt, if the two are of

the same species.

No. 51.) Sp. Antelope? |

52. Skull and Horns.

53. > There are three skulls, and some detached horns of

54. J this species in the Museum. They were presented by Mr.

55. J G. T. Lushington; and came, it appears, from the neigh-

bourhood of Bhurtpore. The species is unknown to me; and per-

haps is a new one.

The last specimen (No. 55) has the horns apparently distorted,

being more lyrated, and more bent inward at the tips, than the others.

No. 56.) Sp. Antelope chiru.—The Chiru.

eal Horns of the Chiru.

58. \ Presented by Lieut. Robison. The Chiru, or Unicorn as

59. ee is still absurdly called, is by some supposed to be the

60. J Kemas of Elian. All the specimens (except No. 56. which

appear to be a pair) are odd horns, or of unequal length.

1840. | Museum of the Asiatic Society. 521

No. 61. | Sr. Antelope cervicapra—The common Antelope.

62. Horns of the common Antelope.

No. 63. :

os bs. Antelope ?

66. Polished Horns of an Antelope.

No. 64. Sp. Antelope ?

A single Horn.

Species similar to No. 51, but horn more bent backwards.

No. 67. Sp. Antelope guoral—The Ghoral Antelope.

A Skull and Horns of the male.

Presented by Lieut. Vicary, 4th Regt. N. I.

No. 68. Sp. Antelope guoral—The Ghoral Antelope. |

A Skull and Horns of the female.

Presented by Lieut. Vicary.

No. 69. Sp. Antelope cervicapra—The common Antelope.

A Skull and Horns. |

Presented by Lieut. Vicary. |

No. 70. Sp. Antelope chiru—The Chiru. F

A single Horn.

A Skull and Horns.

Another specimen of the species mentioned under No. 51.

No. 72. Gen. Capra.

Spe. C. Jemlahica—The Jemlah Goat.

, Horns and part of the Skull.

No. 73.) GeEn. Ovis.

No. 74.) Spr. O. Argali—The Argali.

Horns and part of the Skull.

The Ovis Argali is the O. Ammon of many modern naturalists. The

O. Pygargus is also called Argali.

No. 71. Sp. Antelope

)

No. 74 has a larger portion of the skull attached to the horns, than

‘the other has; it was presented by Mr. W. B. Bayley; see Re-

searches, vol. 13.

A ,

522 Zoological Catalogue of the [No. 101.

No. 75. Sp. Ovis aries. The common Sheep.

Part of the Skull and Horns of an Indian variety of the

common Sheep.

No. 76. Geren. Damalis.

Sp. D. Strepsiceros—The Koordoo.

A single Horn.

No. 77. Gen. Bos.

Sp. B. taurus 7

Part of the Skull and Horns.

No. 78. Sr. Bos gour. The Gour.

Horns and part of the Skull.

Major General Hardwicke has well described the horns of the

Gour in the Zoological Journal, vol. 3. p. 231. His description is

accompanied by a plate.

No. 79.

. 80, | Se. Bos bubalus. The Buffalo; Indian variety.

81. Skull and Horns.

89. No. 79 was presented by Lieut. R. C. Nuthall.

No. 83. Sp. Bos gour. The Gour.

A pair of polished Horns.

Presented by Mr. G. Dowdeswell, see Researches, vol. xii.

No. 84.) Sr. Bos

85. J Polished Horns of a species of Bos; perhaps of the Gour.

No. an Bos bubalus. The Buffalo.

87. Horns of the Buffalo; Indian variety.

88.) No. 87 is polished.

No. 89. Gen. Ovis.

Sp. O. aries. The common Sheep.

A pair of Horns.

No. 90. Grn. Cervus.

Sp. CC. Wallichia. The Nepaul Deer.

A pair of Horns.

These horns were perhaps cast by the specimen of Nepaul Deer

dent, in whose honour the species was named.

: brought from that country by Dr. Wallich, our esteemed Vice-Presi-_

1840. | Museum of the Asiatic Society. 523

No. 91.

2 Cervus Bara-Singha. The twelve antlered Deer.

93. A Skull and Horns.

The present species is the Bara-Singha, or twelve antlered Deer of

Indian sportsmen. The species is, perhaps, as I have assumed it to be,

new to science; and it seems to be intermediate between the Elaphine

and Rusa groups. The bifurcation, and rebifurcation of the horns,

with the single antler below, is somewhat similar to that of the Cervus

_ .macrotis of the North-west of the United States, but in other res-

pects the horns differ.

No. 94. Spr. Cervus.

A pair of Horns.

A pair of distorted horns, according to a label attached to them,

“ cast by the Elk at Allipore, 15th February, 1833, W. Bell.” What

| the animal here called an Elk really was, is doubtful, especially as the

_ horns are distorted. They appear like those of the Bara-Singha.

Se. Cervus porcinus. The Hog Deer.

| Horns and part of the Skull.

‘J No. 96 a pair of Horns.

Sp. Cervus —.?

3 f 4 pair of Horns, distorted, probably cast by a Deer

hept in confinement.

No. 99. Sp. Cervus pocinus. The Hog Deer.

A single Horn.

No. eit Sp. Cervus axis. The spotted Axis Deer.

101.) Horns of the Axis.

The pair No. 101, covered with the skin.

| No. 102.

; ie Skull and Horns.

Sp. Cervus hippelaphus. The great Rusa Deer.

Fe 103 Horns only, but covered with skin.

In Griffith’s Synopsis, the name of Baren-Singha (Bara- Singha per-

haps) is given as a Hindi synonym of this Deer, but it is evidently a

mistake, for, in India it is called Saumer; and there are two Deer so

called, which differ much from each other, one black, the other red,

and the latter much larger than the former. The present species is

the great Axis of Pennant,

524 Zoological Catalogue of the [No. 101.

No. 104. Sp. Aristotelis. The black Saumer, or Rusa Deer.

Horns and part of the Skull.

No. 105. Sp. Cervus hippelaphus (?) The great Rusa Deer (?)

A single Horn.

No. 106. Sp. Cervus muntjak. The Khyjang.

Horns and part of the Skull.

No. 107. Sp. Cervus hippelaphus. The great Rusa Deer.

A single Horn.

No. 108. Sr. Cervus aristotelis. The black Saumer or Rusa Deer.

A single horn.

No. 109. Orn. Pachydermata.

Gen. Eguus.

Sp. E. caballus. The Horse.

A Skull.

No. 110. Gen. Rhinoceros.

Sp. RR. Indicus. The Rhinoceros.

An articulated right hind foot: the os calcis mutilated.

No. 111. Gen. Elephas.

Sp. EE. Indicus. The Indian elephant.

A Scapula.

No. 112. Orv. Carnassiers.

Fam. Marsupiata.

Gen. Thylacynus.

Sp. T. cynocephalus. Van Diemen’s Land Tiger.

A Skull. ~

This specimen was taken from a stuffed skin presented by Dr. J. —

Henderson. The dentition of the species having been incorrectly _

given heretofore, I described it as accurately as the state of the present —

specimen would admit of (the incisors being wanting) in the 4th vol.

of the Journal of the Asiatic Society, page 572. But since my des- —

cription was written (and in consequence of its having been written)

another specimen has been presented to the Society; and it is to be

desired that some competent person should describe the position of the

incisor teeth from it. I have reason to doubt the accuracy of my con- —

jecture, formed as it was, from the empty sockets only.

1840.] Museum of the Asiatic Society 525

No. 113. Orv. Cetacei.

Fam. Cete.

Gen. Monodon.

Sp. M. monoceros. The Narwhal.

A Tusk.

Presented by Captain Lumsden: see Researches, vol. xiv.

No. 114.7) Cuass. Reptilia.

115.)j Orv. Sauria.

GEN. Gavialis.

Sp. G. gangeticus. The Gangetic Gavial or Guryal.

Skulls of the Guryal Alligator.

No. 116. | Gen. Crocodilus.

117.) Sr. C. biporcatus. The Indian Crocodile.

Large skulls, the former covered by the skin. Of these specimens,

the former was presented by Mr. M. Cheese, and the latter by Dr.

Wallich: see Researches As. Soc. vol. xii.

It has been supposed that there are two species of the Indian Cro-

codile ; but so far as I know, nobody has yet been able to distinguish

correctly between them. I have discovered, however, what I consider

to be undoubted signs:—viz. the cranium of the one has ONE TOOTH

MORE than the other, and is much broader in-proportion. Several

specimens in the Society’s Museum, shew this.

No. 118. Crass. Mammalia.

Orv. Ruminantia.

Gen. Capra.

Sp. C. hircus—The Domestic Goat.

A Skull and Horns.

No. 119. Gen. Ovis.

Sp. O. aries. The common Sheep.

A Skull and Horns.

No. 120. Orv. Pachydermata.

| Gen. Hippopotamus.

Se. H. amphibius—The Hippopotamus.

. A Tush.

No. 121. Orp. Quadrumana.

GEN. Simia.

Sp. S. gigantea. The Gigantic Ape.

The lower Jaw.

526 Zoological Catalogue of the [No. 101.

The lower jaw of the Gigantic Ape shot by Captain Cornefield in

Sumatra and presented by him to the Society ; described by Dr. Abel

in the Researches. I am not sure whether or not the above trivial

name has been given before, but it seems to be the most appropriate.

No. 122. Fam. Lemures.

Gen. Lemur.

Sp. L. mongoz (?) Woolly Lemur ( ?)

A Shull.

No. 123. Orv. Rodentia.

Gen. Castor.

Se. C. fiber—The common Beaver.

A Shull.

No. 124. Onrp. Carnassiers.

Fam. Carnivora.

Tris. Digitigrades.

GEN. Lutra.

Sp. L. The Otter.

A Shull.

There are at least two Otters in India; a large and a small species.

No. 125. Orp. Cetacei.

126. Fam. Cete.

GEN. Baleena.

Sp. B. mysticetus. The

A Skull, Scapula, and thirty-four Vertebra.

No. 126. One side of a large lower jaw.

No. 125. Presented by G. Swinton, Esq.

No. 127. Orp. Quadrumana.

Fam. Simiade.

Gen. Semnopithecus.

Sp. S. maurus (?) The Negro Monkey ( ?)

Presented by Mr. J. T. Pearson, mounted in the Museum.

A. Skeleton.

No. 128. Orn. Rodentia.

Gen. Mus.

Sp. M. decumanus. The Norway Rat.

A Skeleton.

Presented by Mr. J. T. Pearson.

1840. | Museum of the Asiatic Society. 527

No. 129. Orp. Carnassiers.

Fam. Carnivora.

Tris. Digitigrades.

Gen. Paradoxurus.

Sp. P. typus (?) common Paradoxurus ( ?)

An articulated Skeleton.

Presented by Mr. J. T. Pearson.

I am uncertain as to the species of this animal ; in colour, form, and

size, it is like the Viverra musanga of Horsfield, but the dental system

is different.

No. 130. Grn. Felis.

Spe. F. catus.—The Cat.

An articulated Skeleton.

Presented by Mr. J. T. Pearson.

No. 131. Orv. Pachydermata.

GEN. Hipopotamus.

Sp. H. amphibius—The Hippopotamus.

. An incisor Tooth.

No. 132. Cx. Reptilia.

133. Orp. Sauria.

134. Tris. Crocodilide.

Gen. Crocodilus.

Sp. C. biporcatus—The Indian Crocodile.

A Skull and lower Jaw.

Nos. 133 and 134 are of the Skull only.

No. 1385. Cu. Aves.

Orp. Grallatores.

Fam. Ardeide.

Gen. Pheenicopterus.

Sp. P. ruber. The Red Flamingo.

The Bill.

No. 136. Orv. Natatores.

137. Fam. Pelecanide.

Gey. Pelecanus. n

Sp. P. onocrotalus. The Pelican.

The Skuli and upper Mandible, and 137 with lower do.

528 Zoological Catalogue of the [No. 101.

No. 138. Orp. Grallatores.

Fam. Ardeidez.

Gen. Mycteria.

Se. M. Australis. The Jabiru.

Skull and Mandibles.

No. 139. Orp. Insessores.

TriBe. Scansores.

Fam. Ramphastide.

Gen. Ramphastos.

Sp. RR. pectoralis—The Red Breasted Toucan.

Skull and Mandibles.

No. 140. Tries. Conirostres.

Fam. Buceride.

Gen. Buceros.

Sp. B. Malabaricus—Pied Hornbill.

A Skull.

Presented by Lieut. Vicary.

No. 141. Orn. Grallatores.

Fam. Ardeidde.

Gen. Platalea.

Sp. P. leucorodia—The White Spoonbill.

A Skull.

Presented by Lieut. Vicary.

No. 142. Cx. Mammalia.

Orv. Rodentia.

Gen. Sciuropterus.

Sr. S.————/?

A Skull.

Presented by Lieut. Vicary.

No. 148. Orv. Ruminantia.

Fam. Capride.

Gen. Antelope.

Sus. Gen. Tetracerus.

Se. A. chikara—The Chikara.

A Shull and Horns.

Presented by Lieut. Vicary.

1840.] Museum of the Asiatic Society. 529

No. 144. Gen. Capra. -

Sp. C. Jemlahica. Jemlah Goat.

Skull and Horns.

Presented by Lieut. Vicary.

No. 145. Gen. Antelope.

Sp. <A.chiru. The Chiru.

A pair of Horns.

Presented by Lieut. Vicary.

No. 146. Orv. Pachydermata

Gen. Elephas.

Sp. E. Indicus—The Elephant.

A Skeleton.

Presented by Mr. W. Masters.

The bones are complete, but from the youth of the specimen, unfit

for articulating ; so I procured another.

No. 147. Gen. Equus.

Sp. E. caballus—The Horse.

An articulated Skeleton.

The Horse presented by Messrs. Hunter and Co. the Skeleton pre-

pared and mounted in the Museum.

No. 148. Orn. Carnassiers.

Fam. Carnivora.

Tris. Digitigrades.

Gen. Felis.

Sp. F.leopardus. The Leopard.

A. Skull.

Presented by Dr. McCosh.

No. 149. Sp. Felis tigris. The Tiger.

4 A Skull.

Presented by Dr. McCosh.

No. 150. Tris. Plantigrades.

iS Gen. Ursus.

Spe. U. labiatus. The Long-Lipped Bear.

r . A Shull.

Presented by Dr. McCosh.

530 Zoological Catalogue of the Museum, &e. [No. 101.

No. 151. Cu. Reptilia.

Orp. Sauria.

Gen. Gavialis.

Sp. G. Gangeticus. The Gangetic Guryal.

A Skull.

Presented by Dr. McCosh.

No. 152. “Orv. Chelonia.

Fam. Emyda.

Grn. Emys.

Sp. E. kuchuga. The Kuchooa.

A Skeleton.

Specimen presented by Mr. J. T. Pearson mounted in the Museum.

Bactrian and Sassanian coins in the possession of Capt. Hay, Bengal

Engineers Regt.

Nore.---As Capt. Hay, most kindly put me in possession of drawings of

the more valuable part of his collection, with such notes as his imperfect

means of reference at Bameean enabled him to furnish, I thought I could

not better repay the uniform support with which he has favoured me, than

by availing myself of the offer of my friend Lieut. Cunningham, to remark

at length upon his coins, thus submitted for the deliberate opinion of an i

excellent numismatist.

I need merely preface these remarks, by briefly noticing that the coins

represented in Plate I. “‘ were found together in an earthen pot at Ba-

meean”, and that the others were chiefly procured at Cabool. Nos.

9, and 13, however, of Plate 1v. are from Bulkh. If Capt. Hay could trust

the latter out of his possession, its examination might add perhaps

some material point to the mass of valuable information, which numis-

matic research has elicited regarding the hitherto obscure history of former

dynasties in central Asia.

531

Notes on Captain Hay’s Bactrian Coins. By Capt. A. CunNninGuHaM.

PLATE I.

No. 1.—A square copper coin, of middle size and good make, and

in fair preservation. I recognize this piece at once, from its Bactrian

legend, as a coin of Azilises:—it is not unique, though hitherto

unpublished ; for I have seen two other specimens of the same coin,

one of which has the Bactrian legend nearly perfect; and from it

I have completed the following description of Captain Hay’s coin.

Obverse.—The figure of the king bare-headed and diademed on

horseback turned to the right, the end of the fillet floating behind his

head ; above the horse’s head a mark, which may be either a plume

or the Bactrian letters 72 or ¢7: enclosed in a square, formed of dotted

lines. Legend, disposed on all four sides, —Pactrewc BASIAEQN

MELPAAoY acAioov.—* (Coin) of the great king of kings,

Azilises. ”

Reverse.—Enclosed in a square, the figure of Hercules naked, seat-

ed on a rock and turned to the left; leaning forward and holding in

his right hand a club, which rests on his thigh; his left hand leaning

on the rock, with two streamers floating behind his head. In the

field a monogram composed of the two identical marks found on the

reverse of the silver coin of Azilises (See Jour. des. Sav. for April,

1836, Vignette No. 20: and Bengal As. Soc. Jour. for June 1835,

plate xx111. fig. 27.)—The upper part of our monogram, which is that

to the right of the figure of Victory on the silver coin, is composed of

_ the Bactrian letters sz. Legend in Bactrian characters ’( Ma)

_ harajasa mahatasa Azilisa(sa). “ (Coin) of the great king, the

_ mighty Azilises.

The type of this remarkable piece (which is on both sides identical

| with that of the coins of Spalyris), the square form common to both,

| and the similarity of make and general appearance, all tend to prove

i that these two princes were contemporaries of the same dynasty,

| and most probably of the same family. For the legend of the coins

| of Spalyris [OAAYPIOL AIKAIDY AAEAtOY TOY BA-

- EIAEC —« (Coin) of Spalyris the just, the brother of the king :”

| added to the facts before mentioned, renders it nearly certain that

932 Notes on Captain Hay’s Bactrian coins. [No. 101.

Spalyris the just, was the brother of the great king of kings,

Azilises.

The same type of a seated Hercules, figures on the unique coin of

Agathoclea, and were it not for the presence of a bust on her money,

and the better workmanship and higher finish observable in her coin,

which determine it to belong to an earlier and more flourishing era

of the Grecio-Bactrian power, I should be inclined to believe that

she was the wife of Azilises; and that the same prince who had

delegated to his brother the power of coining, had also allowed his

queen the same authority, or perhaps had ordered coin to be struck

in her name.

I will conclude my notice of this new and valuable coin of Azilises,

by observing, that the square monogram surmounted by the Bactrian

letters s¢on this coin, is so entirely different from the circular monogram

found on all the coins of Spalyris, as to form a sufficient distinction

for attributing defaced coins of this type to the proper owner. *

No. 2. A square copper coin of middle size, much defaced, but

easily recognised as a specimen of the commonest type of the coins

of the great king Eucratides, of which the following is a description.

Obverse.—Head of the king helmeted and diademed, the ends of

the diadem appearing under the helmet behind; the chlamys on

the shoulder. Great legend in three lines BAZIAEQ> METAAOY

EYKPATIAOY. « (Coin) of the great king Eucratides.”

Reverse.—The Dioscuri mounted, with spears in their hands, charg-

ing at speed to the right; in the field a Grecian monogram. Legend

in Bactrian characters in two lines. Maharajasa Eukratidasa

‘* (Coin) of the great king Eucratides.”

The numerous coins of Eucratides are, with one exception, of two

distinct classes—the first class consisting of all the pieces bearing a

diademed head, with the simple inscription BAZIAKQ=> EYKPA-

TIAOY « (coin) of the king Eucratides”—the second class, including

all the pieces with the helmed head, and the longer inscription of

BASIAEQS METAAOY EYKPATIAOY «(Coin of the Great

king Eucratides.”) This’marked distinction between these two groups

of coins has led the learned and judicious French antiquary, M. Raoul-

Rochette, to attribute the class with the helmed head and the more

Wit

fal

nln

i iil

PMT Th

wet AT.

i a T. Black, Asvatic Lith Frese Gl.

rnd tbe uatier Watney re a GYairer Shed a RS EAE,

oe <%. Cape oral vty hy on aches yim, onthe aint Be

he Rye a apne wee ; Pings tig sual, fe, eee

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1840. | Jotes on Captain Hay’s Bactrian coins. 939

ambitious title, to a second Eucratides; the son, successor, and mur-

derer of Eucratides the First—thus giving the first class, with the

bare diademed head and the simpler title, to Eucratides the murdered

Prince. But that Eucratides the Great, was the murdered prince,

and not the murderer, we may infer from the language of Justin

(lib. 42, c. 6) who, speaking of Mithridates the Parthian, and of Eucra-

tides the murdered prince of Bactria, calls them both “ great men’—

We have also the testimony afforded by the small square copper

eoin of Eucratides, published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of

Bengal for November, 1836, which gives the title of ‘“‘ Great’ to the

bare-headed and diademed prince, and proves that this creation of a

second Eucratides is without any foundation. The existence of a

second Eucratides is, besides, no where mentioned in ancient history ;

but the supposition that there were two princes of this name, first

started, I believe by Bayer, has been gradually gaining strength, until

by the knowledge of these marked distinctions in the coins bearing the

name of Eucratides, it has been almost universally believed. Fortu-

nately for the cause of true history, we know from Dr. Lord’s beauti-

ful coin (published in the Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal for July,

1838) that Eucratides the Great king with the helmed head was the

son of Heliocles and Laodice : and therefore it follows almost conclusive-

ly, that Eucratides the king, and Eucratides the Great king, were one

and the same person. It is however quite in accordance with Grecian

custom, that the son of Heliocles should have been called Eucratides,

after his grandfather: but that the father of Heliocles, even supposing

he had been named Eucratides, was a king of Bactria, is highly im-

probable. On the same grounds of different types and epithets exist-

‘4 ing on coins bearing the same prince’s name, we might create two

_ Menanders, double Heliocles and Hermeeus, and multiply Azes into

at least a dozen princes.

No. 3. This coin may be at once seen to belong to Azes, and is

avery bad specimen of the commonest type of the coins of that

prince. I have seen at least one hundred coins of this very type ;

and three engravings of the same are to be found in the Bengal

Asiatic Society’s Journal, vol. 4, pl. 22, figs. 1,2, 3; one of the

same type is likewise figured from a miserable specimen in the

7th number of the Numismatic Journal of London, pl. 3. fig. 34;

534 Notes on Captain Hay’s Bactrian coins. [No. 101.

and the same coin is likewise described by M. Raoul-Rochette in

the Journal des Savans for April 1836, page 20l—and by M.

Jacquet in the Journal Asiaticque for February, 1836, page 167.

The description of this coin is as follows—Round copper piece of

large size.

Obverse.—The humped bull of India walking to the right, over

which is a square monogram with two diagonal lines. Greek legend—

BAZIAEQS BAZIAEQN METAAOY AZOY. « (Coin) of the

great king of kings, Azes.”

Reverse.—The sinha, or maneless lion of India, walking to the

right, over which is the monogram composed of the Bactrian letters

s. p. l. t.; surrounded by the legend in Bactrian characters, Mahara-

jasa Rajatirajasa Mahatasa Azasa. “ (Coin) of the great king of

kings, the mighty Azes.”

No. 4.—Is a coin of an anonymous prince, with sounding titles,

whose titles are however not in the possessive case, as stated by Cap-

tain Hay; but he is quite right when he says that none of these coins

have any king’sname upon them. The following is a description of

this coin.

Obverse.—Head of the king radiated and diademed to the right,

the ends of the diadem floating behind the head, the chlamys thrown

over the shoulder: in the right hand, which is extended, is a sceptre

or sword, which on some coins changes into a cross with two streamers

hanging from it: in the field a monogram composed of a trident and

circle joined by a cross; the whole surrounded by a dotted circle.

Reverse.—A person on horseback to the right, with the right arm

raised, and holding in the hand a cross: behind the head are two

streamers, and before the horse is the monogram already described.

Legend in bad Greek BACIAEYC BACIA€WN CwTHP |

METAS The great king of kings, the Saviour.”

Nos. 5, 6, 7.—These three coins are of a prince whose name varied

on different, specimens as observed by Captain Hay in three coins

which he has figured: some pieces of this type bear the name of

Hermeceus, some have Kadphises and Kadphizes, whilst others have

Kadaphes and Kadphes, all of which names, except the first, agree so

nearly, as to warrant the conclusion that they belong to the same

prince ; and at the same time they furnish us with an almost convinc-

1840. ] Notes on Captain Hay’s Bactrian coins. 535

ing proof, that the name of the Indo-Scythic prince, whose coins are so

numerous, was Kadphises and not Mo-kadphises ; a reading which I

believe has found but two advocates, Messrs. Jacquet and R. Rochette.

The differences in the names observable on these coins arise, in my

opinion, solely from the artist’s ignorance of the Greek character ;

which the inferior workmanship of the coins proves to belong to

a declining period of the Grecio-Bactrian power. The general des-

cription of these coins is as follows. Round copper piece, of middle size.

Obverse.—The king’s head to the right, bare and diademed, with

the ends of the diadem floating behind the head, and the chlamys on

the shoulder: legend in barbarous Greek BACIAEQC =THPO

SY (or SYAQ) EPMAIDY (or KAAPIZOY or KAAPELDY

&c.) * (Coin) of the saviour king Hermoeus (or Kadphises).—On all

the coins of this type which I have seen, the Q is wanting in the word

ZOTHPO®.

Reverse. —Figure of Hercules naked, standing to the front; the

lion’s skin hanging over his left arm, his right hand leaning on his

club, which rests on the ground. The legend, in Bactrian characters,

I cannot read satisfactorily. I have carefully examined about twenty

specimens of this type, and I have found that all of them, whether

belonging to Hermeeus or to Kadphises, bear, with some slight varia-

tions. the same Bactrian legend. This isan important fact, which I am

unable to account for. Captain Hay’s Euthydemus, published in the

97th No. of the Journal, is a coin of this type, with the name of

EPMAIOY plainly legible.

No. 8.—A round copper coin, of middle size, and apparently in bad

preservation.

Obverse.—Bearded head of the king, bare and diademed to the right,

the ends of the diadem floating behind the head. Legend in bad

Greek BACIAEWL (uTHPOL YNADFEPPOY “ (Coin) of

the saviour king Undopherres.”

Reverse.—Figure of Victory winged, standing to the right, and hold-

ing in her right hand a chaplet with two ends hanging down. Legend

in Bactrian characters, “ Maharajasa (name not satisfactorily read-

able) nandatasa.” ‘Coin of the great king, the saviour (Indo-

_ pherres?)” I have examined about twelve specimens of this type,

on most of which the letters of the name are clear and well defined,

—

536 Notes on Captain Hay’s Bactrian coins. {No. 101.

notwithstanding which, the king’s name has proved an insurmount-

able difficulty.

The two Moosulmaun lumps of copper at the foot of the plate re-

quire no notice.

. PLATE II.

No. 1. A square copper coin of middle size, and apparently

in good preservation.

Obverse.—The figure of Hercules naked, standing to the front,

holding the club and lion’s skin in his left hand, and crowning

himself with his right hand; a type similar to that on the coins of

Euthydemus and Demetrius. Legend on three sides PactAewc

BaxIAEQN METAAOY oNQNoY. (Coin) of the great king

of kings, Vonones.”’

Reverse.—Figure of Minerva armed, half turned to the left, with

a buckler on the left arm. Bactrian legend in three lines [ Maha-

rajasa rajatirajasa mahatasa| Balabarasa “(coin of the great

king, the king of kings, the mighty] Balbara,” the name being the

only existing portion of the Bactrian legend.

No. 2. A square copper coin, of middle size, in very good pre-

servation.

Obverse.—The king’s head bare and diademed, to the right, with

the shoulder clothed. Legend in three lines BASIAEQS TOTHPOX

EPMAIOY. « (Coin) of the saviour king Hermeeus.”

Reverse.—A horse moving to the right; beneath the horse a

Grecian monogram composed of the letters ® and I. Bactrian legend

in three lines; Maharajasa dadatasa Ermayasa. “ (Coin) of the

great king, the saviour Hermeeus.”

No.3. A square copper coin, of middle size, seemingly in good order.

Obverse.-—The king’s head bare to the right, the shoulder clothed.

Legend in three lines BAZIAKQ> ANIKHTOY AYZIOY. « (Coin)

of the invincible king Lysias.

Reverse.—The bonnets of the Dioscuri, surmounted by two. curves

—over which are two dots, most probably intended for the stars

Castor and Pollux, which are seen over the bonnets of the Dioscuri

on the coins of Antialcidas; these stars escaped the observation of

Mr. Prinsep, of Professor Wilson, of M. Jacquet, and even of the quick-

ft (> E Me tut j

A | aes fl

i th ime

ti) Ys A 21

Het Ny J Z y ,

‘ | by A a

1 Y Z ZZ

teh ZB:

Hy | AAGAEe

MABAA? |

{ ZA \ Z i

“vA i

ii wa

oT re

| “EN :

i | a

| i HW egal

: Ned oa HD al TN UT ul

———_——

T Black, Asiatic Lidh:Pre sf

4 » .

Fr wat ty

Tine

) 7

* Aiioe

a A

1840. | Notes on Captain Hay’s Bactrian coins. 537

| sighted M. Raoul Rochette. Beneath the bonnets are the monogram

TA. and the letter =. Bactrian legend in three lines, Maha-

q rajasa Assavihatasa Lisiasa “ coin of the great king, the invin-

cible Lysias.”

The bonnets of the Dioscuri which have been long familiar as the

type of all the known copper coins of Antialcidas, and of some rare

small silver and small copper pieces of Eucratides, now figured for

the first time on the coin of Lysias ; and this fact serves to strengthen

the connection between Lysias and Antialcidas already observed in

the numismatic coincidences of the monogramis on their respective

coins, as well as in their corresponding size, thickness, and make;

_ and it may almost warrant us in supposing that those two princes

were of the same dynasty as Eucratides, and that they succeeded

him at no great interval.

No. 4. <A square copper coin of middle size. This is a specimen

of the only type of the copper coins of Lysias that was known before

the acquisition of the piece just described.

Obverse.—Same as the preceding.

Reverse.—An elephant walking to the right. Bactrian legend as

‘in the coin just described.

No. 5. A square piece of middle size; the right upper corner

has been cut off, to bring it, as Captain Hay justly remarks, to some

established standard weight.

Obverse.—The sinha, or maneless lion of India walking to the

“right ; Grecian legend in two lines—Paoewc TIANTAAEONTOS

** (coin) of the king Pantaleon.”

_ Reverse.—A figure which has been plausibly supposed to be a

- Bacchante—Legend in ancient Pali (as read by Mr. James Prinsep)

‘ Pantelawanta, which reading is not in my opinion quite satisfactory ;

but I am unable to offer a better, from the want of a more perfect

" specimen of this coin than has yet been found.

No. 6. <A square copper coin of middle size with one of the lower

corners cut off.

_ Obverse.—An elephant walking to the right, over which is a symbol

_Which may be either a Buddhist chaitya, or a representation of mount

-Meree.

538 Notes on Captain Hay’s Bactrian coins. |No. 101. —

Reverse.—The sinha, or Indian lion, walking to the left; above —

which is a mark common to Buddism and Brahmanism, called

“ Twastika,” and in the field the same symbol which has appeared

on the other side.

Many coins of this type have the two animals walking in opposite |

directions. .

PLATE III.

The Bactrian coins in this plate are so indistinct, and apparently

in such bad preservation, that I can only offer my conjectures as to |

their attribution.

‘No. 1.—A round copper coin of middle size.

Obverse.—A king’s head, helmeted, to the left, and apparently beard- |

ed. Legend BAZIAEwc swrnoog vvcopePPOY. “ (coin of the sa-

viour) king (Undoph)erres?”

Reverse.—Winged figure of Victory, walking to the left, holding |

out a chaplet, and with two ends hanging down. Bactrian legend |

imperfect.

I suppose this piece to belong to Undopherres, for the following rea-

sons ; Ist. The type of the reverse is the same figure of Victory found |

on all the published coins of Inodopherres, but walking in the |

contrary direction ; 2nd. The remains of the Bactrian letters visible,

seem to agree with the usual legend of that prince’s coins ; and, lastly, |

that appearance of a bearded bust in conjunction with the figure of |

Victory on the reverse, peculiar to Undopherres alone.

The head looks in a direction contrary to that found on all the |

known coins of Undopherres, but as the heads on all the existing |

Bactrian coins look to the right, with the single exception of one type

of Menander, this can afford no proof against the supposition that this |

piece belongs to Undopherres. |

Nos. 2,3, 4. These appear to be coins, more or less barbarous,

of the prince Kadphises, or Kadaphes, already described in my notice |

of Nos. 5, 6, 7, of Pl. I. :

No. 5.—A square copper coin of small size, notwithstanding the |

curious attitude of the figure as represented in the sketch, I am |

——F

———

——

——————— SS

tal

UII

aaa

YAS

——

rage O TAN:

ii r GH,

fay

nT W f

Ih | ji i

Ree if S

alll Mi

Mal

_ ee

—— = = a

=. — ==

SSS S—= : +

= = =

== ‘ 2a

= S A en == ————S—,

4 ee —

fr, = 4

w< a —— =)

aS = —F

= ——

= = ————— te

ee =

eee

Uy, b

“GU UifWy

SOY f g

io, (GoW iy Vy

Phas) lack, Asiatic lith : Lress Cad.

, Vain ae

celine Lier Cnreahlciniy ont aaah aaah vAlahre pen"

my Sw AM v" t ME

ha AY Wy ey)

Aen: 4 } Me

asta ful: ee ae , Foe pp tir | pene tee dali tepary sade ‘oie adam et

i ‘ %: h y fi i "ee

yet

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a Uh OR): CE

Ai eS. (eR

hee

1840. | Notes on Captain Hay’s Bactrian coins. 039

still able, from the remaining portion of the Bactrian legend, to attribute

this piece to its proper owner.

Obverse.— Apollo standing naked, inclined to the left, his left

hand resting on a bow, and his right hand holding an arrow. Greek

legend in three lines BaZ1AEQcamodAodoreu ZOTHPoe, « (Coin)

of the saviour king (Apollodotus).”

Reverse.—A tripod and a Grecian monogram in the field. Bactrian

legend in three lines, Maharajasa Apaladatasa dadatasa—“ (Coin)

of the great king Apollodotus, the saviour.”

No. 6.—This is apparently a stone having a rude representation

of a horse upon it.

Sassanian Coins.

Of these Sassanian coins, Nos. 6 and 7 alone have any interest

attached to them, in the remarkable appearance of a human head

rising from the midst of the flames of the altar, supposed by Mars-

den to be “‘the genius” of the king himself brought to view by

“‘ the performance of religious rites; but Sir W. Ouseley suggests that

‘“‘in the human head placed on a fire altar, we may discover Ormuzd,

or the divinity existing amidst flames.” The former supposition

however appears to me the more probable; for in “‘ Hyde’s Religio

Veterum Persarum,’ we see a sculpture taken from a Persepolitan

Mausoleum, representing, as described by Hyde himself, “a king

standing before a fire (altar) and before the sun, as if about to wor-

ship, whose spirit or small image is seen about to ascend to heaven

on a cloud” and this ascending figure is identical in dress,

appearance, and attitude, with the figure of the king worshipping before

the fire altar below.

PLATE IV.

No. 1.—A round copper coin of large size, very much defaced, but

still easily recognizable as a specimen of the common round type

of Apollodotus.

Obverse.—Figure of Apollo naked, standing, half-turned to the

right, having a quiver attached to his shoulder, and holding in his left

hand an arrow inclined downwards: at his back a Grecian monogram

legend in pure Greek BAZIAEQS ZOTHPOT ATIOAAOAO-

BOY. « ( Coin) of the saviour king Apollodotus.”

540) Notes on Captain Hay’s Bactrian coins. [No. 101.

_ Reverse.—A tripod ; in the field two Bactrian letters which ap-

pear to be 77 and w ; legend in Bactrian characters, Maharajasa nan-

datasa Apaladatasa. ‘ (Coin) of the great king, the saviour A pollo-

dotus.”

No. 2.—Round copper coin of middle size, and apparently in aes

preservation.

Obverse.—Head of the king bare and diademed, to the right, with the

chlamys on the shoulder. Legend——BASIAEQS SQTHPOS EP-

MAIOY. “ (Coin) of the saviour king Hermeeus.”

Reverse.—The figure of Hercules naked, standing to the front; the

lion’s skin hanging over his left arm, and the right hand holding his club,

which rests on the ground. Legend in Bactrian characters imperfect.

The inclined attitude of the figure of Hercules, which makes Cap-

tain Hay suppose that he is leaning back against something, results in

my opinion rather from the position of the left hand on the hip,

which causes the body to be slightly bent. This inclined attitude,

which is more or less so on different specimens, may after all only

be intended to show that the figure is in the act of advancing.

No. 3.—A round copper coin of middle size, and very imperfect.

This piece is in my opinion only a very bad specimen of the common-

est type of the copper coins of Hermeeus, of which the following is a

description.

Obverse.-—Head of the king, bare and diademed, to the right, with

the chlamys on the shoulder. Legend, in fair Greek characters,

BASIAEQS SQTHPOS EPMAIOY, « (Coin) of the saviour

king Hermceus.”

Reverse.—The Olympian Jupiter seated on a high backed chair,

half-turned to the left, and extending his right hand in a dignified

manner. Legend in Bactrian characters—Maharajasa dadatasa Er-—

mayasa. (Coin) of the great king, the saviour, Hermeeus.”

No. 4.—A round copper coin of middle size, apparently in joa

preservation.

Obverse.—Figure of Abundance seated on a high backed chair,

slightly turned to the left: her right hand raised, and the left holding

a horn of Plenty. Legend BASIAEQS BASIAEON ME-

FAAOY AZOY. « (Coin) of the great king of kings, Azes.”

Reverse.—Hercules standing, resting his left hand on his club,

FPR A ED Sc ED SIRE hohe |

vA \¢ A

4 j

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f OT vi)

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VT. Black, Asvatte Lith Press Cad

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nid upritestpialae had

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1840. | Notes on Captain Hay’s Bactrian coins. 541

with his right arm raised ; in the field the two monograms already

described on the other coin of Azes, No. 3, Plate 1. Legend in

Bactrian characters—Maharajasa Rajatirajasa mahatasa Azasa.

(Coin) of the great king, the king of kings, the mighty Azes.”’

No. 5.—A square copper coin, of small size, and apparently in

good preservation.

Obverse.—An elephant’s head with the trunk turned up, to. the

right—under the neck a chain and bell. Legend on three sides

BASIAEQS SOQTHPOS MENANAPOY. « (Coin) of the savi-

our king Menander.”

Reverse.—The knotted club of Hercules erect (the sketch gives

the reverse in the wrong position): in the field a monogram. Legend in

Bactrian characters on three sides; Maharajasa dadatasa Midanasa.

“‘ (Coin) of the great king, the saviour Menander.”

No. 6.—A round silver coin of the size of a drachm, in middling

preservation.

Obverse.—Head of the king helmeted to the right, the ends of

a diadem appearing under the helmet; and the chlamys on the

shoulder. Legend —BAZIAEQ2 ZQTHPOZD MENANAPOY.

“ (Coin) of the saviour king Menander.”

Reverse.—The Thessalian Minerva, or Minerva Promachus, walk-

ing to the left, in the attitude of hurling a thunderbolt raised in

her right hand, and holding before her on her left arm the Agis, in the

middle of which is Medusa’s head : in the field a Grecian monogram.

Legend in Bactrian characters—Maharajasa dadatasa Midanasa.

*‘ (Coin) of the great king, the saviour Menander.”

No. 7.—A round copper coin of middle size, and in bad preservation.

This piece, from its type and general appearance, and from the few

Bactrian characters visible on the reverse, is undoubtedly a coin of

Undopherres, similar to that which has already been described as

‘No. 8 of Plate I.

No. 8.—A round copper coin of middle size, and in bad preserva-

tion. It is ‘a piece of the king Kadphises, or Kadaphes, before de-

scribed in the notice of Nos. 5, 6, and 7, of Plate I.

No. 9.—A round silver coin of the size of a drachm ; of good make,

and in beautiful preservation.

542 Notes on Captain Hay’s Bactrian comms. __[|No. 101L.

Obverse.—Head of the king to the right, bare and diademed, the

ends of the diadem hanging at the back of the head. Legend—

BASIAEQSS QTHPOS EPMAIOY,. “ (Coin) of the saviour

king Hermceus.”

Reverse.—The Olympian Jupiter seated on a chair. Legend in

Bactrian characters, Maharajasa nandatasa Ermayasa. “(Coin) of

the great king, the saviour Hermeeus. A beautiful specimen of this

same coin was first published by M. Raoul-Rochette in the Journal

des Savans for October, 1835.

No. 10.—A round copper piece, of middle size. This is a coin of

the anonymous prince already described in the notice of No. 4, Plate I.

No. 11.—A round copper piece, of middle size, in bad preservation.

This is, with some slight variations, another specimen of the same

type of Hermceus as No. 3 of the present plate, already described.

Captain Hay’s opinion that there must have been several princes

of the name of Hermeeus is likewise held by Mr. Masson, who has

created three Hermoei, and located them in an imaginary seat at

Nysa, which he says was near Jelalabad ; but from what has been said

in the notice of the coins of Eucratides we may learn to be cautious

in creating several princes of the same name, from different types

and mintages of coins of the same prince.

No. 12.—A round copper coin, of small size, and in very bad order.

The only word legible in the Greek legend is ZQTHP “ saviour,”

and I can make nothing of the marks occupying the usual place of

the Bactrian legend: I incline however to attribute this coin to

Azes, from its similarity in size, type, and general appearanee, to many

coins of that prince which I have seen.

No. 13.—A round silver coin of the size of a drachm. From the

imperfect sketch of this coin. I am unable to come to any conclusion

regarding it; I think however that it does not belong to any Bactrian

prince; but from having no means of reference to the published coins

of the Lysian, Cappadocian, and other kings, I cannot do more than

record my belief that it is not a Bactrian coin: should it however

prove to be so, it will be one of the most valuable acquisitions with

which numismatology has been lately enriched.

ALEXANDER CUNNINGHAM.

343

Appendix to the notice of Forged Bactrian coins in No. 100.

Since writing the above notice, I have found in Capt. E. Conolly’s

Journal of Bactrian Numismatics (about to be published) the follow-

ing description of a gold coin of Amyntas.

“Gold coin of square form, in the collection of Lady Sale, pur-

chased at Peshawur, in all respects similar to the copper coin of the

same king, except that the figures are reversed.”

The square form of this piece—a form hitherto unknown in the

gold coinage of Bactria, its perfect identity in shape, in size, and in

type (only reversed) with the copper coin of this kind already known,

added to its having the same sloping cut in the corner which ex-

isted in Col. Stacy’s copper specimen ; and also in the forged silver piece

of General Allard; all prove, most satisfactorily to my mind, that

this square gold coin of Amyntas is likewise a forgery.

The existence of the sloping cut would alone be to mea sufficient

proof of spuriousness of this new piece; the ignorant forger having

been unable to complete the legend of the coin on either side. The

circumstance of its having been purchased at Peshawur, where Gene-

ral Allard resided so long, and from whence he dispatched to France

the drawing of the forged silver coin already mentioned, seems to

prove that this gold piece was the production of the same hand

that manufactured the spurious silver coin, purchased by General

Allard, the type having been reversed with the intention of selling

the new piece to General Allard, and of preventing any suspicion

of its genuineness arising in the mind of the General, who had pur-

chased the silver piece of the same type, from the same person.

The fact of the type having been reversed, shows an advance in

the art of forgery, which should tend to make our countrymen still

more cautious in the purchase of Bactrian coins; and more particularly

of pieces in the other metals, which reproduce types already known

in copper.

In the same paper Captain E. Conolly mentions a tetradrachm of

Euthydemus belonging to himself, as being “‘ evtdently cast.”

There can be no doubt therefore that this ‘‘ evtdenily cast” te-

tradrachm of Euthydemus is a spurious piece, forged, with many

others, to satisfy the demands of our countrymen in Afghanistan, whose

’

544 Notice of Forged Bactrian coins in No. 100. [No. 101.

commendable zeal leads them to give higher prices for these coins

than prudence warrants; and I fear that many will find their col-

lections diminish in value as their numismatic knowledge increases,

and enables them to detect the spurious coins they have purchased.

The goldsmiths in northern Afghanistan are, I believe, chiefly, if |

not all, Hindoos, who have been accustomed from their youth to

the casting of gold and silver into an infinity of small forms, and

to the making casts of old coins, with figures of their Deities, to be

worn as charms round the neck.

I have myself seen a dozen brass casts from two different gold

coins of Govinda Chundra Deva of Kanouj; one cast was remark-

able in having no inscription side, two moulds of the obverse hav-

ing been placed together to form a piece with the seated figure Durga

on each side. These casts were made openly when deception was no

object, but when 100 rupees are asked for a tetradrachm of An-

timachus, and the same sum for a tetradrachm of Euthydemus, we

may be certain that the same man, who would make a few casts

from an ancient coin for the sake of the small profit to be obtained

from one or two native customers, will now multiply casts of the

genuine coins that may fall into their hands for the sake of the

high prices that are given for all coins of Bactrian appearance by

many of our countrymen, whose numismatic experience is not yet

sufficient to distinguish a true coin from a forged one.

The forgery of coins is no novelty in India, for the high prices

given for the Zodiac coins of Jehariger, soon excited the cupidity of

forgers, who produced the whole of the twelve signs both in gold

and in silver—no complete silver set of genuine Zodiac coins has,

so far as I have been able to learn, yet been obtained.

In 1837 I saw Mr. Laing’s cabinet containing nine silver Zodiacal

coins, all of which were forgeries, stamped by a die imitated from

genuine gold coins, which differ both in type and in inscription from

the silver coins;—and which, joined to their hardness and crude-

ness of outline, are the best tests for distinguishing the forged coins

from the true ones.

ALEXANDER CUNNINGHAM.

545

Note on an inscription from Oodeypore near Sagur.

This inscription sent by Capt. Burt (Eng.) to our late Secretary, has

been already noticed in the Journal, though but casually (As. Soc. Jour.

p- 1056, vol. vir.) Capt. Burt having again submitted it to the Society

through me, the translation is now published with the original in Devna-

gree, as I have not thought it necessary to have a lithograph prepared

of the facsimile, the character being well known. The errors of grammar,

and incorrectness of expression occurring in the inscription are so gross,

that the pundit Kamalakanta Vidyalanka declined helping me in the pub-

lication of it unless I permitted him to interline his emendations, which,

as will be seen, has been done accordingly. The date is s. v. 1116, or

918 of Salivahana, or 446 of Oodyadhitya, thus establishing the era of the

latter monarch, as has been already noted by Mr. H. T. Prinsep, at about

A. p. 618. A misapprehension occurred however when the former notice

was published, as to the name of the reigning raja, the recorder of the

inscription ; and especially as this record introduces us to names hitherto

unknown among the rulers of Malwa, I have thought it expedient to pub-

lish Kamalakanta’s acknowledgment of his error in having taken one

of the attributive epithets of the reigning raja, on a hasty perusal, for

his actual name. Our present raja has stood hitherto recorded as Punya

Pala, in place of his proper appellation: had not circumstances induced

the necessity of a cursory notice, the oversight would have been of course

corrected as soon as made.

I have in vain endeavoured to trace the Pavara dynasty in ordinary

books of reference; the names of the chiefs therefore recorded on this

tablet are of course unknown to history. Of the three* generations noted

on this inscription, one only in the person of the reigning raja is recorded

as in possession of its regal authority, and he is represented as having

regained the heritage of his fathers, though the fact of their ejection from

it is, for obvious reasons, but dubiously alluded to. According to Abool

Fuzl (Useful Tables, p. 107) Jitpal Chohan recovered Malwa from Kemal-

ood-deen, whom he murdered a. p. 1069. Conquered in 866, Malwa would

appear from the slight notice afforded by historians during the period

intervening between the years of its invasion, and the accession of the so-

called Jitpal Chohan, to have owned but a doubtful submission to its

Islamite oppressors. Reduced as we are to the meagre chronicles of his-

torians, who belonged to the invading and aggressive party, we cannot

expect to find the record of their defeats kept with any thing approach-

* I do not include of course the fourth generation, adolescent sons of the reigning Raja.

546 Note on an inscription [No. 10].

ing to general accuracy. Of the two great authorities, Ferishta and

Abool Fuzl, the former makes no mention of the early conquests of the

Mussulmans towards the Nurbudha, while the latter merely enables us to

conclude, that the country after having been overrun, was either left

for years together unvisited by the conquerors, or was confided to the

charge, perhaps, of a Hindoo tributary chief. Let what may have been the

case, there is little doubt but that subsequent to the Mussulman invasion,

the country must have been a prey to disorder, the efforts of the Mussul-

mans on the one hand striving to reap the fruits of their conquest, and on

the other, of the Hindoos endeavouring to re-establish the power of the

ancient dynasties, tending equally to destroy the semblance of a social

system, and set at nought the efforts of the historian, did he attempt to

delineate the principal events of times so troubled. As regards the certain

record before us, I will merely observe that the coincidence (within nine

years) of the accession of the so-called Jitpal Chohan to the throne of

Malwa, and the exertion of regal authority in that country by the raja

who in the inscription is represented as having recovered his domi-

nions, is a valuable fact. The subsequent history of the Hindoo princes

of Malwa gives us instances of scions of the. royal house returning

(sa. pv. 1192) after a long sojourn in a distant land (Kamroop), and

achieving by, it would appear, their personal prowess, a restoration

of their authority over their patrimonial possessions. This suffices to

prove the little security which Mussulman ascendancy could have

obtained in Malwa after the lapse of even more than a century from the

date of our inscription ; the natural inference is, that the dispossession

of Kemal-ood-deen might have been at that earlier period still more easily

effected by one who in recording his deeds, proves his hereditary right

by mention of his immediate ancestors, though unable to say more of

them than that, landless as they were, he won back his sovereignty in

right of his descent from them. The total dissimilarity of the name of the

Chohan Raja of a. pv. 1069, and of the scion of the Pavara dynasty, a. pv.

1060, recorded, the former by Abool Fuzl, the latter by himself, as having

recovered his -possessions in Malwa, is not on reflection so startling as it

might at first sight appear to be, when we remember the incorrectness —

with which indigenous names are usually given by foreign writers, and

the practice among Hindoo princes of assuming a titular appellation on

accession to their throne. The coincidence of date is of course the only

point of real importance.

The incorrectness of the Sanscrit in which the inscription is written,

I take as a strong indication of the state of the country at the time of

its composition. Fatigued by years of war and desolation, and oppressed

1840. | JSrom Oodeypore, near Sagur. 347

by the fanatic violence of the Mussulmans, the country had so ceased

to afford encouragement to the cultivation of its indigenous literature,

that when a son of its ancient race regained for a time his authority,

there remained not a man of letters able to celebrate his restoration in fitting

Literal Translation. By Pundit Saropua Prusnap.

language.

May success attend this salutation to Ganesha, the Supreme Deity.

Hail to the husband of Parvati (Siva) the source of prosperity,

who in each of his five faces is possessed of three ears, ten hands,

two vehicles (the bull and the lion), the half moon on his forehead,

and Ganga on his head. His person besmeared with ashes is adorned

with serpents, and his throat stained blue. Half his body is rendered

beautiful by Haimavati (his wife), on whose feet are golden anklets*

shining with jewels.

There was a fortunate Raja named Suravira, who was descended

from the Pavara line, and was himself very learned, pious, liberal,

valiant, and possessed of both Azs own and his enemy’s armies. He

had a son named Gondala, who was renowned —very liberal, receptacle

of all noble qualities, devoted to the gods, enjoyer (of happiness),

judicious, conqueror of his enemies, and famous for his own deeds.

His son, named Avevalamathana, who was the protector of all,

and famous, and whose fame is white like the moon beams, went

to Ma/ava and recovered his former kingdom of Madhyadesha, which

had formerly been governed by his ancestors, and was usurped by

inimical Rajahs. There he performed many religious ceremonies,

eaused tanks to be made, which are filled with water, and a temple

of Siva to be built.

He erected- many divine temples, and granted Dhanyast and gold

to the Brahmans, and was succeeded by his son Udayaditya the king,

who was equal to his father in power.

There further (he Avevalamathana) who was himself an ascetic

_ and renowned for his fame, offered sacrifices, and performed many

virtuous deeds, and caused this sacred and divine temple to be erected,

which is perfect and best in its kind within the whole Jam-budwepa,

* An ornamental effect.

+ Corn or lands productive of corn

a48 Inscription from Oodeypore, near Sagur. ([No. 101.

in the year of the Vekramaditya samvat 1116, corresponding with the

Saka year 981, in the year Kaliyuga 4160, and in the same of

Udayaditya 446.

During this time all his subjects avoided the usages of Kaliyuga,

and paid homage to all the sacred temples, and Jam-budwepa itself

was the dwelling place of Bhagavati.

His son Sdlivdhana who was distinguished by all the marks (of

prosperity,) has agreeably to the customary observances of kings,

cherished virtue, and furnished all the temples with the furniture

of worship. He was devoted to the worship of his tutelary gods,

persevering, hospitality, and firm in mind. He acquired virtue and

wealth, gratified his passions, and performed the religious acts in the

manner as declared in Vedas.

Bhava, the son of Rama, who was known by the name of Dhurma-

dhyaksha, caused this eulogy to be inscribed on the Friday, the

thirteenth day of the moon’s light, fortnight of the month of Chaitra,

when the sun was in the sign Pisces.

This eulogy, which is placed on the walls of this temple, and is

durable till the sw and the moon will endure, was composed by

Apajay?t, a Brahmana, who was studious in the Vedas and the arts of

singing, and was dear to kine as well as to Brahmans, a superior

Pundit in astronomy, and respected by all.

It was expected that so long as the earth, the sun, (Swaha) the

wife of fire, the Meru (the golden mountain) and the rivers will

endure, so long from generation to generation, it will show the extent

of his education in Shastras.

If any previously point out where my errors are, I shall be pleased

with him.

Success! This inscription was engraved by Szvala, the son of Santala

Deva, and the grandson of Setasya. He was by caste Sutradhara,

and the meanest and most faithful and obedient servant of the king.

an,

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= conde rEMTENESEGT schetaya |

aqqrcimradt fetrenaistas *

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Feat RTT ea Fg TATA Lee Te TS TTT TET RTE Cf TIRE ATCT ATS TAT,

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feqratentafaamefuueranaaaecuauastetaaa 141 UUCHTeAae 141 arequfanfaatenatacn ua saataa ofa fa dager

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fafy: 1 < are T ee Ra AP Tees TUT POTENT ETS WOOT

D Bevnnide De

View of a Shall. aired

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Heons of the Wild Bull ne found in the

fowvarstr the Seurve

aD we tly

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wy ee eS

NYY tenn ceepilad view, ine animal simutar to the one

delineated. in the Journal for Nov" 1039. but the hora here os free

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Soomer

Frontal view of he same

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951

On Bos Gaurus.—By Dr. SPILSBURY.

[Extract of a letter from Dr. Spilsbury (with plate) to Prof. W. B. O’Shaughnessy. ]

*“ Ouseley writes me that he has sent you the skull and horns of a

wild bull; now I send you a frontal and occipital view of a bovine

skull, and part of horn (similar animal as delineated in November

Journal) both done to the same scale; the upper one shews well

the breadth and flatness of the occiput, and the whole being clear

of matrix, a good notion is obtained of the size of the horn, of the

teeth, breadth of skull, &c. You havea good view in the former

plate.* Now I should like to have a cognoscent account of this

animal. I have perused Dr. Evans’ paper on Bos Gaurus; Pearson

on Gour, and Gyal; and Hodgson on the Bibos, all in vol. VI. for

1837, of the Asiatic Journal, without being able to come to a conclu-

sion as to which the fossil belongs, and it is equally distinguished

from the fossil Buffalo. The horn of the latter is straight, also great

breadth of forehead, as shewn in the contrasted specimens No. 3 and

9 with Nos. 7, and 8, in the November Journal. Along with the

fossil ones, I send you a drawing of a recent head of the wild bull, as

found in our wilds, for comparison with the Sirgorjals. This specimen

has the crest, as shewn in p. 16, vol. VI. but I do not think so large,

but the age of the animal may alter it; see p. 18, same vol. Hardwicke’s

horn and forehead are delineated, which does not come so near the ap-

pearance of ours as p. 16. The fossil has no crest, and the horns are

quite different; so I submit them to the cognoscent, and shall be

glad to see your remarks, or those of some one conversant with

Zoology upon them. I have another batch nearly ready for trans-

portation, which will be under weigh in due season.”

Note.---I regret exceedingly that the departure of Dr. Thomson, our late

Curator, prevented my having the pleasure of submitting the above ex-

tract, and the acco mpanying plates with remarks upon them, with which he

had promised to furnish me. I trust that Dr. Spilsbury’s discovery may

not pass uncommented upon, and shall have great satisfaction in giving

early publication to the further specimens he promises to oblige us with.

* November Journal, 1839.

hb?

Proceedings of the Asiatic Soctety.

(Wednesday Evening, 5th August, 1840. )

The Honorable H. T. Prinsep, Esq., Vice-President, in the chair.

The Proceedings of the last Meeting were read.

J. J. Torrens, Esq., Rev. A. Wattis, Mr. A. Camppeiyt, Dr. THomson, Major

Pottinger, and Baboo Ramcopaut Guose, proposed at the last Meeting, were

ballotted for, and duly erected members of the Society. :

Major Rawtiinson was proposed by Lieut. C. B. Conotiy, seconded by the

Officiating Secretary.

Read letters from Messrs. E>warp Baxrour, Secretary to the Royal College of

Surgeons, and Joun WasuiNnGrTon, Secretary to the Geographical Society of London,

acknowledging receipt of the 2nd part of the 20th vol. of the Asiatic Researches.

Library.

The following books were presented :—

Transactions of the Geological Society of London, vol. 5, pt. 2nd. second series. —

By the Society.

Madras Journal of Literature and Science, vol. 26.—By the Madras Literary

Society.

Transits as observed, and Calculation of the Apparent Right Ascensions 1$34.—

By the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty.

Zenith Distances observed with the Mural Circle, and Calculation of Geocentric

South Polar distances, 1836, 37.—By ditto.

Bessel’s Refraction Tables—By ditto.

The Oriental Christian Spectator, No. 6. vol. 1—By the Editor.

General Anniversary Meeting of the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries at

Copenhagen; in French 2 copies; in English and French, 3 copies; and in

English, French, Danish, &c. 2 copies, 7 Nos.—By the Society.

Memoires de la Societe Royale des Antiques du Nord, 1836-37.—By ditto.

Annaler for Nordisk Oldkyndighed—By ditto.

Bulletin de la Societe de Geographi, vol. 11th, 2d series—By the Geographical

Society of Paris.

Journal Asiatique, Vol. 6th 3d Series Nos. 34, 35, and 36, from October to Decem-

ber; 1838, Vol. 7th Nos. 37—42; January to June 1839, Vol. 8th Nos. 43—47,

July to November 1839.—By the Asiatic Society of Paris.

L’Indicateur des Poids et Mesures Metriques instructions par M. Martin Victor

Paquet.—By the author.

Weber die indirchen Verwandts chaften in Aegypischen.—By Professor Othinar

Frank.

Gelelorte Auzeigen.—By ditto.

The following books were purchased :—

Naturalist’s Library, Vol. 6th.

Yarrell’s History of British Birds, part 17.

Annals of Natural History, No. 28.

1840. | Asiatic Society. 553

Literary and Antiquities.

Read a letter from Captain McLeop, correcting an error in the position of the coal

fields in Tenasserim as published in the map of the Coal Committee in the Society’s

last number of the Journal.

The Officiating Secretary then laid before the Meeting a curious pootee (religious

work) which he received from a Jain priest, mentioned in the last number of the

Journal, The MSS. was dated 1508 sumbut, being about 400 years old, and was pro-

duced by the priest in support of his assertion that one of Lieut. Conolly’s gems,

mentioned in the above number of the Journal, gave the heads of a Buddhist teacher

bearded, and with a cloth over the mouth. A figure, illuminated in the style of the

old missals, was given in this Manuscript in position to support the Jotee’s argument.

He also attempted the explanation of the supposed monogram (No. 1. ph I. As. Soc.

Jour. No. 98) by stating that it represented the Seuthi Sthapani, or stand for supporting

sacred works in use among Buddhists. Captain McLeop inclined to consider the

explanation a very fair conjecture ; but the Officiating Secretary stated that the Jotee’s

interpretation, as well as the result of further investigation on the other gems were

not published in this number, as it was wished to invite further inquiry, and also to

accompany them with corrected copies of the ancient character on No. 6 gem, which

had been faultily lithographed.

The Officiating Secretary called the attention of the Meeting to a paper containing

Memoranda by Mr, PivpiNeTon, regarding the Law of Storms. A portion of this

paper was read to the Meeting. Mr. Pippina@ton, mentioned that he had met

with difficulties in procuring the information he required, to enable him to carry

out his object, from the unwillingness of some, and the want of time, &c. in the

commanders of vessels, to give extracts of their logs regarding the bad weather they

might have experienced on their passage. On this account Mr. PippiNGTon wished

the Society to apply to Government for the issuing of some order, making it com-

pulsory on all commanders of vessels giving the requisite information on their entering

port. Mr. Prinsrer thought that Government would not adopt any compulsory

measures, as commanders of vessels were only answerable to their owners for their

log books ; but he doubted not that they would use every persuasive means, and make

the strongest appeals to their feelings for the desired information, and even if it would

be of use, a lithographed letter of thanks should be given to all who afford the

required information, on their leaving port. Mr. Pippin@Ton desired it to be under-

_ stood, that only those parts of their logs as related expressly to the state of the few days

bad weather which vessels might have experienced, and the situation of the ship

at the time, were all that were solicited. The Officiating Secretary said that he would

throw all that had been urged into the form of a letter to Government, and solicit it

_ to make an appeal to Officers and Commanders of vessels that every facility might be

given to Mr. PippinGToN, for the accomplishment of his object.

A palm leaf Manuscript on Burmese Cosmogony, was exhibited at the Meeting by

Captain McLrop, who informed them that the Manuscript in question is the property

of Dr. Bayrietp, and that he would take an early opportunity of presenting the

Society with a similar work on the arrival of his books.

Read a communication from Mr. CAMPBELL, regarding the Lepchas.

554 Asiatic Society, [No. 101.

Museum.

Read a letter from Mrs. DenHAmM, forwarding one of the balustrades of the old

London bridge. ;

A collection of snakes preserved in spirits was presented by W. Porteous, Esq.

The Officiating Secretary regretted to inform the Meeting that the Society has been

deprived of the services of their Curator Dr. T. THomson, on account of his being

ordered to proceed to the Upper Provinces. During the short time Dr. THomson,

undertook the duties of Curator, he rearranged the specimens of natural history, &c.

in the Society’s Rooms, and was of very material service in other departments of the

Museum.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Journal of a trip through Kunawur, Hungrung, and Spiti, under-

taken in the year 1838, under the patronage of the Astatic Society

of Bengal, for the purpose of determining the geological formation

of those districts —By Tuomas Hurron, Lieut., 37th Regt. N. I.,

Assistant Surveyor to the Agra Division.

LOLI LP DODD OS LE LODE

PART III.

On the 3rd July I retraced my steps to Hungo, and found a very

different aspect to that I had witnessed in the beginning of June; then

the snow was lying deep on all the surrounding hills, and within a

few yards of the village itself. The yellow flowering furze was the

only plant that seemed hardy enough to face the chilling waste of snows

that spread around. Now, the wintery sheet had melted all away,

except towards the summits of the mountains, the furze had lost its

golden flowers—and in their place were others of various kinds scattered

through the fields or on the mountain’s side. The loud sharp whistle

of the bhair was hushed, and had given place to the sbrill chirp of the

ericket and the grasshopper. <A tinge of green was seen to pervade

each mountain side, and the cultivation round every village was of

the brightest and richest hue. In short, the glad smile of summer

shone around at every step, and the chill white garment of the winter

| was fast receding to its farthest limits.) How marked a contrast, was

produced in one short month! Had I returned by any other route, I

should undoubtedly have been tempted to describe these hills as bare

| No. 102. New Series, No. 18. as

556 Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. (No. 102.

and unproductive of ought, save furze. How cautious therefore should

the traveller be, lest noting down too hastily his first impressions, he

be lead to pronounce that country barren, which at another and more

favourable season, he would find rich in plants and cultivation. Such

indeed, I am told, has been the case at this very mountain of Hun-

grung; M. Jacquemont, who crossed it in summer, when all was

““blythe and gay,” having passed some severe critical remarks on

Messrs. Herbert and P. Gerard, who crossing it some years previously

in autumn, when all the beauty of the scene was over, had pro-

nounced it wanting in botanical treasures. Both parties were some-

what hasty, the one seeming to think the district always rich in flow-

ers, and the other, that it never was so; neither seem to have taken

into consideration the effects to be expected from change of seasons, and

truly when I first crossed the Pass in June, I was inclined to adopt an

equally hasty conclusion; for the very look of the place, so still and

lonely, so bare and sad, seemed to strike a chill upon me, and to depress

my spirits, so that on my return, the beauty that every where met the

eye appeared to have been conjured up by magic, or like the sud-

den and well managed shifting of a winter scene, to one of smiling

summer.

From Hungo we ascended to the Hungrung Pass, which is the

boundary between Kunawur and the Tartars of “ Hungrung within.”

In place of the cold sheet of snows that was every where spread

around when I last travelled over this ground, the Chinese furze,

the wild shalot, yellow potentilla, rhubarb, and several other plants

now enriched the scene, and the delicate flowers of “ Sazifraga

ciliata,’ were abundant.

On recrossing the Hungrung Pass, I once more entered Kuna-

wur, and bid a long adieu to Tartary and Tartars.

I am far from thinking, with the late Dr. Gerard, that “ the Tartars

are the finest fellows I ever met with,’—nor can I give them the

preference over the Kunawurrees. That they are frank and free

enough in their manner, I allow; but I often found them too much

so, and so troublesomely curious and inquisitive were they, that

it was sometimes only by threatening them with the stick, that I

could keep my tent free from them. As to their honesty, it appeared

to me very like the honour which is said to exist among thieves;

1840.] Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &e. 557

they are true and honest among themselves, because they find it

mutually their interest to be so, in a country where each is necessarily

more or less dependent on his neighbour for assistance ;—but in

their dealings with a stranger, they do not hesitate to lie and cheat as

much as any of the people of the plains of India.

Of this I had several good proofs while among them, one instance

of which was practised at Dunkur. Being sadly in want of provisions

for my people, I had, with much difficulty, at length prevailed upon

the killadar of the fort to sell me ten rupees worth of wheaten

flour. The money was paid in advance, and it was agreed that

I should march to Leedung, and leave behind me three or four

of my people to receive and bring it on the next morning. According-

ly I proceeded to the fossil site, and halting there one day, we con-

sumed all the provisions we had with us. Instead of furnishing

the flour by noon on the stipulated day, it was not produced and

delivered over to my people until late in the dusk of the evening,

when it was too dark to see its quality, which was of course exactly

the aim of the seller; for on its arrival in my camp the next day,

it proved to be instead of wheat, for which I had paid a higher price

than it was selling for among themselves, coarse barley meal, of

the worst description, and which even the coolies refused to eat.

Luckily we purchased enough at Leedung for the day’s consumption.

This was so evident an endeavour to take me in, and pocket the

difference in price, by giving me bad barley instead of good wheat,

that I instantly returned it, and demanded the strict fulfilment of

the agreement, under pain of helping myself. My demand was

acceded to immediately, as even then I only got seven seers for

the rupee, while among themselves it was selling from ten to twelve

seers.

Another instance of their roguery which annoyed me excessively,

occurred during the short march from Nabo to Leeo. I had pur-

chased an enormous pair of horns with the skull of a shawl goat, and

had placed them on a kiltah, or basket, containing specimens of rocks

and minerals. On arriving at Leeo the horns had disappeared, and all

inquiry to discover the thief was fruitless: they now no doubt grace

some pile dedicated to their favourite Devi. This theft however, was

the least of the evil, for the rascally Tartar, thinking his load too heavy,

598 Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. (No. 102.

had thrown away a number of valuable rock specimens also. So much

for Tartar morals.

If coolies are required from a village in Spiti, no man will move

without first receiving his four annas, and it is then by no means im-

probable, that he will set down his load about half way, and leave you

in the lurch, or he will Jeave part of it behind, and carry on the rest,

telling you very coolly that it is too heavy, although perhaps the whole

does not amount to twenty seers.

Sometimes again, no man will stir even if you offer him double pay

and a light load, for fear the Mookiah of the village, who happens to

be absent, should feel displeased at his giving you assistance, and in

this case the load must be left behind until you can send back a man

for it from the next stage. If asked whether they will sell you a

sheep or goat, flour or birmore (woollen stuff,) they invariably tell

you there is no such thing to be had in the village, either because the

season has been bad and the crops have failed, or because somebody

has robbed them ; while at the same time they have plenty of every

one of the articles demanded ; but their fears that the traveller will

take what he fancies, without giving them payment for the same, at

once prompts them to tell a lie as the safest mode of escape. When

once assured of payment, however, they bring their goods forward, al-

though at a most exhorbitant price, thinking, no doubt, that as a pay-

ing customer is seldom met with, the best way is to make the most of

him when he does appear.

It is very true that all this may originate from the mode in which

they are treated by their governors, and that if they were more hap-

pily circumstanced they would behave otherwise ; but_with the causes

of their behaviour, I have nothing to do, and I therefore speak of the

Tartar as I found him.

These remarks however are much more applicable to the Tartars

of Spiti than to those of Bussaher, or as they term themselves by way

of distinction, both from the Tartars of other districts and from the

Kunawurrees, “ Tartars of Hungrung within.”

The Tartars of Hungrung are subject to Bussaher ; those of Spiti

to Ladak ; and the Chinese Tartars to China ; these although essen-

tially the same people, have nevertheless their peculiarities and dis-

tinctions both in dress, and language. |

1840. | Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. 299

The dress of the Tartars consists in general of a strong and thick

birmore, which is manufactured by themselves from the wool of the

Thibetan sheep. The coat or body dress fits somewhat tightly over

the breast and shoulders, and has long sleeves ; it descends as far as

the knees, but is not plaited like the dress of Kunawur ; they wear

also large loose trowsers with the ends tucked up, and tied at the

knee, causing them to fall in large bags nearly to the ankle. The foot

is encased in a strong, and clumsily made shoe of leather, to which is

attached a woollen stocking reaching to the knee, where it is confined

by a garter beneath the trowsers.

This stocking is generally of two colours, the lower half being red

or yellow, and the upper half blue. This is the dress of a decently

clad person, but in general they are seen clothed in rags and tatters

of the filthiest kind, their stockings patched with yellow, red, blue,

and every colour of the rainbow, yet bearing no more resemblance to

Tartars—to which the fanciful imagination of a former traveller has

likened them—than do the patched, and parti-coloured rags of an Eng-

lish beggar, to the neatly arranged colours of a Highland plaid.

To the above dress is often added a red linen sash, in: which is

stuck a knife, and a steel tobacco pipe, called a ‘‘ gungsah” ; it is

sometimes inlaid with silver, and rudely worked, and is manufactur-

ed in Spiti from the iron which is imported from the lower hills. The

bow! for the tobacco, and the fout en semble have very much the

form of an English tobacco pipe. ‘The Chinese Tartars have them

made of brass, and neatly ornamented ; a small leathern purse in which

is kept the tobacco in a dried state, and a steel, or chuckmuch for

striking a light, are also suspended from the waist by a string, or

sometimes a brass chain.

Round the neck is worn a necklace of pieces of amber and coloured

stones, and many of the devout have also a long string of wooden

beads, which are counted over as they hum an invocation to their deity.

In the form of head dress there is some difference; that of Hun-

grung being usually a close fitting cap, with a flap to protect the

ears and nape of the neck, and which in the summer is turned

up. The Tartars of Spiti wear the same, as also a kind of bag-

shaped cap, the upper part of which flaps over one side of the face ;

this last is also worn in Ludak.

560 Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &e. [No. 102.

The Chinese Tartars again are usually bare headed, with the hair

in front cut close, or gathered back into a long plaited tail, which falls

down behind.

The women are certainly, without exception, the ugliest I ever be-

held, and usually vie with the men in filthiness of dress and person.

They are fond of red garments, which consist of a woollen petticoat

reaching to a little below the knee, with trowsers and boots similar to

those of the men; a blanket is also usually thrown across the

shoulders, and fastened in front upon the breast with a large steel

needle or piece of string.

In Kunawura kind of brooch made of brass, and called “ peechook,”

is used instead of the needle, and looks better.

Some wear a cap like the men, but generally the hair is thrown off

the forehead, plaited into numerous long tails, and hangs down the

back, where it is kept from flying about in the wind by a girdle, which

confines it to the waist ; this is sometimes of leather, and is studded

over with pieces of amber and coloured stones ; another similar strap

of leather is also worn on the head, hanging from the forehead over

the crown and down the back, this too is studded like the former with

stones or glass of different colours, and is used both as an ornament

and as a means of keeping down the back hair by its weight.

When kept neat and clean, as some of them are, this style of head

dress has a very pleasing effect.

Both men and women have very low, flat foreheads, small eyes,

broad flat faces, and high cheek bones, which together with a cloak of

goat’s skins worn by the women with the hair inwards, gives to their

square short figures very much the appearance of the pictures we see

of the Esquimaux.

To the Tartars of Hungrung and Spiti, feelings of modesty appear

to be totally unknown, or if known, they are disregarded. Men and

women too, may sometimes be seen unblushingly bathing together in

the same stream, in a state of nakedness.

The Tartars of Spiti are stout made, athletic looking fellows, but

they are poor spiritless cowards, forming in this respect, if report speaks

truth, a marked contrast to the tribes of Chinese Tartary, who are

represented as a bold and fearless people, though of a mild and gentle

disposition.

1840. | Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &e. 561

When the Rajah of Ludak was lately expelled by the troops of

Runjeet Singh, and forced to seek shelter in Spiti, the Tartars as-

sembled to the number of 400 men, and posted themselves at a

gorge, in order to check the advance of the Seiks, who were reported

to have entered the district. The position they had chosen was one

where a handful of resolute men might have held an army at bay,

and they valiantly looked forward to the defeat of their enemies.

When the foremost of the Seiks appeared, a single matchlock was

discharged, doubtless with the intent to strike a panic into the ad-

vancing foe, but it had unfortunately quite a contrary and unforeseen

effect, for no sooner was the report heard, than, without stopping

to witness the result of the shot, off seampered the Tartars, as hard

as they could scramble over the hills, and the enemy, who amount-

ed after all to no more than s7z men, marched through the district

and compelled the Rajah, (who fled on hearing of the result of

the dattle,) to seek protection in Bussaher.

When I asked the Tartars how they could be such cowards as

to run from six men, they replied that they did not know at the

time that their enemies were so few tm number, or they would have

fought them !!

Throughout the districts of Hungrung and Spiti, as also in the

upper parts of Kunawur, where the Bhuddist religion prevails,

oblong piles of stones are constantly met with by the road side, and

the custom is always to pass, so as to leave them on the right hand;

in the observance of this the Tartars are very scrupulous. On these

pilesare numerous slabs of various sizes, with inscriptions engraven in

the characters of Thibet by the Lamas, who appear to be the only

people who can read them. ‘These inscriptions ‘‘ hieroglyphics,’ as

Dr. Gerard has termed them, are usually the sentence “‘ Oom manee

paimee hoong,” repeated two or three times on the same slab ; others

bear longer sentences from their sacred books, and all are analogous

to the tombstones of our own country. When a person dies the body

is burned to ashes, and intimation being given to the Lamas or priests,

a stone is prepared and engraven with some sacred sentence, and

when ready to be deposited on the pile of stones, or “‘ manee” as it

is termed, the friends and relations of the deceased person assemble,

and repairing to the spot, walk several times round the mance,

562 Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. — [No. 102.

repeating the sentence “ Oom manee paimee hoong,” as fast as they

can, in a sing-song voice. After this the Lama deposits the stone,

and the party retires.

The slabs placed on these piles are sometimes very creditably

carved ; at others quite the reverse, being mere thin slabs of slate,

with the letters scratched on the surface.

The word ‘‘ manee” is also applied to a small brass barrel-shap-

ed instrument, about two or three inches long, which is made to

revolve round an axis, one end of which is held in the hand; the

oftener this is made to revolve during the day, the greater chance

the person has of going to heaven. It is laid aside while the possessor

is employed in laborious work, or any occupation requiring the as-

sistance of both hands, but the instant that task is accomplished,

the whirling of the manee is resumed. In it are enclosed a few scraps

of paper, inscribed by the Lamas with some sacred sentences.

The district of Spiti is said to contain about forty villages, and

four hundred families; so that if we allow six and a half persons

as an average to each family, which will certainly be the utmost,

it will furnish a population of about two thousand six hundred

souls. In point of scenery and general appearance, the features of

the country throughout are far different, and less attractive than

the hills of Kunawur.

Through the latter country we see the mountains towering aloft

in ragged and shattered pinnacles, bearing full witness to the mighty

and irresistible nature of the agency which has torn their firm strata

asunder, and hurled them aloft in spires of various forms. Such are

the usual characters of primary formations in every country.

The sides of the mountains are there clothed often to their very

crests with forests of oak and pines, cheering thet raveller, and rob-

bing the gigantic and snow-clad mountains of their terrors. Villages

and cultivation are met with at no great distance from each other;

and all bespeaks the presence of industry and plenty.

Throughout the Tartar districts of Hungrung and Spiti, all wears a

different aspect,—a dull and melancholy air of desolate sadness,

seems to pervade the scene ;—the mountains, less bold and rug-

ged, have a blackened and charred appearance, caused by the de-

1840. | Journal of a trip through Kunawur, §c. 563

composing strata of clay-slates and shales in which they abound.

These hills are of the secondary formation, and their outline more

gradual and rounded, wants that air of majesty and grandeur which

the primary class possesses. Here are no trees, no forests to take

off the sombre aspect of the view,—but a bare and barren waste

of crumbling soils meet the eye at every turn. Broad and sterile

tracts of alluvial deposits are also traversed in the bed of the valleys,

now high above the river’s course, and which seem from their ap-

pearance to invite the hand of industry to cultivate the soil, yet days

may be passed without a village being met with to gladden the cold

and dreary solitude.

If even a village be found, no welcome is seen in the eyes of the

half scared inhabitants, who, fearful lest their stores should be taken

from them without payment, either deny: that they possess any thing

at all, or abandon their huts at the approach of the intruder. When

assured that no force will be used towards them, they become, on

the other hand, such harpies, that. it is impossible to procure the

commonest article without paying a most exhorbitant price for it.

A great inconvenience arises from the want of a copper currency.

Throughout the districts of Hungrung and Spiti, as far as I tra-

velled, nothing could induce the people to receive pice; they have

no use for them among themselves, as every thing is on a system

of barter,—wool for grain, woollen stuffs for salt, tobacco, &c.,—but

no money generally speaking passes from hand to* hand among

them. The only time therefore when they find the use of money

is at the annual fair held at Rampore in the month of November,

at which season they purchase the various articles and supplies

which are to last them till the same time in the ensuing year,—

or which are to be taken up into the higher and remoter hills. In

exchange for these things, which consist of goor, tobacco, iron, grain,

&e. they give to the dealers, biangee* wool, pushm, sooklant, bir-

more, chowrees, blankets, borax, &c.

Even here therefore they pursue a system of barter with the people

of the lower hills and plains, and their money is only useful when

they wish to purchase some trifling articles, such as beads, looking

glasses, &c., from those to whom their merchandise would be useless.

* A term applied to Thibet sheep wool.

564 Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. {No. 102.

In Spiti the only coins which are received, are the old Culdar

rupees, and a small silver money of Ludak, of four annas in value,

called a “ Powlee.”

Thus, as no pice are current, the value in full must either be taken

for your money, or you pay four annas for that which is worth but

one. The way my people used to manage, was to club together to take

a.certain quantity of anything, so as to have the full value of their

money ; but I was constantly obliged to pay four annas for the cup

of milk for my breakfast, or drink my tea without it.

In Hungrung, which is under the government of the Bussaher

Raja, another silver coin, worth two annas, and also sometimes termed

a ‘“Powlee,” though more properly a “ Timashé,’* is current, as

it is likewise in Kunawur. Still, except in Kunawur, no pice

are received, and the people say they have no use for them. Former-

ly there existed a brass currency in Hungrung and Kunawur, but it

has long sinee fallen into disuse. The inconvenience, however, is

not so greatin Hungrung, because the Powlee is of only half the value

of the Ludak coin. Silver money is always readily received, because

it can be applied to various purposes, either in paying the rents, &c.

to their governments, or by melting down into ornaments.

Lead is found in the neighbourhood of Pokh, but in such small

quantities that no mines are worked, and it is only when a supply

of balls are required, that any one will take the trouble of going in

search of it.

The district of Spiti may be said to produce no trees at all, except

a few poplars and willows planted round the villages, to serve for

economical purposes when required, and which being all planted by

the hand of man cannot properly be admitted into a list of the pro- —

ductions of the country, or suffered to be at all characteristic. No

fruits of any kind are seen, neither grapes, peaches, apricot, apples,

walnuts, nor in fact any of those fruits which are so abundant in

Kunawur. Of shrubs, the ‘‘ Himalayan” and ‘ Chinese fruze’+ are

the most abundant, and form the chief fuel of the people; these

are cut and dried in the summer months, and stored up on the

flat roofs of their houses, where they form thick stacks against the

* Is this a corruption of ‘* Timour Shah-i ?°

+ Astralagus.

1840.| Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. 565

rigors of the winter season. Besides the furze there are few shrubs

met with, save the dog-rose, and a creeping plant called “ Kabrah,”

which spreads along the ground, bearing a large and beautiful white

flower. The rose is sometimes cut and stored up also with the furze

for fuel. Growing wild over the almost barren hills, amidst the loose

and crumbling soils, is a small plant bearing a pea-shaped flower,

of a pale rose colour, the leaves of which when bruised are thought

by the shepherds to be efficacious in the curing of maggots in sheep,

and which when applied to the infected part, is said to cause the

insects to drop out ; it is called “‘ Taksiia,”

A traveller journeying through this district in the summer months,

would fancy, from the few sheep and cattle seen about the vil-

Jages, that flocks and herds were wanting; the fact however is far

otherwise. In June when I passed up and down the valley of the

Spiti, I scarcely saw either a sheep or a goat, excepting the flocks

laden with grain, and which did not belong to the district. Of

cows there were a few, but yakchas* none. ‘This is owing to the

custom which prevails, not only here but in Hungrung and Kunawur

also, of sending the flocks to the higher regions, where, when the

snows have melted away, a rich vegetation soon springs up, afford-

ing a pasture that the lower tracts cannot produce. Grasses, po-

tentilloee, wild onions, rhubarb, and herbs of various kinds abound

over these tracts, intermingled with the furze, and extending to the

height of 16,000 feet above the sea. The sheep and goats are tend-

ed during the day, and penned at night, sometimes on the open

mountain side, guarded by several dogs, or enclosed in temporary

huts called Dogress. |

The yaks, on the other hand, are turned loose on the pastures,

and. left at large to roam at will, and to take care of themselves

during the summer, and are only reclaimed when the ploughing

season or the winter arrives. They are employed both as beasts

of burthen and in the tilling of the ground, though former travel-

| lers have denied that they are used in husbandry. For the former

purpose, however, ponies and goats or sheep are preferred, as the

yak cannot travel for many consecutive days without being knock-

ed up. In the plough they have much more the appearance of

* Yak or Yakcha is the name of the Tartaric or Yak ox (Bos poéphagus. )

566 Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. [No. 102.

large shaggy bears than of oxen, and like true mountaineers they

evince the greatest impatience under a yoke, and it is therefore

necessary for two men to attend the plough,—one directing the plough,

while the other walks before and leads the cattle, which are guid-

ed from the nose like the oxen of the plains. .

It has been said that the yak is so savage, as often to put to

flight the inhabitants of a whole village. To this opinion I can by no

means assent, for though I have often passed a herd at graze upon the

mountains, or carrying burthens along the road, I never saw the least

sign of vice among them, nor did they attempt to run at any body.

On the contrary, I pronounce them to be gentle and timid, evincing al-

ways much more disposition to run from, than at, one ; such too, was

the character given of them by the Tartars. It is very probable that

a savage animal may occasionally be found, as we know to be the case

with the cattle of our own country,—but this is only an exception,

and cannot justify the sweeping assertion that the breed is savage.

The best proof of their gentleness is found in the fact, that a

herd of twenty and thirty yaks is often driven by a mere child, and I

could hear of no instance in which the urchin needed farther assistance.

In the higher parts of Kunawur and in Tartary, the yak itself

is the breed of cattle in most general use, but in the less elevated

tracts, and in lower Kunawur, several cross breeds are used.

The male is termed ‘ Yakcha,” and the female ‘‘ Breemoo”; this

is the true ‘‘ Bos grunnies,” or Grunting ox” of Linneus, and the

‘* Bos poephagus”’ of Hamilton Smith. From the Yakcha and the

common little cow of the lower hills, proceeds the ‘“ Zo’, and its

female ‘‘ Zome’; from these and the Yakcha, or Breemoo, proceeds

the ‘* Strool” and “‘ Stroole.’ Both these cross breeds are somewhat

similar in form to the yak, but they want the long hair on the sides

and tail, and are less strongly made.

From the ‘‘ Breemoo,” or female yak, and the Hill bull, proceeds

another cross breed very similar to the foregoing, and called “ Garra’

and “ Garree.’ All are employed in husbandry, and in carrying

loads. Black or red are the prevailing colours, and very few are white,

except at the tuft of the tail.

Besides these breeds of cattle, the people possess sheep and shawl

goats, mules, and large herds of Ghoonds, or hill ponies. The dogs

1840. | Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. 567

are not numerous, and are a sadly degenerated breed of the Thibet

mastiff (Canis molossus var Thibetanus).* Cats are seldom seen,

but are similar to those of the lower hills, being usually of a deep .

grey with darker narrow transverse bands on the sides.

In a country so bare of forest scenery, and presenting so little cover,

it is not to be wondered at that the wild animals are few in number.

The ibex, wild sheep, vulture, eagle, Indian vulture, raven, chough,

chicore, bhair, sparrow, snow bunting, some pigeons and Brahminee

ducks, were nearly all that were seen or heard of.

The ibex is known throughout the upper portions of Kunawur and

in Tartary, by the name of “ Skeen or Szkeen’” and appears to be

identical with the animal called by Hamilton Smith the “ Abyssinzan

Ibex,” or “ Capra Jaela.’ It is found only in the most inaccessible

parts of the mountains near the borders of eternal snows, leaping with

Surprising agility from crag to crag, and bidding defiance to pursuit.

It is therefore only when the heavy falls of snow on the heights

where they love to range have driven them down for pasture to the

_ lower and more accessible parts on the borders of the forests, or in the

shelter of the glens, that they fall a prey to the wary hunter, who

stealing on them with noiseless tread, fires on the herd from behind

the shelter of some ledge that screens him from their sight.

I had no opportunity of inspecting a perfect specimen, but from the

horns and skins, the following description of the “‘ Abyssinian Ibex,”

taken from the Naturalist’s Library, would appear to be appropriate.

“It is of a dirty brownish fawn colour, with a short beard, and

lengthened hair under the throat down the breast, and a darkish line

on the anterior part of the legs and along the back. The horns are

superior in length to those of the European Ibex, forming a half circle

closer on the forehead.”

In the Himalayan ibex, the horns are large, rising as in the

European species, “‘ from the crest of the skull, and bending gradually

backwards”; “‘ they are flat-sided, and have the anterior surface

ringed or barred with very strong cross rugged bands.”

The same opinion regarding the increase of these bands with age, is

prevalent in these mountains, the natives declaring that ¢vo rzngs or

bands are the growth of one year.

* For a good figure, see ‘* Gardens and Menageries, Zoological Society’.

568 Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. [No. 102.

I showed a plate of the European ibex to the Leepee hunter,

asking him if he knew what it was, and he had scarcely set eyes on

it, when he exclaimed with delight, “ wah, wah, it is the Skeen.”

The animal has in a great degree the strong smell peculiar to the

males of this genus.

The wild sheep is the same as that which in my trip to the

Burrrenda Pass, in 1836, I erroneously stated to be a variety of the

‘* Ovis ammon”; I had not then seen one near. Since that time,

however, I have had opportunities of inspecting several fine specimens,

and find it to be the “‘ Ovis nahoor”’ of Nepal, which has been al-

ready ably described by Mr. Hodgson. It is known to the Hill

people of the west as the “ Burrul.”

Of the ‘‘ Ovis ammon,” I could learn nothing, save that an animal

apparently answering to the description, is found in Chinese Tar-

tary, and I saw an enormous pair of its horns, nailed among other

kinds, to a tree as an offering to Devi.

It is said by writers, that one of the descriptive characters of

the European vulture eagle consists in its proneness to attack the

flocks of sheep, dashing downwards from on high with irresistible

strength, and hurling the young or sick animals over some _preci-

pice, in order that it may banquet on the crushed and mangled

carcase.

If such account be true, it furnishes a strong additional reason

for separating the ‘‘ Lamergeyer” of the Swiss, from the Himalayan

bird ; for the latter is never known to attack aught of larger size than

a barn-door-fowl, and it must be hard pressed indeed by hunger ere

it will even venture that. Its food consists, as I stated on a former

occasion, of carrion and offal, which it takes in company with the

true vultures, or snatches from the ground in its talons after the

manner of the kite (Falcochula) and devours it as it flies. It ranges

from Subathoo in the lower hills, to the barren and snow-clad heights

of Tartary.

The Chough, or red-legged crow (Pyrrhocorax graculus,) is common

over all the snowy heights of Kunawur, from 10,000 feet and up-

wards. In Tartary it is very abundant, and appears to be identical

with the English bird, though rather exceeding it in size. In Hung-

rung and Spiti I observed a second species, apparently possessing the

1840. ] Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. 569

same habits, and similar to the common chough in all, save the bill,

which is much shorter, and of a bright yellow colour, instead of the

rich orange of the Cornish chough. The legs are similar in both.

They appeared to keep apart from the other species, and were most

abundant where the former were fewest. Dunkur and the upper parts of

the valley seemed to be their proper habitat. It is in all probability

a known species, and comes I think into Cuvier’s genus “ Fregilus.”

As the winter approaches, both flocks and herds are again driven

down to the villages, where they are fed on fodder, which has

been stored up for them during summer. This consists in a great

measure of the tender shoots of a shrub, which grows over the hills,

especially in Hungrung, and the upper portions of Kunawur, in

great abundance. It is common wormwood, and possesses the pleasant

smell of the southern-wood of England, which is I believe the

same plant, or a closely allied species ; where this shrub occurs in great

abundance the air is often scented with it, and if trodden under foot

the smell is both powerful and pleasant.

In the season when the men are on the mountains with the flocks,

or carrying grain to those parts of Chinese Tartary where little or

none is produced, the care of the crops around their villages devolves

almost entirely upon the women, who are seen early and late through-

out the day, weeding and irrigating their fields.

The chief produce of Spiti is common, celestial, and beardless barley,

(nunga jow of natives) wheat, beans, peas, and phuppra, which are pro-

duced in some abundance in the lower parts of the valley from

Dunkur downwards.

Dunkur is the chief mart for grain, and has a goodly patch of culti-

‘vation around it.

Birmore, a thick kind of woollen cloth, somewhat of the texture of a

blanket, is made in this district of the wool which is received from the

‘Choomoortee and Thibetan shepherds. The cloth is made in pieces of

about eighteen inches wide, and varying in length from six to twelve

yards, and has some resemblance to the thick woollens of which box

coats are made in England. ‘These pieces are sold generally in pairs,

at five to seven rupees, according to the quality and size.

Though yaks are plentiful through this district, no chowrees are

procurable, as the people neglect the tails of the animals, the Jong hair

5/0 Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &¢. [{No. 102.

of which is consequently broken as they roam among the furze of the

upper tracts during summer. The villages of Nako, Chungo, Leeo,

Poo,ee, and Hungo in Hungrung, are some of the places from whence

chowrees are chiefly exported to the lower hills, and much care is be-

stowed upon their growth.

The black ones are not esteemed by the natives, and are therefore |

left to nature, and are either used to hang on poles, one of which is

erected on the roof of almost every house as a propitiatory offering to

some deity, or the long hair is plaited into ropes, which are both strong

and durable. Hemp is unknown in this country, and every person

of the poorer class has a rope of yak’s or goat’s hair twined round the

waist, which serves not only as a waistband, but is also used to bind

their loads upon their backs.

The white tails, however, have the hair often cut to make it grow

longer, and the whole is enclosed in a bag to keep it free from dirt,

and to prevent its being broken by thorns and bushes. When the hair

has attained a good length, the tail is cut off, bone and all, and dried in

the sun, after which the chowree, or chownree as it is termed, is sent

to the lower hills for sale. In Hungrung the price asked is from 1-8 to

3-8 Co’s. rupees, and even four rupees, according to the length, and the

quantity of hair. At Simla double these sums are demanded by the

Cashmerians, who purchase them at the Rampore fair. Formerly

the price even in Hungrung was much lower, but the demand for

them, since Simla has become a fashionable resort, has raised their -

value.

The same effect has been produced at Soongnum in Kunawur, with

regard to the price of blankets which are there made ; formerly one

blanket was as thick as éwvo of the present manufacture, and sold for

the same, and often for a less price. The demand for them of late

years has, however, both raised the price, and deteriorated the quality.

Now, it is no longer a matter of rivalry who shall produce the dest

blankets, but who shall produce the greatest number, and the wool

which formerly would have been apportioned to one, is now made into

two blankets, which are sold at 3-8 and four rupees a piece at Soong-

num ; and at Simla from five to eight rupees by the Cashmerians.

Among the Tartars there are many families who possess no fixed

habitation, but wander about from place to place, with their flocks, ac-

1840. ] Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. 571

according as they find a market for their goods. To these people, in

the language of the country, the title of ‘‘ Kampa” is applied.

They live altogether in tents, or encamp beneath overhanging rocks,

wandering, as the winter approaches, from their native country down

to the lower parts of Kunawur and Cooloo, where they dispose of the

produce of the upper hills, and subsist their flocks until the periodical

rains are about to commence, at which season they again travel to

their native scenes, laden with grain, iron, &c.

The Tartar who accompanied me as a guide through Spiti by order

of Puttee Ram, the present vuzeer, was constantly termed ‘“‘ Kampa”

by the people of the different villages, and at first I thought it was a

title signifying some sort of authority, but it appeared on inquiry

that he had once pursued the wandering trade of a Kampa, and

although he was now well off, and possessed of houses and land both

in Hungo and Leeo, the term still clung to him.

Another title often conferred upon him, also, was that of “ Laffa,”

which I found to have nearly the same meaning as the word ‘‘ mate”

of the lower hills, that is, a servant possessing some little authority

over his fellows, as the mate, or head man of a set of Japannees,

the mate, or man in charge of a Dak bungalow, and in Kunawur,

the mate of a village, who is the “‘ Jocum tenens” of the Mookiah

when absent. Gerard more than once mentions having exchanged

scarfs, or khuttubs, with the Laffa of Peenoo and other villages in

Tartary, which he says is the usual custom.

During my trip through Tartary, I never even saw a single khut-

tub, nor did I find it necessary to offer one, although the Laffa of each

place paid me a visit, and presented the usual small “ nuzzur” of

attah, raisins, or ghee. Gerard no doubt concluded it was necessary

to present a scarf, because he had found it the custom to do so in

Chinese Tartary.

All the inquiries however that I made on the subject, tended to

_ prove that the custom only prevailed among the Chinese people, and

that it was quite unnecessary to make any present at all to a person

of such inferior rank as the Laffa or mate of a village.

On my return from Spiti, when starting from Leeo where my guide

resided, he begged to be released from his post, as in a few days he

wished to start for Choomoonee with his last year’s produce, and

. 4D

5/2 Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. (No. 102.

purchase wool for the Rampore market. Having no farther need of

his services, I dismissed him with a present of five rupees, a common

single bladed penknife, and some strings of imitation coral beads,

as also a string of beads for his wife.

The present though partly consisting of what I ces uedih trash, was

received by him with every mark of delight, and laying the things at

my feet, he knelt down and touched the ground with his forehead,*

saying he had received a great reward.

On the 4th July, after an absence of nearly a month, I once more

took up my abode in the small bungalow at Soongnum. It is a small

flat-roofed house, of one room, and was built several years since by a

Dr. Wilson on the site of an old temple. In front of the door is a

post on which are nailed many horns of the ibex, wild sheep, and

goats, and a similar collection is seen against the trunk of the cedar

tree which overhangs the house.

The town of Soongnum is situated, according to Dr. Gerard, in

latitude 31° 45’ and longitude 78° 27' 24” east, and stands in the

bottom of a glen between the high passes of Roonung and Hungrung,

the one being directly infront, and the other in rear of it. The glen is

ealled the valley, of Rishkdolung, and runs nearly north-west and

south-east. It is well watered by a stream, which runs through it

from the snows on the Manériing Pass, above Manes in Spiti, and joins

the Sutledge a short distance below Soongnum.

From the town, extending about three miles up the stream, is a

beautiful strip of cultivation of haif a mile in breadth.

There are generally two crops produced during the season, the first

consisting of wheat, barley, and beans, which is generally gathered in

during the months of July and August, and the second of Phuppra,

‘ which is ready in all September, unless, as sometimes happens, it is des-

troyed by early frosts and snow.t

Turnips also of large size constitute part of the second crop, and are

said to weigh two and even four pounds each. These are yellow,

and when dried and pounded they are mixed with the wheaten or

barley flour, and form the principal food of the inhabitants during the

* This was performing a kind of ‘* Kotoo”’ /?

+ In all preceding accounts of these hills, the word Phapur, i is almost invariably

substituted for Phuppra, which is correct, and is pronounced as though it were spelled

“ Fuppra.”’

1840. ] Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. 073

autumn and winter seasons. From their yellow colour and farinaceous

nature, they would seem to approach the Swedish species ; some care is

bestowed upon their cultivation, as if sown thickly, they have not

room to swell, and consequently are of small size ;—in order to increase

their growth, the fields are thinned and the turnips planted at some

distance from each other, by which means they come to perfection, and

are dug in October. Besides forming part of the food of the people,

they are also given to cattle during the winter.

The beans have all the appearance of the common European garden

vegetable, and are used when ripe to feed cattle, or are ground into

floor, and eaten by the people.

From the situation of Soongnum, between the high passes, and the

direction of the valley, a strong wind generally prevails during the

greater part of the day, and retards in some measure the advance of

vegetation, which is here far less vigorous and forward than at the

Tartar villages of Hungo, Leeo, and Chungo, the first and last of

which, although at a greater elevation, are not so much exposed as

Soongnum.

The manufactures here are blankets and sooklat, which are export-

ed to the Rampore fair, where the former sell according to the quality,

from three to five rupees each, and the latter at about four rupees

eight annas, to six and seven rupees per pair. ‘The latter article is,

however, principally exported from Khanum and Labrung, and its

quality is somewhat better than that of Soongnum.

There is a large Takoordwara, or Lama temple, in the upper part of

the towh, to which light is admitted by two apertures in the roof,

which are protected from the weather by conical roofs of cedar wood,

somewhat after the Chinese style.

About half a mile farther up the glen is another and larger temple

_ of the same description, and near it are the huts where the “ nuns,” as

Gerard has termed them, reside during the winter season.

These nuns are strictly speaking female Lamas, or priestesses, and

are called ““Jummoo.” They are forbidden to marry, and usually

wear garments of red stuff.

Some are dispersed during the summer months, and attend upon’

the different temples throughout the district, reading the sacred books,

and performing religious ceremonies like the Lamas ; others are occu-

574 Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. [No. 102.

pied in the care of their crops ; while those who are poor, and have

none, roam about begging a livelihood.

In the winter, when the severity of the season generally prevents

their wandering about, they assemble at Soongnum, and reside toge-

ther in a collection of huts near the town, until the return of spring

again disperses them. This at least was the account given of them

by the natives.

The Lamas, on the other hand, reside during winter, some in the

temples and others in their own private dwellings.

In some of the temples are large wooden cylinders* or barrels placed

on an axis and turned by a stream of water; they are also seen at

Soongnum by the road side, with a shed built over them. The tem-

ples are often ornamented with colossal figures of their gods, which are

sometimes represented in grossly indecent attitudes.

The fruits at Soongnum are apricots, apples, neozas, and grapes.

The apples are of good size, and are said to be finer here than in any

other town of Kunawur, and ripen about the month of October. The

finest grapes are produced at the village of Ukpah on the Sutledge.

At Soongnum the grapes are neither very abundant nor very good,

and do not occur across the Hungrung pass at all. Apricots are seen

as far as Leeo, where they also cease to grow ; and in Spiti, as already

mentioned there are no fruits at all. Besides these garden fruits, there

are gooseberries and currants innumerable on the mountains’ sides,

but they are not cultivated by the natives, nor held in estimation.

From Soongnum I made an excursion up the Rushkdolung valley,

towards the village of Roopa, near which I heard that veins of copper

ore were found in the rocks.

This glen is certainly much more worthy the name of a valley

than any I have yet seen in the Himalayas, with the exception of the

beautiful and fertile valley along the banks of the Pubbur river,

leading down from the Burrenda pass through Chooara.

For three miles from Soongnum, the pathway lay through rich fields

of barley, beans, and young wheat, studded with numerous apricot

trees, so numerous indeed, that the whole appeared like luxuriant

vegetations springing up beneath the shelter of a large orchard or forest

* These are used as the Manees above noted; written prayers are enclosed in them,

and the roiatory motion is supposed to make them acceptable.

1840. ] | Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. 575

of apricots. This strip of cultivation is about half a mile in width, and

through it rushes the foaming stream of the Darboong river, which

takes its rise in the snows of Manériing Pass above Maness in Spiti.

The spot partook more of the sweetness of one of those beautiful

and picturesque vales in which our Scottish hills are so rich, than of

the usual tameness of oriental Highland scenery.

Here as I walked along, I felt more pleasure than I had experi-

enced during all my wanderings, while contrasting the beauty of this

scene with the bare black hills of Spiti, to which I had been for so

many days accustomed. There, all was cheerless, and almost devoid

of vegetation; while here, around me lay a broad sheet of green

fields, above on the mountains’ side rose dark forests of neoza

and kayloo pines, whose sombre tints were again relieved by the

paler hue of the cedar and the willow, while bushes of the dog-rose

were scattered at random through the valley, loaded with flowers,

and presenting literally a mass of pink of every shade, from the dark

bright tint of the opening bud, to the pale hue of the withering

flower. About three miles from Soongnum the valley narrows, and

becomes a mere mountain glen; cultivation ceasing for about a mile,

when it again refreshes the sight around the village of Roopa. Beyond

this the road ascends over broken rocks, and winds high above the

bed of the torrent, through a forest composed almost entirely of cedar

trees. These are mostly stunted, and very crooked, so that it is with

difficulty that, plants of any size fit for economical purposes can be

procured. This difficulty has lately been increased by the erection of

a large temple at Khanum, for which all the best trees in the district

were selected, and few therefore of any size now remain.

Between Soongnum and Roopa, a large portion of the neoza pines

are the property of the Bussaher Rajah, to whom the produce is

annually sent down. These are generally situated on estates that

have lapsed through the extinction of families, or other causes, and

it is not a custom peculiar to Soongnum, but obtains also in other

parts of Bussaher.

Three miles from Roopa, and seven from Soongnum, in the midst

_ of the cedar forests, my guide stopped, and pointing upwards towards

the summit of the rocks, which rose boldly and abruptly in rugged

cliffs, he showed me a white mark far above the belt of trees, where

576 Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. [No. 102.

he said copper had been dug in the preceding year, but that now the

weight of the winter snows had forced in the rock, filling the mines

with rubbish, and the workmen had gone farther on in search of a

fresh vein of metal. |

Thinking that this might be merely a swse to prevent my ascend-

ing to the spot, I desired him to show the way, and lead me to the

abandoned mine, but he declared he had never been there, and could

not guide me. NHereupon a council was held as to what was to be

done, for to attempt to scale the rocks without a guide, was almost

tantamount to suicide.

In this dilemma we espied at no great distance a kind of bower or

hut built of green branches, torn from the cedar trees amongst which it

was situated; so nicely was it calculated, from the materials of its

construction and its position amidst the low and stunted trees, to

escape detection, and pass for part of the brushwood, that I could

scarcely believe it to be any thing else, until the guide removing a

large branch, exposed a door way to view.

Within this sylvan abode was a woman with an infant in her

arms both fast asleep, but being awakened by the removal of the

door, she replied to our inquiries that the miners had gone in search

of ore to a part of the mountain some miles distant, and would not be

back for eight or ten days, and that she and an old man were left

behind to burn charcoal against their return.

After some delay we succeeded in finding the man, whom we oblig-

ed very unwillingly to show us the path up the rocks.

With some grumbling at the prospect of the toil before him, he at

last started, and never in my life do I wish to follow any one over

such a path again.

The first four or five hundred feet were tolerably easy, being com-

posed of loose soils and fragments of rocks, over which it was not

difficult to climb, from their more gradual slope, but beyond this

the rocks rose at once precipitously, presenting nothing but their

ragged and projecting fragments to walk over. The ascent therefore —

was now hazardous from its steepness, and often caused us to stop to

take breath, but the footing on the rock was firm, so that by the aid

of both hands and feet, we succeeded in nearly attaining the desired

spot, without once thinking how we were to descend from our aerial

1840.) Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &e. 577

position. At last a deep chasm, which had once been the bed of

a snow stream from above, for a while arrested our progress, until

we had cut holes or notches for our feet. This was done by the guide,

who standing first on one Jeg and then on the other, cut or scraped

with the end of a stick the holes as he advanced, all the while

balancing himself over a precipice, into which, had his footing given

way, he must have been hurled and dashed to atoms. He, however,

was perfectly at his ease, for having formed the stepping places, he

turned his back upon the precipice as with the greatest unconcern he

tendered his hand to steady me over the yawning gulph. It was a

place that I would gladly have returned from, but having insisted

upon coming, and taunted the people for their hesitation, pride forebade

my return. With a beating heart, and somewhat unsteady step, I ac-

cepted the proffered aid, and succeeded in crossing.

Two such gaps in the hill side were passed before we reached the

abandoned mines, which after all were holes scraped in the rock to

the depth of eight or ten feet, and which were now filled up by the

splitting of the stones, and the quantity of rubbish brought down by

the frost and snows of winter.

Here I picked up a few weathered specimens of the ore, which I

thought a very poor remuneration for the toil I had undergone.

If the path was difficult of ascension, it will be readily conjectured

that it was twice as much so to descend again ; by dint of sometimes

descending step by step backwards, and at others almost sitting down

to it, down we got in safety, after ascending and descending a height

of three thousand feet, and after a walk of seven miles from Soongnum.

The copper occurs in veins of white quartz, running parallel to the

strata of greywacke, and old red sandstone, which are here the chief

formations. It is worked by a few miners from Rampore, who are

just enabled to earn a livelihood by the sale of the ore. A small duty

paid in copper is taken by the Rajah of Bussaher, who is said to have

worked the mines on his own account as a trial for one year, but the

small quantity obtained, the distance of carriage, and the impossibili-

ty of working more than six months in the year, induced him to aban-

don the undertaking. The present miner resides in the forest near

the different mines, or more properly excavations, during five or six

months, and sells the produce of his labours at Soongnum.

578 Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. [No. 102.

In the autumn and winter the mines are abandoned on account of

the snow, and the return of spring invariably discloses the destruction

of them, by the splitting of the frost-bound rocks.

Last year (1837) the quantity of ore obtained, exclusive of the Ra-

jah’s duty, was from sixteen to seventeen maunds. Were these rocks

situated in the lower hills, free from theseverer action of frost and

snow, they would doubtless yield a good return for the labour of work-

ing them, as the ore is by no means scarce, or only on the surface as

has been stated. It occurs in veins in several parts of the mountain,

and is deep seated ; the fact of its occurring on the surface, is

simply because the outcropping of the strata exposes it to view,

but the vein dips down to the N. E. between the beds of grey-

wacke and old red sandstone, and is thus inaccessible to the rude

method practised by the people, whose excavations or mines are inva-

riably filled up with rubbish during the winter. The ore is found on

both sides of the valley, at about 13,000 feet above the sea, and 4,000

feet above Soongnum.

At the foot of the rocks I found my tent ready pitched among the

cedar trees. Halting here for the night, I, on the following morning

again returned to Soongnum, whence after a day’s rest, I proceeded to

recross the Roonung Pass.

The march from Soongnum is one of great fatigue ; the road being

one long continued ascent from the stream below the town to the sum-

mit of the Pass, or leading to a perpendicular height of 5,200 feet in a

distance of about five miles.

The road, which on my arrival here in the beginning of June, was

with the whole hill side buried deep in snows, was now on the 10th

July quite free in its whole extent, with the exception of a few yards

at the summit, where the snow still formed a long, and hardened belt.

Flowers of many kinds were seen along the way. The “ Saxifraga

ciliata,” at a height of 12,500 or 13,000 feet, was just opening into ~

flower, and the bright colours ofa yellow potentilla, tinged the whole —

hill side.

On the southern face of this mountain not a trace of snow was any

where to be seen, but in its place a most beautiful and refreshing

sheet of young and luxuriant vegetation, sprinkled with the bright

colours of various flowers.

> SS

1840. ] Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &c. 579

I call attention to these facts, because it has hitherto gone abroad to

the public that the snow on the Himalaya lies longer, and lower down

on the southern face, than on the northern, and as both my experi-

ence in this matter, and Dr. Lord’s remarks on the Hinducush are

directly at variance with this reputed fact, I have ventured to quote

the above named gentleman’s words, and shall endeavour to remove

what I have found to be an erroneous impression.

** At the time of our visit,” says Dr. Lord, “‘ the snow which on

the southern face extended in any quantity, to a distance of not more

than four or five miles, on the northern, reached ezghteen or twenty,

and at a subsequent period, November 9th, when I made an attempt

to go into Turkistan by the pass of Sir Ulung, and met with no snow

until wethin ten miles of the summit, it actually on the northern face

extended séviy miles, or nearly four days’ journey.” This is a fact

which forcibly arrested my attention, as the severse is well known to

be the case in the Himalayan chain, where snow lies lower down on

the southern face than on the northern, to an extent corresponding

with 4,000 feet of perpendicular descent.

But the Himalaya and the Hinducush have the same aspect; the

same general direction ; lie nearly in the same latitude ; and in fact are

little other than integral parts of the same chain. The local cireum-

stances however connected with each are precisely reversed. The

Himalaya has to the north the elevated steppes of Central Asia, and

to the south, the long low plains of Hindustan; Hinducush, on the

other hand, has to the south the elevated plains of Cabul and

Koh-i-damun, between five and six thousand feet above the level of

the sea, while to the north stretch away the depressed, sunken, and /

swampy flats of Turkisian.” |

Against this long received opinion, that the snow lies deepest on the

southern face, I shall merely oppose the few facts which fell under

my limited observation during my journey into Tartary, and leave

others of more experience to decide the point.

First, then, it must be observed that in the month of June, when

| I crossed the Roonung pass, the snow lay deepest and farthest down

_on the northern exposure.

On the southern face of the mountains it was first met with at

about 12,500 feet of elevation, “ lying in large fields or patches, and

580 Journal of a trip through Kunawur, &e. [No. 102.

uniting,” at about 13,000 feet into one broad unbroken sheet, from -

whence to the summit of the Pass, or 1,500 feet more, it continued so,

with the exception of fifty feet at the crest, when on the southern

face there was none at all. |

On the northern slope, on the contrary, it commenced at the very

crest of the Pass, and continued in an unbroken sheet “ to fully two

miles and a half,” while ‘‘ beyond this, for half a mile more, it was

broken and lying in detached masses.”

The facts observable here therefore are greatly in favour of the

northern face, for while the extent of snow is there estimated at three

miles, that of the opposite exposure is but two ¢chousand feet.

Again, on the Hungrung Pass the southern side had far less snow,

both in respect to depth and extent, than the northern face down

which it stretched nearly to the village of Hungo, or to a distance

from the crest of the range of 3,600 feet in perpendicular descent, or

between four and five miles from the Pass.

_ Again, in Spiti, above Leedung, while the southern exposure of the

Pass was almost entirely free from snow, except immediately at the

summit of the range, the whole northern face was buried deeply to

some extent. 7

On my return to Hungrung in July, the northern side still held

patches here and there, while the crests of the mountains were

covered; but to the southward not a vestige of snow remained, except

far down the glen, where from the falling of repeated avalanches from

above, a hard and solid mass had become wedged into an arch or

bridge across the brawling torrent that descended from the Pass.

Opposite to this, and merely divided by the narrow valley in which

stands Soongnum, the northern aspect of Roonung still retained “a

broad, and hardened belt of frozen snows” along its crest, while to

the southward, not a trace of it remained.

To the right of Soongnum, towards Roopa, on the southern cliffs, no

snow remained at all, while those with the northern aspect were in

most parts still deeply buried, as was also the northerly face of Ma-

nerung, in Spiti. .

From these few facts it will appear, that contrary to the usual be-

lief, the snow is retained longer on the northern than on the southern

exposure, exactly corresponding to the scientific observations, and re-

1840. | Journal of a trip through Kunawur, §c. 581

marks of Dr. Lord on the Hinducush ;—and why indeed other

than such a result should be expected, I am at a loss to divine. The

aspects nearly the same, forming part and parcel of the same great

range, surely the same phenomena in this respect might naturally be

looked for.

From the crest of Roonung Pass, I bid a long farewell to Soongnum,

which was seen in the depth of the glen below, and then dropping

over the Pass, I descended gradually for about four miles to a stream

of water, and a flattish piece of ground, where I sat down beneath

a rock to await the arrival of my tent and baggage. Fatigued by the

length of the toilsome ascent from Soongnum, and by the heat of the

day, I soon fell fast asleep in my shady retreat, and on again opening

my eyes, I found the tent pitched, and ready for my reception. It

was now four o'clock p. m. and I found that I had enjoyed a sleep.

of as many hours, having arrived at the spot about midday.

We were here still at a height of 12,000 feet, and far below us in the

distance was seen a part of the town of Khanum, while immediately

beneath our encampment, at about two miles distant, was a broad piece

of cultivation, with a few temporary huts called a Dogrée, and belong-

ing to Khanumi and Leebrung. These patches of cultivation, far from

villages, are often met with both in Kunawur and Hungrung. A few

huts are erected on them, which serve to shelter those to whom the

crops belong during the summer months, and which, when the

harvest is gathered in, are abandoned during the winter. To these

places the flocks and herds are also driven, where upon the surround-

ing hills, now free from snow, they find an abundant pasturage. In

the language of Kunawur these temporary residences are termed

| Dogrées, and in that of the Tartars “ Rezzng”; thus we find

| of cultivation, and sheepfolds belonging to the inhabitants of the

| village of Chango.

582

Note on the Map attached to the Report of the Coal Committee in the

98th Number of the Journal of the Asiatic Society— By Cart.

Macuxop, M. N. I. late in charge of Ava Residency.

The importance of correct geographical information, and that errors

should not continue to be perpetuated through the Journal of the Asia-

tic Society, or at least, that what has been advanced on native infor-

mation, or laid down on surmise, may not be received as indisputable

facts, induce me to trouble you with this note, and the accompanying

sketch.

A comparison between the sketch map appended to the Report of the

Coal Committee in the 98th No. of the Journal of the Asiatic Society,

and the one now submitted, will at once show wherein the errors in the

former lie, I will not, therefore, take up your time by pointing them out.

The sketch by the Coal Committee, above alluded to, has been

evidently copied from the map of the Eastern Frontier, by the late

Capt. Pemberton; the coal locality marked C. was not noted in his

original map, not having been discovered at the time of its com- —

pilation; indeed, corrections in the sheet representing that portion of .

the country in the map, become necessary, in consequence of many

doubtful points having fallen under the personal examination or survey

of various persons; and subsequent to its passing out of Capt. Pem-

berton’s hand, a whole sheet was cancelled, and another substituted in

its place. I presume, however, the boundary line as marked by Capt.

Pemberton from information, was preserved in the new sheet, and

when the coal field was discovered, its site being from observations

beyond that line, it was taken for granted as belonging to the Siamese,

and placed accordingly in the Map.

The position so assigned to it, has evidently led the Committee

into doubt; for in the report above noticed, it says, “although the

quality is excellent in the third situation in which the mineral has been

found by Dr. Helfer at C., yet its distance from the coast is such

as to render it of very doubtful utility on the Bengal side of the

Peninsula, whatever benefit it may eventually prove on the Gulf

of Siam, as it seems to be situated beyond the boundary range of

hills.” It is this point that, I think, merits some attention, and on

which I have to offer a few observations.

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5a be > penal ;

1840.| Map attached to Report of the Coal Committee. 58

That there is no possibility for the Siamese to benefit by this coal

field, even supposing that it belongs to them, is almost certain;

for they have no water communication to the place; but the coal,

if ever required, must be transported by a land route, and I presume

over hills, though of what magnitude, I will not venture to surmise.

That it may not be supposed that I speak from information alone, I

beg to observe, that I proceeded myself by water to within 8 or 9

miles of the spot, where finding the stream too shallow to admit even of

small bamboo rafts ascending it, I continued my journey by land to the

old Siamese town of Thain Khan, standing on the stream we had

quitted, and from thence to the coal site, crossing many small nullahs

on the way, which discharge themselves into the Thain Khan river, on

the banks of which the coal is found. This stream appears to come

from some distance beyond this locality, for our subjects from Mergui

annually proceed up it beyond that spot for the distance of two days’

journey, to cut the Karamet, or the bastard sandal wood (which is an

article of commerce), and which they bring down on rafts, when the

stream is swollen by the rains, without any question from the Siamese.

No boundary has been fixed on this frontier. At the close of the

Burmese war, the British considered themselves as having a right

either to what properly belonged to Pegue or Burmah, or what those

incorporated nations held at the time of the rupture with us, and

was wrested by us from them, or was included within the districts

ceded to us. It is well known that a considerable space intervened

between, the two countries having become depopulated by the constant

aggressions of either party, and which was left unoccupied from

motives of safety and convenience. ~*

That this is not the only point in which incorrect geographical

information has misled us into wrong conclusions as to defined boundary

marks, will be seen on a reference to the note attached to the Map

of Dr. Richardson’s route from Bankok to Zimmay, published in the

97th No. of the Journal, we have to the north and west of Moulmain

considered the Thoung Yeen river as the line of demarcation, and

when this line is lost at the source of that river, a range of mountains

supplies its place, and which is supposed (for I may safely say no part

of the line from the 14th degree of Lat. downwards has been examnied)

to continue in an unbroken line to the southern extremity of our

584 Note on the Map attached to [No i102.

territories. It must be admitted, that this change from a river to a

range of mountains, which coming from the N. W. runs at some short

distance from, and parallel to it, and in which numerous streams take

their rise, and descending the hills contribute to swell that river by

their tributary streams, is not the best line that could have been select-

ed. But it is now discovered, that the range of mountains them-

selves was considered by the Burmese and Siamese as the boundary.

Capt. Lloyd also, from whose excellent and accurate Map of the

Mergui Archipelago I have borrowed largely, when speaking of the

same coal field, the position of which was fixed by Lieut. Fell of the

Indian Navy and myself, appears to doubt “whether the locality in

question is in the British or Siam territory; for Cin Point of the

charts on the Gulf of Siam side, is in latitude 12° 10’ N. and longitude

100° 10’ E., or only 35 miles in a direct line further from the coal

site; whilst from the town of Cin, situated in a more southerly direc-

tion, where the Gulf of Siam is represented as having a deep course

to the westward, it is only 23 miles.”

The mountains on the eastern shore of the Gulf of Siam, called

by the Siamese Samroi Yot (the 300 peaks), is mentioned by Mr.

Crawfurd in his “Embassy to Siam and Cochin China;” he says, in

latitude 13° 2’, ‘“‘ a few miles to the north of us was seen the entrance

of a river, upon which is situated the town of Kivi,” (Cin). This

shows that there are rivers rising in the range of hills to the west-

ward of it, which flow into the Gulf of Siam, and whether the Kivi

river or the Thain Khan, or as some call it, the little Tenasserim, rise

in the same range or adjoining ones, that range in which the latter

has its source is certainly our Proper boundary. From Cin Point the

coast has been delineated from native information, though I believe

the best of the description that could be obtained; but may the coast

not have been drawn as tending too much to the westward from Cin

Point? But whether it does or not, or what ever the breadth of the

range of hills may be, I conceive, that it has little to do with the

present question, for no doubt can exist, even on a reference to that

ultima ratio—the Law of Nations.

I think we should be culpable in the present case to remain silent,

and allow a Map to go forth disseminating error, and which might be

hereafter brought forward as clearly defining the boundary line.

1840. | the Report of the Coal Committee. 585

I cannot avoid noticing, that a most interesting point of geographi-

cal research still remains involved in doubt; viz. the breadth of the

Peninsula between the Mergui Archipelago and.the Gulf of Siam; the

advantages which might result to Government, both in a political and

commercial point, by an investigation into the subject, has already

been brought forward by Captain Lloyd and others, and it is to be hoped,

now that our attention is called to the Eastward, that this portion of the

Peninsula by which the communication across might be facilitated and

shortened, may be examined by experienced and intelligent Surveyors.

Calcutta, July 27th, 1840.

Note.---I had received the above interesting geographical notice, when -

it occurred to me to refer the subject to Capt. J. Lloyd, of the Indian Navy,

so well known by his recent valuable surveys in the Bay of Bengal,

which with Capt. Macleod’s ready permission, was done accordingly. The

result of the reference appears in the following noies, addressed to me

by these officers, which will better explain their views and opinion on

a geographical point of some interest when given in the original, than

would be the case were I to attempt to embody their contents in a more

compendious form. ae

From Cartain Luoyp to the Officiating Secretary.

“ We know nothing of the Coast about and below Cin Point beyond

what the old maps afford us, and which disagree very much; indeed,

this portion of coast seems to be very little known, and is a part

which I pointed out as desirable to be surveyed three years ago. Capt.

Macleod has had access to all the charts and information that I have

been enabled to get hold of, and therefore there are no additions or

alterations in his map that I could venture to make; but as my recent

survey makes the mouth of the Pakchan river, which forms the

boundary of the British territory, considerably further to the south-

_ward than laid down in Captain Pemberton’s map (nearly a degree), I

would suggest that Champhon be brought further down, so as to cor-

respond with the best information we possess of its being nearly east

from, or on the parallel of the town of Pakchan or Karao.”

From Captain Macteop éo the Officiating Secretary.

*¢ Many thanks for the perusal of Captain Lloyd’s note, which I have

kept longer than was intended, to make some additions to the sketch.

586 Note on the Map attached to [No. 102.

My object in furnishing you with the sketch, was to rectify such

errors as I could within what I supposed to be our own territories ;

but as the position of the Choomphon river has now been brought

forward, the whole of that portion of the west coast of the Gulf of

Siam may be taken into consideration ; I will, therefore, at the risk of

tiring you, even enter somewhat fully on the subject.

When I made the sketch I sent you, I followed Crawfurd as the

latest authority for that part of the coast of Siam, except so far as to

give the coast below Kivi Point a less curvature than it had in his

map, to accommodate it to the site of the coal fields. I have since

looked into Horsburgh’s Chart, and find his delineation of that part

would have suited me better. I have also since met with certain

documents’ connected with that coast, and a sketch, which I shall

allude to below. ,

I have now added to my original sketch the outline of the Siamese

coast as given by Crawfurd, Horsburgh, and the sketch mentioned

above, so that these being placed in juxta position with each other, you

will be able, at a coup dail, to see the differences of the authori-

ties, and draw your own conclusions.

I am not acquainted with Horsburgh’s authorities for his chart. Mr.

Crawfurd sailed in sight of Kivi, or Cin Point, so that we may con-

sider this point as satisfactorily fixed. (The remainder of the coast

was delineated from information obtained from an intelligent native

Mahomedan of Siam, who was acquainted with the use of maps,

&c. and could even take an altitude of the sun. So that the value of

these two authorities must be left to the judgment of persons interested

in the matter.

I must now revert to the sketch noticed above. During Colonel

Burney’s Mission to Siam in 1826-27, he left at Sigor, Mr. Harris, -

Acting Assistant Surgeon, and Mr. Leal, his interpreter, to accompany

the rajah of that place by land to Bangkok. Mr. Harris appears to

have kept a Journal, from which I have extracted largely, as the ac-

companying paper will show; and though the purpose I intended it for

has been nullified, yet as we are on the subject of that coast, I en-

close it. |

By the Journal it appears that the late Mr. Leal, who was, I believe,

a nautical man, fixed the latitude of many places by observation, and

;

1840.] — the Report of the Coal Committee. 587

amongst others Choomphon. These materials were embodied by Co-

lonel Burney ; taking as it will be seen, the coast line from Horsburgh

for his ground work, I concluded that the point respecting the posi-

tion of Choomphon would have been thus set at rest, but finding that

though many of the latitudes given in the Journal coincided with the

position of the places as laid down by Horsburgh, that with a quadrant

only, which Mr. Leal had, (unless some mistake has been made res-

pecting the instrument) he could not have taken the altitudes of the

sun at the places where he was, at the time of the year, to produce the

results given, unless he worked by double altitudes, which from

the situation he was in, I fear he could not have had the opportunity

of doing, I am at a loss, therefore, what value to place upon these

observations, especially as he has made a great error in the position of

the Pakchan river, on the western side of the Peninsula.

Mr. Leal proceeded from Bangkok to Mergui with a number of

Burmese captives, who had been released by Colonel Burney’s exertions.

This portion of Mr. Leal’s journey has been noticed by Mr. Wilson in

his usual interesting manner, and devoid of the stiffness of a Journal.

It does not appear that Mr. Leal took any observations during this

journey; at least the author does nor mention them, nor does he

indeed notice those noted in Mr. Harris’s journal in their journey up

to Bangkok.

After landing at Bangnorom, in the Gulf of Siam, on the fifth day,

Mr. Leal and his party reached the Kosoon mountain. This is placed

in the sketch by Colonel Burney about thirty-five miles direct from the

village on the coast.

By the description of this portion of the journey, I conceive the

mountain to be one of the range placed by me immediately to the

southward of the coal field»or a continuation of them to the eastward.

A tree was pointed out to me as the spot where conferences were held

by the Burmese and Siamese; this may have been one of the three

mentioned by Mr. Leal. I did not, however, understand that it mark-

ed the boundary, and would, I think you will admit, be a strange

mark in a land of mountains and forests to divide two countries. I

was informed that the spot was selected as the most convenient and

spacious for such meetings, after passing over the hills from the

Siamese side, and, indeed, the only one adapted for such assemblies,

588 Note on the Map attached to [No. 102.

certainly for many miles towards, or in the Burmese territories: now

ceded to the British, as far as I know or saw.

That the place is the same as alluded to by me, the similarity of

the name, making allowances for Burmese and Siamese pronunciation,

will show; the Burmese call it Thaing-Khon-Myo; Mr. Leal, Sing-

Khon-Thape. Myo is the Burman word for a town, and may correspond

in signification to the Siamese word Thape, which has been dropped

by the Burmese, and the othef substituted for it.

That the stream the party came upon was the little Tenasserim, or

that part of it called the Thaing-Khon river, there can be no doubt,

both from the length of time they were coming down on rafts, which

on the great Tenasserim would have placed their starting point much

too far north, and from the channel being obstructed by trees, which

‘is not the case with the latter, but which I found to be with the

former. The party themselves were of two opinions as to which branch

they were on. This I think will bear me out in what I said respect-

ing the hills, marking our boundary in the map of the Coal Committee.

The next point to be noticed is the Pakchan and Choomphon rivers,

jointly. Mr. Leal proceeded up the former river, and travelled by

land to the town of Choomphon. He does not appear, however,

to have made use of a compass in ascending the river, for in the

sketch, its course is marked as being from east to west, and that

of the Choomphon river, which he says is very winding, from west

to east. The late Dr, Helfer, found the course of the former to be from

the NE.; now as Mr. Leal has made a mistake in this, is it not

possible that he has followed up the error in the latter, and made

it run from the West instead of the SW.? If so, there would

be no necessity for moving the mouth of the Choomphon river to

the Southward, but merely to change itg course as marked by me

on the map.

All the information obtained by Captain Lloyd, and what Mr. Leal

says, would justify the removal of the town and river of Choomphon as

propesed by Captain Lloyd, but there would be some difficulty in

accommodating the other places on the Siamese coast to it. Some

of these may have been correctly laid down.

Choomphon had a force stationed at it when the Burmese held

the Tenasserim Coast, to watch their proceedings, and also to make

)

1840. ] the Report of the Coal Committee. 589

occasional kidnapping incursions into the Burmese territories; it is

well known that in those days Mergui and Tenasserim were the

only places inhabited, having forts for the protection of the inhabitants.

If Choomphon was moved to the Southward, would not the distance

which is for such purpose already great, be somewhat beyond bounds?

Taking every thing into consideration, I should be inclined to leave

the Siamese coast alone, and rather than removing Choomphon at a

venture, and continuing without wholly rectifying an error, merely

add the notes to the maps as I have done. [I hope the day is not

distant when we shall have these points satisfactorily adjusted.

Extracts from Mr. Harris’s Journal, taken from Mr. Moors’s work on the Indian

Archipelago.

** Dec. 18th 1825.—Leave Ligor—crossed the Tha- Wang (1) river, and halted for the

day at the village of Nam Jin. Mr. Leal made the latitude of Ligor by observation

8- 17/ 160 N,

‘¢ 19¢h,—Remained all day at Nam Jin,

“* 20th.—Started from Nam Jin at about 9 a.m. At 10 crossed a small stream, Nam

Khoa, from which the road was very bad, until § past 2 p. m. when we arrived

at Ban Hooa Thap-han, close to the sea-side.

** 21s¢t.—Started at about 10 a.m. and after passing over very bad roads covered with

water, arrived with a few of the party only, at 8 at night, at Ban Cloi, a village

on the right bank of a river of the same name.

«¢ 22nd.—The Rajah not being up, we took a boat and went down to the mouth of the

Cloi (2) river in about an hour. Mouth of the river in latitude 8¢ 42’ N.

“¢23rd.—Detained all day at Ban Cloi.

Khlong Punsoo. At 4 past 10 another, Khlong Klien. At £ past 12, another, Khlong

Nam Hooa, near which we passed through paddy fields; At 4 past 1 we crossed

the Khlong Tha-phoon; at 3 Khlong Thanok, near the foot of a high hill; and

at 6 Pp. M. we arrived at a place Ban Krang, (3) where we halted for the night. Our

halting place was situated at the foot of a hill, on a beautiful plain, through which

a fine clear stream, Khlong Krang, flowed.

* 25th.— We crossed the Khlong Krang, at } past 7 a.m. At 11, Khlong Soch Hoon.

At % past 2 came in sight of an extensive range of mountains on the left side

of the road; and at 6 P, m, arrived at our halting place near the village of Hooa-

nat.

“*26th.—Left Hooa-nat at 8 a.m. and after crossing three or four streams, and

1 I suppose this is Crawfurd’s Ta-yang.

2 This must be Horsburgh’s Clay.

3 This is about where Horsburgh and Valentyn place Along.

590 . Note on the Map attached to - [No. 102.

in one -place some hilly ground, called by the Siamese the Nine Hills, we arrived .

at 6 p.m. at our halting place, near a small village named Kahnom. (4)

‘¢ 27th.— Detained by heavy rain.

‘* 28¢2.—Started at 2 past 6 a.m. and at 12, crossed a stream, —e Chekram,

and halted at Ban Chekram.

* 29th.— Started at 4 past 7 a.m. At 8 crossed Khlong Tha-thang, a small stream.

At 12 passed near some hills, the road leading between two of them, at some distance

from each other ; and at about 3 arrived at our halting place near Ban Hude, on the

side of a very rapid stream, Khlong Koowat, which we crossed.

** 30th.— Halted.

** 3lst.—Started at } past 6 a.m. At 10, crossed, Khlong Dinles ; and at 4 past 10,

Khlong Sai; at 3 past 11, Khlong Banpring; and at about 3 P.M. arrived at the halting

place, Ban Kliung.

“1st January. Started at past 6 a.m. At 10 crossed Khlong Hooei Yong reng ;

at 12 saw a hill to our left, and at 2 p.m. arrived at our halting place on the

right of a large river, Khlong Tha-Khan, on the opposite of which, towards the

mouth of the river, is a large town called Ban-Phoon-phin. (5)

‘*2d.—Detained in crossing the elephants. We attempted to go ina boat down

to the mouth of the river, but it was too late in the day. We saw a branch of the

river running down to the southward, which we were told led to the town of Ban-

don. We visited the town of Phoonphin. Mr. Leal took an observation, and

made the latitude 9° 38’ N.

‘‘The Thakan (6) river is the northern boundary of the Rajah of Ligor’s jurisdiction.

“3rd.—Started at 10 a.M., crossing Kholong Thakhan in a boat, down the left

bank of which river, the road passed for some time. At4 P.M. arrived at our halting

place near Ban Kalok.

‘‘ Ath.—Started at 7 a.m. 12 crossed a small river, and passed through two small vil-

lages ; halted at 2 p.m. at Phumrieng, (7) a small village situated inland of the town

of Chhaiya.

‘“‘ 5th.—Visited the town of Chhaiya. The river is a large, broad, deep stream.

We did not cross the river (8) but passed, as I suppose, at the head of it. Latitude 9:

or? IN.

4, This is likely to be ‘‘ Carmom” of various charts and maps, although by them the river of that

name is placed more to the southward, and Carmom point is about 8° 55" N. Lat.

5. Crawfurd’s Punssin.

6. The Thakham discharges itself, it is said, into the sea by two embouchures ; the northern one

having the town of Thathong at it, and the southern one Bandon. The Rajah stopped at

the place where the river is usually crossed, and where it bears the name of Thakham, though

the name of Bandon is some times erroneously given to the whole stream. The Thakham is

said to be a large stream, which leads to Pennon, 3 days journey from Phoouga, near Junk-Ceylon.

There are numerous islands at the mouth of this river, or rivers, named by Horsburgh and

Vallentyn ‘Larchin Islands.’ Mr. Crawfurd in his map lays down this part of the coast very

differently from the authorities above noticed; a reference to the sketch No. 2 will show the points

wherein they disagree.

7 Crawfurd’s Pumring.

8 Mr. Harris states he did not cross the Chhaiya river. The town is probably, therefore, situated

on an arm of the sea, unless the small stream crossed during the march of the 4th be the head of

the Chhaiya river. Horsburgh has a place called Patanon on or near the site of Chhaiya, but as

Crawfurd has left it out of his map, it in all likelihood does not now exist.

1840. | _ the Report of the Coal Committee. 291

‘¢ 6th.—Started at } past 9; at 3 past 2 passed a large stony hill, and at 4 past 4,

arrived at our halting place, near Ban-Tharena.

“‘ 7th.—Started at 8 a.m. crossing a small stream, Khlong Tharena, and at 11

arrived at the sea beach. We passed the mouths of two streams, Khlong Kauthoree

and Khlong Punke Doowat; at 4 halted on the sea-shore.

‘*8th.—Pursued our journey for an hour along the sea-shore ; we then turned

inland; and at 5 passed through a village; at6sawahigh hill. At 7 arrived at our

halting place on the right bank of a large river, Khlong Lang Sewun, on the other

side of which is the large village of Lang Sewun. (9)

<‘ 10th.—At 4 past 7 crossed over in a boat ; at 4 past 1, crossed a small stream named

Khlong Thakho, and arrived at our halting place, near a village on the other side,

called Thakho. |

‘¢ 11th.—Started at £ past 7, and at 2 halted on the right bank of a stream, Khlong

Suwi, near a large village named Suwi.

“‘ 12th.—Crossed the Khlong Suwi at 4 past 9, and at 1 p.m. halted on the right

bank of a stream, Khlong Wisai, near a small village named Wisai.

“13th.—At 4 past 8 crossed the Khlong Wisai; halted at 6 p.m. on the right

bank of the Chhoomphon river, near and below the town of that name. (10)

14th.— Halted. River extremely winding. Mr. Leal made the latitude of

Chhoomphen 10: 55’ N.

15¢z.—At 4 past 7 crossed the Chhoomphon river, and halted at 4 past 5 at Bangsoon.

16¢2.—Started at 7, and halted at 4 past 3 at the head of a small stream called

Pathiu, near the mouth of which is a small village of the same name.

“17th.— Halted.

‘18¢4.—Dropped down in a boat to the village of Pathiu. Mr. Leal made the

latitude of Pathiu 11: 10’ N.

‘¢ 27th.—(Here they were detained until 27th, when, ) we left Pathiu at 12 o’clock,

and after rowing for three hours, we anchored close to the shore; at 9 p.m. there being

a fine breeze, Mr. Leal who took charge of navigating the boat, insisted upon pro-

ceeding, and we then set sail.

‘¢ 28¢h.—Continued under sail all day in sight of land, which appeared low.

hundred peaks,’’ at the foot of which, ata small village of the same name, we anchored

at 4 p. M. to take in water; (13) at 7 p. m. continued our course along the shore

where it is steep.

9 Horsburgh has a place named Penomxin about this place; whether a former town or another

name for Lang-Sewun, cannot be said. Crawfurd has this town lower down, though he retains the

Islands of Carmom and Saucori as given by Horsburgh.

10 At Chhoomphon the Siamese forces destined to attack the Burmese at Mergui always assem-

bled, and the Governor was entrusted with the duty of watching the Burmese on the coast of

Tenasserim, and since the conquest of Tavoy and Mergui by the Burmese, it has become a purely

military post. This and the want of population caused by the ravages of war, account for the

cessation of that valuable trade, which formerly passed between Mergui and the Gulf of Siam.

11 Horsburgh has a place called Bardia here.

12 Sam, three; roi, hundred; yot, peaks. This is Koemfer’s Jamajata, and the mountains of

Pensels of Portugese charts.

13 Near Samroi yot is a Siamese village called Kosi or Cin, which has been yariously written

Cin, Kieoi Cen. Loubere writes it Cuil, and Koemfer, Kin,

592 Note on the Map attached to [No. 102.

‘¢ 30th.—Mr. Leal who had a compass and quadrant with him, finding that the

passage along the coast would be unnecessarily long and tedious, obliged the

boatmen to steer a more easterly course, and direct for the mouth of the Menan.

Towards evening a stiff breeze coming on, the boat, which had no keel, could not keep

her course, and was driven to leeward until 10 Pp. m., when she got aground

on the mud flats between the mouths of the Thachise and Menan rivers.

‘“‘ 31st.—Got off the flat easily at 6 a.m.; between 8 and 9 entered the Menan,

and shortly after anchored at the foot of Paknam,

Extracted from Witson’s Burmese War.

“The court of Siam having consented to release certain Burman prisoners, it was

thought advisable to send them back in charge of some confidential person; accordingly

the first detachment, consisting of between five or six hundred persons, proceeded under

the superintendence of Mr. Leal.

“‘ The party left Bangkok on the 13th February 1826, in six junks. They sailed |

from the bar on the 23rd, and on the Ist March, reached Bangnarom, a place on the

west coast of the Gulf of Siam, in about latitude 11: 50’, from hence the route proceed-

ed overland.

‘¢ The first day’s march was, in the early part, over an indifferent road, but the greater

part was good, with pools of water at different places ; the second was also over a good

road, and terminated at a place where it branched off in two different directions,

the right leading to Bangthophan, the left to Mergui, and distinguished by two

large trees, one on the Mergui road, marked with two large crosses, and the other on

the Bangthaphan road, with four.

“¢ On the third day’s march, the people suffered much inconvenience from want of

water, not a drop of which was encountered. Early on the morning of the fourth,

water was met with. The road here again divided into two, one leading to

the E. (W. ?) the other S.S.E. (S.S.W. ?) the latter terminating abruptly, at a short

distance, the former continuing to Mergui, and marked by a large stone.

“* The fifth day’s march, came early to the foot of the Kasom mountain, along the

skirts of which ran a small rivulet; the mountain was steep, and the ascent and

descent occupied the greater part of a fatiguing day. By 9 o’clock on the morning

of the following day, the party arrived at the boundary of the Burman and Siamese

states, marked by three tamarind trees; the place is said to be called Sing-khow-

the-pe. In the afternoon, they halted at a pagoda, where the Burmese offered their

adorations.

‘*The next day’s march continued throughout the day along a good road to the banks

of the Tenasserim river, where the party constructed seventy-five bamboo floats, for the

purpose of completing the journey by water. According to impressions received on the

spot, the river here was thought to be the main branch, but, according to the assertions

of the more intelligent among the Burmans, it is but a branch of the Tenasserim river. ~

The passage down the stream was very tardy, being much obstructed by trees in the

river. On the afternoon of the third day a fishing boat was seen, and dispatched to

Mergui, where the party arrived on the fifth day of their voyage, the 15th March.

ARORA a

“4

1840, | the Report of the Coal Committee. 593

“The party, allowing for the detention of three days at Bangnarom, and of the greater

portion of the fourth and eighth day’s route, whilst engaged in ascertaining the direc-

tion of the road, and constructing bamboo floats, was about sixteen day’s passing from

the bar of the Menan to Mergui, but their progress was necessarily slow, owing to

the number of women and children, and we understand, that the Kasoon hill might

have been crossed at a more easy pass. There are two instances on record of the jour-

ney between the old capital of Siam and Mergui, when the French occupied it, hav-

ing been made in ten days, and on one of these occasions, the party consisted of prison-

ers in chains, escorted by a detachment of Siamese soldiers.

‘*The late king of Siam is said about thirty-three years ago, to have constructed the

military road from Bangnarom towards Mergui, for the purpose of invading the Bur-

mese territories : the road is described to admit elephants, and even wheel carriages. But

in former times there appears to have been a carriage road between the Gulf of Siam

and Tenasserim, as, in a letter from the Bishop of Tabraca, from Siam in 1761, we find

the following passage: ‘‘ Jaienvoyé M. Martin (a Merguy) Il alla jusqu’a Piply, ou

Von a coutume de quitter les batteaux, et y, attendit inutilement, les charretes, pen-

dant trois semaines.’’ Piply is the Siamese Phriphri, a large town on the west coast

of the Gulf of Siam, in about latitude 13: 20/, and once the capital of the Siamese Em-

pire.

‘From Mergui, Mr. Leal proceeded to Tavoi, by sea, and was thence sent back by

the Commissioner with instructions to proceed to the Siamese station, on the other side

of the peninsula, at Chhoomphon, to deliver a number of Siamese prisoners, and receive

charge of the Burmese still detained there; he accordingly started from Mergui on the

23rd March, with twelve Burman boats, and four others, containing one hundred and

nine Siamese prisoners, and reached the mouth of the Pak-cham river on the 25th. He

rowed up the river on the following day, and arrived at Pak-cham on the afternoon of

the 26th. Mr. Leal describes the river as of considerable size. The Pak-cham river is

separated from the Chhoomphon river by a very small interval of level ground, and it

is said that during the spring tides the two rivers often unite. The former is, through-

out, broad and deep, and the latter flows in asandy bed; both are free from rocks.

From Pak-cham Mr. Leal proceeded across the country to Chhoomphon, in the vicinity

of which he arrived on the afternoon of the second day. Having concluded his busi-

ness, he returned by the same route to Pak-cham,’’

From Cartan Luoyp to the Officiating Secretary.

“ When I wrote to you before on the subject of Captain Macleod’s map -

of the Mergui province, which had been referred to me, I suggested that

‘‘Champhon,” situated on the Gulf of Siam side, should be brought

more to the southward, so as to preserve the same relative position

with respect to the Pakchan, corrected by my survey, as it had with

that of the old maps, which place them nearly east and west of each

other, and is in accordance with the best information we have; but in

594 Map attached to Report of the Coal Committee. (No. 102.

suggesting this, I was entirely ignorant that any observations had ever

been made for the latitude of ‘“‘ Champhon,’

been the case by a Mr. Leal; who this gentleman was, or what were

which appears to have

his pretensions as an observer, upon which depends in a great measure

the confidence his observations are entitled to, is unknown ; it appears,

however, that he had a quadrant, and Captain Macleod very justly

remarks, that it is doubtful if with such an instrument he could take

in the sun’s meridian altitude, and if not, what method did he adopt to

obtain the latitude? and what had he for an artificial horizon? Until

we have the position of Pakchan, as well as Champhon accurately

determined, (the former may be out four or five miles, as it is merely

laid down from a sketch by Dr. Helfer, who had no observations), I

shall be disposed to consider their present positions as only an

approximation to the truth; at the same time my opinion is, that

‘“ Penomoxin,” or “ Penonper” of the old charts, is “‘ Champhon” of the

Siamese, and will be found to be (I mean the mouth of the river) in

about the latitude which they assign to it, or 10° 40’ N. But this

interesting question ought to be set at rest; it is of no use, sending

such men as Mr. George, ‘the Master Attendant at Mergui, who al-

though he has travelled two or three times between Pakchan and

Champhon, can give you no more idea of the direction and distance

of the one from the other than, that he left one place at such an hour —

on one day, and arrived at the other, the same or the next day at such

an hour! Beyond that, he has no more idea of distance, or conveying

information, than a common Burmese, even if so much. I think with

Captain Macleod, that it is very probable the Champhon river takes

a direction different from that laid down. Forrest says, the paterage

from one river to the other is six hours. Horace Wilson, in his notes

on Mr. Leal’s journey, says the rivers are separated by a very small

interval of level ground, and it is said, that during the spring tides,

the two rivers often unite.”

Se et On

495

Note on the Limboos, and other Hill Tribes hitherto undescribed. By

A, CAMPBELL, Esq. Superintendent of Darjeeling.

The Limboos form a large portion of the inhabitants in the moun-

tainous country lying between the Dood-Koosi and the Kanki rivers,

in Nipal, and are found in smaller numbers eastwards to the Mechi

river, which forms the boundary of Nipal and Sikim. In still fewer

numbers they exist within the Sikim territory, as far east as the Teesta

river, beyond which they very rarely settle. In Bootan they are

unknown, except as strangers. 7

The word “ Limboo” is a corruption, probably introduced by the

Goorkhas, of ‘ Ekthoomba,” the correct denomination of these people ;

and is generally used by foreigners to designate the whole population of

the country between the Dood-Koosi and the Mechi, except such as be-

long to other well marked tribes, such as the Moormis, Lepchas,

Bhotiahs, and Purbuttiahs. The division of Purbuttiahs is into the

** Khas” Muggurs, and Gurungs, all of whom are Brahminical in reli-

gion; the Moormis, Lepchas, and Bhotiahs are Bhuddistical. In the

generic term ‘ Limboo,” are included people also known as the

Kerautis, Eakas, and Rais, but such is the confused notion among the

people themselves of the real nature of the differences which have led

to these several denominations, that they are often used synonymously

with the word Limboo, and with good cause, as the appearance, habits,

and religion of all are very much alike, and as all intermarry, and are

not divided by caste. The Kerautis are mentioned in the Purans as a

warlike race of mountain Mlechas; the Eakas are distinguished from

the Rais merely by their habitat, which is confined to the lower and

central ranges of the mountainous tract between the Arun and Konki

rivers; the Limboos consider themselves to be the aboriginal inhabi-

tants of the country they now occupy, at least they are satisfied that

none of the neighbouring tribes have any claims of preoccupation,

but they are not agreed among themselves, on the point of nativity.

The majority assert that from time immemorial, the tribe has occupied

the valley called “ Tambar Khola,” at the head of the Tambar Koosi

river, and that they have no grounds for ascribing their origin as a

distinct tribe to any other country. When closely questioned to ac-

count for their existence in these mountains, among races differing

596 Note on the Limboos, and other Hill Tribes. [No. 102.

from them in language, religion, and habits, a few among them state

that they have heard China mentioned as the land whence they emi-

grated, but from what part of that vast empire, and in what age of the

world, they are quite unable to give any idea. It is doubtless that

they belong to the great Mongolian family of the human race. This

is clearly evidenced in their form of features, absence of beard, and

yellow colour of the skin, but to which of the numerous divisions of

this family, to be found between the Himalaya mountains and the

Yellow Sea, they especially belong, and are an offshoot, it remains for

the comparisons of their language and their religion, with those of

other known or unknown Mongols to decide. Although they have

been long in close contact with the Hindoos, there is not any percept-

ible mixture of the blood to be observed, in more regular features, or

in the absence of the small low nose, and presence of the beard. That

they have mixed much, and for long, with the Lepchas, is evident

enough from the number of persons to be met with, whose tribe cannot

be settled except by a very practised observer, or by reference to the

individuals themselves ; and in more recent days, during the last twelve

years, since the great migration of the Lepchas from Sikim to the

westward has been in progress, the mixture of these two tribes has

greatly increased in frequency. The Limboo is a very little taller in

stature than the Lepcha, somewhat less fleshy, and more wiry in the

limbs, as fair in complexion, and as completely beardless. He is

scarcely ever ruddy as the Lepchas sometimes are; his eyes are if any

thing smaller, and placed more to the front than the Lepchas ; and his

nose, although somewhat smaller, is rather higher in the bridge than

that of the Lepcha. He wears his hair long, but does not plait it into

a tail; has no fancy for bead necklaces; wears a Kookri instead of the

Ban ; and wide trousers and a jacket, or Chupkun, in preference to the j

robe and long jacket of the Lepchas. To a person used to closely —

observing the different people of this neighbourhood, it becomes intui- —

tively easy to recognise a Limboo from a Lepcha by his features and

figure alone; but as no man can describe even his horse or dog, and —

far less his sheep and camels, leaving out the colours, so as to render ;

them cognizable to another person, neither is it easy to give the differ-_

ences by which a Limboo is recognised from a Lepcha, in such a manner —

as to render them obvious to strangers. :

1840.] Note on the Limboos, and other Hill Tribes. 597

At the period of the Goorkha conquest of the country east of the

Arun river, the Limboos held a great portion of the country now in-

habited by them in feudal subordination to the rajas of Beejapoor and

Mukwanpoor. They were divided into many small chiefships, and

were represented at the courts of these rajas, not Limboos themselves,

by Limboo chiefs of note, who held the office of Chountra, or prime

minister, either hereditarily, or by election of the rajas. In each

chiefship it was the custom to maintain a fort or stronghold of very

difficult access, in which the chief generally lived, and to which his

chosen followers repaired for its defence during a feud with a

neighbour, or dispute with the lord superior ; it was to these strong-

holds that the Limboos retired during the incursions of the conquering

Goorkhas, and in many of them that they are said to have displayed

the most heroic bravery against the common enemy of the indigenous

mountaineers.

The accounts now given of the resistance of the Limboos to the

Goorkhas, speak well for the former as soldiers, and innumerable

defeats over the latter are related as having preceded the establishment

of their supremacy. Foremost among the Limboos, as brave men,

are the ‘“ Pheda Hung;” they held their stronghold of Yangrong

against a superior Goorkha force, for nearly a month, and did not

yield until nearly the whole clan fell in a succession of assaults

hand to hand with the Kookri.

In proportion to the praises bestowed by the Limboos on the

gallantry of their own tribe, are their execrations against the brutal

excesses of the Goorkhas when victorious. It is said to have been

their custom to put all the aged of both sexes to the sword; to

carry into slavery the youth and able-bodied; separating mothers from

their children, and ripping open the bellies of women with child,

who were unable to march with their columns. These statements

are probably exaggerated ones, although they are very similar to those

made by William Fraser and other British Officers of the conduct of the

Goorkhas in their conquest of the Sirmoor and Gurhwal Hills, where

the recency of the occurrences previous to the war with us, rendered it

more easy to ascértain the truth than it is now. Whether to the

remembrance of their former sufferings, or to the irksomeness of the

Hindoo laws of Nipal, bearing as they do on the beef-eating, casteless,

Re eZ

598 Note on the Limboos, and other Hill Tribes. [No. 102.

habits and propensities of the Limboos, or to both combined, I

know not; but it is certain that they are not much attached to

their Goorkha rulers, and that they do not possess in connexion

with them any of the strong national spirit, which so markedly

characterises the Khas and Mogors, or real Goorkhas. | ‘

It has been shewn that in former times the Limboos were a war-

like race, and a good deal devoted to arms, although subjects of Nipal,

and this way disposed, they do not strictly speaking belong to

the military tribes of modern Nipal.* They are however found in

the ranks of the Nipalese army at Cathmandi, and in the Provinces ;

but I am not aware that they are represented in any of the higher

grades of civil or military office. Their principal occupations now-

a-days are agriculture, grazing, and petty trading; but referring

to their former history, they consider themselves a military race,

and desire others to regard them as people who from the pressure

of adverse circumstances,{ are temporarily driven to these ignominious

employments, but who are ready, on fitting occasion, to resume the

sword as their more proper and desired means of livelihood. That the

Limboos are disposed to a military life, may be inferred from the

circumstance that fifty of this tribe from Nipal have been enlisted at

Darjeeling this season ; that the Lepchas are averse to such a life, may

equally be inferred from the fact that there is not one individual

of this race under arms at the place. The subdivisions of the tract in-

habited by the Limboos are two—“ Kirant Des,” extending from the

Dood-Koosi west, to the Arun river east, and the Limbuan country of

the Limboos from the Arun west, to the Konki river east.

The Limboos, using the term in the extended sense already noticed,

are ranged under two great divisions, viz. “Hung,” and “ Rai,”

and subdivided into the following families or clans :—

* See Mr. Hodgson’s Account of these tribes in the As. Soc. Journal.

+ The Khas, Mogors and Gurungs furnish the great bulk of the Nipal Army, and

are probably preferable as soldiers to the Limboos.

+ Are these the original ‘‘ Huns,”’ so long sought for in the mountains of Asia by

Mr. Csoma de Koros ?

1840.| Note on the Limboos, and other Hill Tribes. 599

Enumeration of Limboo Tribes.

Hungs.

Ling dum chung*

Pheda hung

Locktum chung

Chung bung hung

Tlam hung

Chinglenden hung

Yunge hung

Shamba hungt

Maboo hung

Hembi hung

Songmi hung

Mamben hung

Muringlah hung

Seringdoomyung

Tegim hung

Pheka hung

Mangmoo hung

Saling hung

Laboong hung {

Legua hung

Song sungboo hung

Rais.

Tilikchum rai

Kembang rai

Phagoo rai

Luksum rai

Sirma rai

Kewa rai

Eaka rai

Kumboo rai

Chamlingia rai

Sang pungia rai

Pheka raf

Sheba rai

Kaktin rai

Kebang raf

Wesing rai

Nembung rai

Chemboojung rai

Yougia rai

Kambung rai

Poutak raf

Kinding rai

Paloonga rai

Pooroonboo rai

Limkum raf

Phapoo rat

Samling rai

‘Koojung rai

Khamba rai

Religion.

It is well known that the religions of Brahma and Buddh are the

prevailing ones throughout the Himalaya, from the Sutledge to the

* Tlam in Nipal, and Phougiari in Sikim.

+ Tambar Khola, the especial habitat of this clan.

¢~ Tambar Khola.

600 Note on the Limboos, and other Hill Tribes. {No. 102.

Burrampootur; and that Islamism has not made any progress in those

regions up to the present time. Hindooism is probably the more recent

of the two, but I am not aware that it has been settled what form, or

forms of worshipping the Deity were the prevailing ones previous to

the introduction of Buddhism or Brahmanism, nor is it settled which of

the numerous tribes and races now found in thése mountains, have the

strongest claims to aboriginal antiquity.

It is probable that those have the best claim to the distinction, who

even down to the present day have withstood the pressure of Hindooism

and Buddhism, exercised through wily and educated Brahmuns on the

one hand, and meditative tolerant Lamas on the other. How all of

these tribes are distinguished, and where located throughout the vast —

extent of mountains indicated, I know not; but among them, must be

included the subjects of this note, and the Haioos, an allied race who

live among them, and more westerly towards the valley of Nipal.

For a long time it was my impression, carelessly assented to, that

the Limboos were Buddhists. This arose first of all from observing

the bad grace with which these people submitted to the restraints of

Hindooism so rigidly enforced in Nipal, where nevertheless, they

frequently are to be met with, professing to follow the Brahmins, when

they become ambitious of identifying themselves with the rulers of the

country, and the religion of the state ; and latterly, from the number of

these people who in this neighbourhood, where Buddhism is ripe, seemed

to follow with devotion the Lamas of the Lepchas and Bhotiahs. The

real fact however is, that they do not belong to either of these religions,

but as the Hindooism of Nipal suiting itself to the wants of the Mlecha

world around it, readily admits within the pale all who practice even

in a slight degree the outward forms of purity, and as the Lamas are

entirely catholic in their principles, it is not uncommon to find

Limboos passing for Hindoos, where Brahmins are numerous ; and very

common to find them shewing all becoming respect to the Lamas, and

giving their best attention to the doctrines they inculcate. The transi-

tion from their own religion, or form of worship more strictly speak-

ing, to Buddhism, is an easy one. Altogether free from the trammels

of caste, they have not to sacrifice a single habit or practice in qua-

lifying themselves to give their readily accepted adhesion to it, and

as their own gods do not seem to be jealous ones, they without alarm

ete

4 ee ‘ .

eo ae ee

1840.] Note on the Limboos, and other Mil Tribes. 601

readily adopt and repeat the simple invocation,* which is all that the

ignorant have to shew as their stock, whence they derive their claim to

be considered good Buddhists,

It is easier to settle what religions the Limboos do not belong to,

than to give a name to the one they practice. They believe in the

existence of the great God, who is called “‘Sham Mungh,” and worship

other deities named Nihang Mo, Takpoopa, Hem-Sung-Mung, Teba-

Sum, Hem-Sum, and Mungul Mu. Mungul Mo, is a preserving god;

Hem-Sung-Mung, a destroyer; Teba-Sum, is the god of wisdom

and knowledge ; Sham-Mungh, the god of the universe ; and Hem-dum,

the household god; the counterpart of the Kool Deota of the Hindoos.

They do not build temples in honour of these deities, nor make unto

themselves graven images or other idols, but they propitiate the gods

through a wretched description of priests, and by sacrifices of living

animals. ‘The usual form of worship consists in making small offerings

of grain, vegetables, and sugar-cane, and in sacrificing cows, buffaloes,

pigs, fowls, sheep, and goats, to one, or any and all of the gods, and in

eating the flesh afterwards, or as it is pithily expressed by themselves,

in dedicating “the life breath to the gods, the flesh to ourselves.”

The usual places of sacrifices are merely marked by the erection of

bamboo poles, to which rags previously consecrated, by having been

offered up, are tied ; these are generally placed for convenience at the

road sides, and a cairn of stones collected at their base. When

it suits a Limboo’s means to make. a sacrifice, or he is otherwise de-

voutly disposed, he performs it just as readily at a shrine of Kali or

Shiva as to Nihang-Mo. The gods above named, with the exception

of ‘‘Hem-Sung-Mung” have beneficent attributes, but there are evil

spirits in the imaginary world of the Limboos, as in that of other

people, who require peculiar management in warding off their caprices.

This task gives frequent occupation to the Bijooa and Phedangbo, who

are equally the clergy and necromancers of these ignorant people.

The Bijooas are wandering mendicants peculiar to Sikim and the

eastern parts of Nipal, where they are cherished and propitiated in a less

or greater degree by the whole population. They are wholly illiterate,

do not teach any docirinal scriptures, and are supposed to minister to

the evil spirits, and malignant demons ; they travel about the country

* Om Mane Paimi hoom.

OS ae ee

602 Note on the Limboos, and other Hill Tribes. [No. 102.

dressed in the purple robe of the Thibetan Lamas, with broad-brimmed

hats, carrying in their hands the revolving hour glass-like apparatus

of the Buddhists, the name of which I forget, but believe it to be

symbolical of time, muttering prayers and incantations to its move-

ments. They sing, beg, dance, cast out devils, and prescribe medica-

ments to the sick ; attend at births, marriages, feasts, and funerals; and

are held in considerable awe, if not in veneration. ‘‘ The Bijooa’s god

is not a beneficent one; when he curses you, his words are sure to come

to pass ; when he blesses, there is a real blessing attending it; you never

should allow him to leave your door dissatisfied, for surely something

bad will happen to you, whereas, if he leaves it contented, you infallibly

grow fat, and remain contented.” Such is the information seriously

given regarding these mountebank priests by the simple people who

feed and propitiate them in the belief of their mysterious powers.

The ‘“Phedangbo” is the especial priest of the Limboos, and is

entirely disregarded by the Lepchas, who are not indifferent to the

powers of the Bijooa. He holds converse with the gods, officiates at

sacrifices, deaths, and marriages, and is also unlettered. The calling

is generally hereditary. Bijooas and Phedangbos marry, although there

is no necessary separation of the priesthood from the laity, by reason of

birth. “In a family of six or eight sons, one is generally a priest; this

one fancies he has had—and when he says so he is believed to have—a

call to the sacred office.” In fact, he feels within him that he can

propitiate the gods, therefore he becomes henceforward a Phedangbo.

Marriages.

“ When a Limboo desires to have a wife, he looks about and fixes

on a young girl who takes his fancy, then he sends a friend with two or

four rupees to her father’s house to gain his consent to the union, and |

arrange preliminaries of the sum of money to be paid, and the time of

performing the ceremony. When these are concluded, he sends the

remainder of the purchase money, which altogether rarely exceeds ten

or twelve rupees, and proceeds to the ceremony accompanied by a

‘‘ Phedangbo” and some one carrying a couple of fowls. The young

_ pair being seated side by side, are sworn to connubial chastity by the

priest, who now places a hen in the hands of the bride, and gives the

cock into those of the bridegroom. A plantain leaf is laid on the ground

between the animals; the priest repeating some gibberish, cuts off the

Shy

1840.] Note on the Limboos, and other Hill Tribes. - 603

cock’s head first, and next the hens, directing the streams of blood on

the leaf, where they intermingle. If the blood spreads into fanciful

shapes, or flower-like patches, it is an omen of good luck and happiness

to the parties, if into large blotches, it betokens evil. This ceremony

being ended, the friends of the parties are feasted, and when it has

previously been agreed on, the bride is carried home. The poverty

- of the bridegroom, however, often renders it necessary for him to remain

with his wife’s father for sometime, to whom he becomes as a slave,

until by his work he has redeemed his bride. A poor man generally

gets over all preliminaries, as well as the marriage ceremony, in one

day. It costs aricher man a week. The Limboos marry with the

Lepchas and also with the Moormis; the latter, however, is objection-

able, but is not followed by any other inconvenience.

Births.

The Phedangbo is called in at births, if parents can afford him a

dinner ; he examines the infant carefully, and then pronounces its

destiny, sacrifices a fowl or kid, and invokes the blessings of the gods

on the young stranger. The parents name the infant on the third

day after birth.

Children born out of wedlock. and the produce of Limboos and

Lepchas, are called “‘ Koosaba.” Boys become the property of the

father on his paying the mother a small sum of money, when the child

is named and enters his father’s tribe; girls remain with the mother,

and belong to her tribe.

Deaths.

Just as the vital spark has taken its leave of the mortal tenement,

it is usual among Limboos, who can procure a little powder, to fire a

gun; the report is supposed to give intimation of the event to the gods,

and to speed the soul* of the deceased to their keeping. They burn

the dead, selecting the summits of mountains for the purpose, and

afterwards collect and bury the ashes, over which they raise a square

tomb of stone, about four feet high, placing an upright stone on its

summit.

On the upright stone is engraved a record of the quantity of largess

distributed at the funeral of the deceased; this inscription is either in

* « Wungsa,’’ synonymous with life and breath.

. An

604 . Note on the Limboos, and other Hill Tribes. [No. 102.

the Dev-Nagri, or Lepcha character, according to the comparative faci-

lity of procuring an engraver in either of these characters. It is an

act of virtue in the relatives to give largess; but it does not appear to

be considered of any efficacy to the soul of the departed. The Limboos

do not make offerings, or sacrifices for the dead, nor have they any

belief in the transmigration of souls. They mourn the dead by weeping

and lamentations at the time, and by avoiding merry makings, and

adorning the hair with flowers for a month or two.

Houses.

Their houses are built of stone raised over platforms of the same,

from two to four feet from the ground ; they rarely consist of more than

one apartment, and are roofed with grass thatch. In all respects

of neatness and comfort, their dwellings are far surpassed by the roomy

and picturesque houses of the Lepchas. Like the latter however, they

avoid hill tops for their residences, and either locate themselves in

vallies at great elevations, or along the hill sides, at elevations of

2, 8, or 4000 feet above the sea. The Limboo language has no

written character, nor has it, so far as I can judge from attending

to its pronunciation, any similitude to those of the Lepchas, Bhotiahs,

Mechis, and Haioos, and it is altogether free from any connection with

the Parbuttiah, which is a dialect of Hindi origin. It is more pleasing

to the ear than the Lepcha tongue, being labial and palatal, rather

than nasal and guttural.

The comparison of the various languages spoken in this neighbour-

hood one with the other, and all with the Thibetan and Sanscrit, ~

as well as with the numerous dialects of the countries bordering

on Assam, and with the language of the Dhangurs, Coles, Goonds,

and Bheels, offers a tempting subject to philologists, and will

probably reward the labourers, by enabling them to throw some

additional light on the small knowledge now possessed of the races

who peopled India previous to the advent or rise of the Hindu

religion.

The following are the dialects of these respective people to which

attention may without much difficulty be directed at Darjeeling—

The Lepcha, Limboo, Bhotiah, Haioo, Moormi, Mech, Dimal, —

Garrow, Tharoo, Dhunwar, and others which I am unable to particu-

ee a

1840.] Note on the Limboos, and other Hill Tribes. 605

larise from memory, although at one time possessed of written memo-

randa regarding all the polyglot tribes of the Nipalese Turai and

Morung, a tract of country which I traversed in 1839, and which

contains a most extraordinary assemblage of outcastes from Hindooism,

yet ununited under any form of religion, unless a devotion to a few

superstitious rites, propitiatory of evil disposed spirits, be considered to

constitute a religious union.

above, tangh

aged, kapoba

air, shdmi

all, kerre

arm, h66k

arrow, thoong

ashes, kassoo

ask, V, shelasste

axe, tonti

back, N, ar

bad, menzejaba

bag, shoowa

bamboo, pha

bark, V, ho

bark, N, shinghoori

barrel, tow&

bead, eiche

bear, N, magyeu

beat, sheray

beautiful, nogha

bed, netuadry

bee, leem

bell, pongyay

belly, shdpoo

bird, modyava

bitter, ki

black, makloh

blanket, namboo

Limboo Vocabulary.

blood, lakshokpa

blue, mukloh

board, shingophreu

boat, kombe

body, yam

bone, kalangji

book, sapla

bow, N, li

boy, henja

bracelet, shiringma

branch, kodneke

breast, loongma

bridge, phoong

broad, yomba

brother, amphoo

younger, nisha

buffalo, shangwa

buy, meuloong

candle, tialoo

cannon, potang

caste, keloongji

cat, miongma

cheek, nedengba

child, oong negwa

city, pang yek

cloth, tek

cloud, ka mi

cold, choongsi

606 Note on the Limboos, and other Hill Tribes. (No. 102.

comb, takomah

come, tangay

copper, tamba

cotton, takay

cough, humama

country, lajay

cow, yepi

eubit, chamkoo

cut, V, cheptay

dance, V, langmé

daughter, meuchuma

day, koolen

deaf, natakpie

dear, guaéktee

deer, keliba

die, shray, B,

dig (earth,) kamtoyie

dog, kochoo

draw, ddkay

drink, V, toongay

dry, kohedia

eagle, negura

ear, neko

earth, kambekme

east, namgam

egg, wateen

elbow, noksdomba

empty, hoblang

evening, namtayeh

eye, mih

face, gua

far, manka

fat, so

father, amba

feather, waylup

fever, toong-dushu

field, yean

fight, kema

find, komah

finger, hookeja

fire, may

fish, gua

flesh, karay

flower, phoong

fog, kamay

fool, kengungba

foot, leugyetimba

forest, tamphoong

fruit, kooshay

full, koodeen

garden, kame

ginger, hambe

goat, menda

god, sham

gold, shamiang

good, note

grass,

great, yomba

gun, tumok

hail, phoh

hair, tugek

hand, hook

hard, chimjoomlo

hear, kepshoobi

heavy, leep

heart, ningwa

heaven, shanglumdung

hell, tangshukpa

hen, wah

here, kotna

high, tank

hill, toksong

hog, phak

horn, koodang

1840.; Note on the Limboos, and other Hill Tribes.

horse, on, L,

hat, nimsay

house, tera

hunger, shilak

husband, meet

I, eruga

iron, phenjay

kill, V, sheray

king, hung

knife, kurda

knee, khora

ladder, preng

lamp, dio

laugh, yema

lazy, ke shooba

leaf, tela

lean, chookpa

leap, hochoom-lokpa

leech, lukphet

left, pheuchanga

leg, poklam

leopard, ke ba

lie, imshi

little, chookpa

load, gok

loom, chiriketokpa

long, kembaé

louse, shee

low, yeo

maid, menchia

maize, makee

man, namni

many, yeolik

marry,

mat, lompay

middle, kooloomio

milk, bidno

monkey, choba

mouth, moora

moon, lhaba

mother, amé

mouse, shooba

mouth, leba, L,

mud, legua kham

nail, nung

name, koming

near, koyeo

neck, shurra

needle, sumett

net, kioong or churi

new, kusong

night, sendik

north, thé

nose, nebati

oil, mingay

old, koo drong

onion, maké

order, no word

other, egi umba

ox, beet

paddy, yah

paper, no word

peacock, myoongjay

pine-apple, por shay

place, la jee

plantain, tela she

plough, no word

poison, ning, L,

potatoe or yam, kay

powder, (no word)

quick, hurra hurra

rain, weehi

ratan, shi

read, neeray

Be age din

SS —_

a —————

608 Note on the Limboos, and other Hill Tribes. [No. 102.

red, he tamba

rice, shidh

right, phenchung

ripe, doomshay

rise, boghay

river, yeomba choa

road, lum

rope, tuk pa

root, shap

roof, him tong

round, kooshay

salt, yim

sand, yeu ka

scissors, kuturna

seed, yeali, L,

shield, koh

shoes, no word

shoulder, phok tang

shut, sak te

sick, took

silver, yang

sin, minoba

sister, noosa-noonchema

brother, noosa-empercha

sit, yoong-e

scratch, soma

slave, henja

female slave beecha

sleep, mig yeu

small, tanga

smith, themba

smoke, me koo

snake, wa seh

snow, nah

soldier, no word

son, koosa

south, yeo

speak, bap ma

stand, ebe

star, sohor

stone, loong

straight, don don ba

strike, hipar

strong, tom toomba

sun, nam

sweat, so-al

sweet, limba

tail, sheem

thief, kootriba

thigh, poklam

thin, chookbé

thou, kenne

thread, kee

thumb, koodom

thunder, kamian

tiger, keba

tobacco, shirka

to-day, eu

to-morrow, tandu

tongue, ullee

tooth, ha

tree, shing

true, koocha

turban, pake

tusk, hakemba

umbrella, (no word)

uncle, umpunga

under, yeo

unripe, mudoomsin

valley, tompoya

village, bang pe

vomit, pe shoo

walk, lang, kekma

war, tokma

1840.| Note on the Limboos, and other Hill Tribes. 609

warm, mowah

water, choa

wax, malim

we, annigay

weak, mun toomba

widow, bidooa

widower, randa

weave, langtuk

well, N (no word)

weigh, tangu |

west, namta

what is it? hene go

where, atte lajee

whistle, V, thuriyok

white, pho dang be

one, teek

two, netchi

three, soomch{

four, leesh{

five, nashi

six, tookshf

seven, nosh{

eight, etchi

nine, phangshi

ten, thibong

who, Eng. oh

wind, N samet yemba

woman, menchima

wife, Amett

wood, shing

word, ban

world, yeolik lajee

worm, tamboo

worship, mangjokma

yam, ke

year, toong be tik

yellow, peyor bu

yesterday, anchen

young, taugmen

Numerals.

twenty, nibong

thirty, soombong

forty, libong

fifty, nabong

sixty, tookbong

seventy, nobong

eighty, etbong

ninety, phang bong

hundred, thibong bong

The Haioos

inhabit the central and lower ranges of the mountains in eastern

Nipal, between the Arun river and the Konki. The Konki river runs

under Ilam Gurhy, and is only three days journey west of Darjeeling.

They are mingled with the Kaka division of the Limboos, but always »

live in clearances and villages exclusively their own. Their language

is different from that of any other people in this neighbourhood, so is

their religion and all their habits.. They keep strictly to themselves,

do not marry with any other tribes, and rarely associate with other

people. By the Goorkhas and all Hindoos, they are treated as outcastes ;

they cultivate in the vallies of the lower hills, but have their houses

610 Note on the Limboos, and other Hill Tribes. [No. 102.

at such elevations above them as insure them exception from malaria.

The above is the small amount of information regarding these people

which I have gained at this place from the Limboos and Lepchas, who

although constantly seeing these people, do not trouble themselves

much about them. As yet the Haidds have not found their way to

Darjeeling, although our proximity to their country, will probably ere

long add them to our visitors.

The following notice of these people, is extracted from memoranda

made at Cathmandu, where I once only saw a few of the race.

Hamilton mentions the Haioos in his account of Nipal. ‘“ September 9th

1835.” “ Yesterday being the great day of the Indra Jattra festival we”

(the Residency party) “paid our annual autumnal visit to the durbar

at 8 p.m. The principal streets of the town were well illuminated, and

crowds of cleanly dressed people of all callings, castes, and ages throng-

ed the avenues to the palace. Groups of Newari dancers were station-

ed at short intervals in the crowd, picturesquely dressed, and suitably

masked to represent gods, demons, warriors, and comic characters,

and every now and then the dancing ceased, and the performance in

pantomine of scenes from the Ramayun and other Hindoo legends, was

recommenced. After taking leave of the Raja, we repaired with the

minister and some other chiefs to Bussunthpoor, the ministerial resi-

dence and place of business, to witness a nautch performed by a

strange tribe of hill people, recently arrived from the eastward, deno-

minated Haioo. The nautch was indeed a singular one, and novel;

about thirty males and as many females were drawn up in line, as_

closely packed as possible, the first a man, the next a woman, and so on

alternately, not standing side by side but back to belly, and all holding

on to each other by throwing forward the hands and grasping the arms

of the persons in front. The column thus formed, and preceded by

half a dozen men beating drums and cymbals, and shouting in a bar-

barous dialect what was said to be a metrical lament, moved slowly in

a circle, nodding and keeping time to the music. In this fashion, and

so closely packed that the circle of sixty individuals had the appear-

ance of a machine with a row of heads and feet set in motion, did they

revolve and mourn for an hour.

“The dress of the women was romantic enough, and very becoming ;

a tartan jacket reaching to the waist, and fitting close to the bust, a

# ~ Mies . ty) ee

ee ee ee

Gyapaka, Theng, Ghesing, Doomjan, Mepchun, Guurba, Beil.

1840. | , Note on the Limboos, and other Hill Tribes. 611

short, white, neatly plaited petticoat, reaching to the calf, the hair raised

into a tiara on the crown, and surmounted by a plume of peacock

feathers, the neck and arms loaded with shell and brass ornaments,

and the entire face tattooed in blue, yellow, and red arches, and other

fanciful devices. ‘The men were dressed for the occasion in trowsers,

chupkuns, and large turbans of white cotton.

The physiognomy of this tribe is rather of the Mongolian cast, the

bridge of the nose is not perceptibly raised, the cheek bones are

flattened and very high, the forehead narrow ; in stature they are short,

averaging about five feet four inches. Their language is peculiarly

their own, but many of them speak the current Purbuttiah. They

bury their dead, and worship Rawun, the Raksha king of Lunka, and

him only. The dance and dirge, are lamentations for the death of

Rawun. They describe themselves as having come originally from

Lunka in great numbers, not being content to remain after the defeat

of their king by Ramchunder ; that they had at the time of their

migration upwards of 300 volumes of sacred writings, connected with

their peculiar creed, which were gradually destroyed and lost, until

now, when they are without any record of it; that they remained for

sometime in the Dukhin, whence they journeyed on to Semroungurh in

the days of its glory ; and that, lastly, but a long time ago, they reached

the hills, their present abode.

The Moormis

are a very numerous tribe, found in all parts of the Nipal mountains,

from the Gunduk river twenty miles to the west of Cathmandu, to the

Mechi; whence, in smaller numbers they are to be met with in the

Sikim country, as far east as the Teestah. The great bulk of this tribe,

however, is to be found between the valley of Nipal and the Dood

Koosi. They are altogether a pastoral and agricultural people, rearing

flocks of sheep and goats at great elevations near the snows, and culti-

_ vating at the greatest elevations capable of producing Indian corn and

| Murwa, their staple grains.

They settle on the mountain tops at ele-

_ vations of from 4 to 6000 feet, living in cottages built of stone and

thatched with grass. They are divided into several families or clans as

follows,—

Mooktan, Pakreen, Shengar, Yeunjan, Thokar, Bomjan, Roomba,

612 Note on the Limboos, and other Hill Tribes. (No. 102.

The Moormis are Buddhists, and follow the Bhotia and Lepcha

Lamas, as well as those of their own tribe. It is necessary for the

latter, however, to have been educated at Lhassa, or at some other

Thibetan College, ere they gain much respect among their own tribe.

The Moormi priests are not restricted to celibacy. The language of the

Moormis is, I believe, a dialect of the Thibetan, although the Bhotiahs

and Moormis cannot converse in it. The only written language known

‘to the Moormis is that of Thibet, in which their Lamas read the sacred

scriptures of Buddhism; they bury the dead on the mountain tops,

raising tombs of earth and stone over the graves, and occasionally

engrave the name of the deceased in the Thibetan characters on slabs

of stone laid into the erection. They are decidedly a Mongolian tribe,

and certainly the least handsome of all the mountaineers of this part -

of the Himalaya. They are, however, a very powerful and active people.

Their standard of stature is taller than that of the Lepchas and

Limboos. They are not so cheerful as the Lepchas, having a good deal

of the gravity of the Bhotiahs, but they are good tempered, and alto-

gether free from prejudice to strangers. Indeed this is a marked

feature in the character of all the people of these mountains, all jealousy

and prejudice in this respect, being confined to the rulers. The Moormis

are not admitted into the ranks of the Nipal army, being considered

an unmilitary people; as ammunition carriers, klassies, and gun-lascars,

however, they are in request. They do not seem averse to take up

arms, as a few have enlisted into our service at Darjeeling, but their

favourite pursuits are grazing and agriculture. In one respect the

Moormis are a very interesting people to those who desire the pros-

perity of Darjeeling, and to see its waste land cleared and inhabited ;

their custom of living and cultivating at elevations nearly as great as

this place itself, point them out, above all others, as the most useful

settlers. The Lepchas do not object to temporary sojourns at elevations

equal to Darjeeling, but they never establish themselves permanently

at such. The Moormis and Gurungs prefer elevations of 6000 feet to

any others, the Limboos and Lepchas, those from 4000 to 2000 feet;

while the Haioos choose the lowest spots of the vallies beyond the

nfluence of malaria, and even brave this with impunity, derived from

habit. For the malarious Morung, which skirts our mountains towards

the plains, the Meches and Dimalsare the local people we haye to look

“|

‘

1840.] Note on the Limboos, and other Hill Tribes. 613

to as settlers, and from a distance the Dhangurs and Coles, who are

also proof against malaria.

house, teem

cow, mih

head, tho-bo

eye, mih

nose, na

mouth, soon

arm, ya

hand, promji

chest, koo

belly, pho

thigh, bulli

foot, bullipha

fire, me

water, kim

snow, khug

stone, yeoong

mud, sabra

man, mhi

woman, muring

boy, kola

girl, chamey

father, aba

mother, ami

brother, kroon

sister, augha

soldier, (no word)

smith, (do.)

river, shiong

mountain, kung

valley, kunjung

bridge, cham

road, kiam

tree, thoong

wood, shing

Moorm Vocabulary.

root, thoongla

leaf, lapte

branch, til mi

bamboo, putap

ratan, kreh

horse, tha

goat, ra

sheep, kew

rice, mla

flour, prah

ghee, murh

salt, chaja

yam, semeh

oil, keugoo

murwa, sanga

paddy, soon

iron, phai

silver, mooi

gold, mir

copper, sungbo

gun, toomuk

arrow, meah

bow, dulli

kookri, koja

candle, nung sul

book, keoi

door, morup

roof, teem, la, to

plough, no word

hoe, tho

axe, turri

rope, cho

dog, nagi

bitch, nagi mama

614 Note on the Limboos, and other Hill Tribes.

fowl, naga

hog, thua

flesh, sha

cat, tawr

tiger, chun

elephant, lungboochi

pheasant, porua

rain, num

clouds, k4soo

sky, moo

God, chungryo

Nipal, Yung

India, Kegur

Thibet, Poi

paper, (no word)

letter, higi

large, lujung

small, wotibajuja

one, keek

two, nh

three, som

four, pli

five, gua

six, too

seven, nees

eight, preh

nine, koo

ten, kun

January, Tubla

February, Hindi name used -

March, Doogoo

April, Mamdong

May, Hindi name used

long, ringjim

short, toomba

high, gnoba

fat, gnujung

lean, chitpa

black, mlung ~

white, tur

red, wala .

yellow, oar

green, pingh

come here, kir kan

go, niu

year, tiding

moon, la ni

sun, dini

stars, kurjeu

lightning, tibling

thunder, moodoorba.

Numerals.

eleven, chookri

twelve, chocni

thirteen, chooksom

fourteen, choopli

fifteen, chooqua

sixteen, choo too

seventeen, choo nus

eighteen, choo puh

nineteen, choor koo

twenty, neesio.

None beyond this.

Months.

June, Pelba

July, Hindi name used

August, Koni neo _

September, Tubla juja

Ttleok Keomed - ~

0 eenuk ke Gera

sa SCS,

pe ol oe

SY Geers Actias graves

}

Soumeance

hnutaer River

‘ Sooper ewes

SKETCH :

of the Countrybetween rye, =

WRurrachee ard theA ghar River,

Shewing the Raite teHinglaj

Aghor eMingel tne

Seale of OMiles te an Inch

v7 Ay Camp

\ + 5 faeactiee

Prope

1840. } Note on the Limboos, and other Hill Tribes. 615

October, Hindi name used Names of days wanting in this

November, Kebala language.

December, Hindi name used.

Classification of Mountaineers and Turai men in Eastern Nipal and

Stkim.

Denominations. Remarks.

Brahmins, Known to all the world.

Khas, Mogurs, Gurungs, Hindoos; speak dialects of Hindi.

Bhotiahs, Lepchas, Moormis, Buddhists, with languages of Thi-

betan origin. Mountaineers.

Limboos, Kerantis, Haioos, Forms of religion unnamed. Lan-

guages supposed not to be refer-

able to the written ones of India

or Thibet. Mountaineers.

Meches, Dimals, Garrow, Not Hindoos.

Tharoos, Dhanwars, Buddhists, or Muhummudans. Lan-

guages as the last. Turai men

Batur, Kebrut, Amath,

Maraha, Dhanook, &c. Turai men : speak Hindi! Would be

Hindoos, but without the pale.

To the Secretary of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.

: Str,—Some gentlemen who have received the 98th number of the

Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, have mentioned their regret

that a rough map of my route to Hinglaj did not accompany the paper,

as it was through a part of the country but little known. I do not

hesitate therefore to send you one, that, should you consider it of in-

| terest enough, a copy may be appended to the next number.

Yours faithfully,

Camp near Sukkur, on the Indus, N. W. HART, Captain,

5th September, 1840. 2nd Gren. Reg. Bombay, N. I.

/ Note.---Immediately on the receipt of Captain Hart’s obliging communi-

_ cation, I put his sketch into the hands of the lithographer, and have

now the pleasure of publishing a map, which I only regret should not have

| accompanied the narrative of his journey to Hinglaj. : (Ty

616

Inscription found near Bhabra, three marches from Jeypore on the

road to Delht. By Carr. Burr.

My pEAR SIR,

I have the pleasure to send you for the Journal, copy facsimile

of an inscription in the No. 1, or oldest Lat,h character, which I have

lately been fortunate enough to discover upon a hill lying adjacent to

a place called Byrath, which is situated at a distance of six kos from

Bhabra, to the left, or east, of my route from Delhi to Jeypore,

Bhabra being three marches from this place.

I found it on a hard, grey granite block, irregularly shaped, and mea-

suring about two feet in two of its dimensions, and a foot and a half

in the third ; the weight of it is therefore inconsiderable, so that if the

Society wish to possess so beautiful a specimen as it exhibits of the

durability of an engraving executed upon that material, you have only

to make their wishes known to Major Thoresby, who has kindly stated

that he will, in that case, endeavour to obtain the consent of the peo-

ple of the neighbourhood to its removal, when it could be transported

to the Jumna on a cart, (a few men sufficing for its trip down the

hill) and from thence be conveyed by an ordnance return boat to

Calcutta at a very trifling cost.

Jeypur, 18th August, 1840. I am, my dear Sir, yours truly,

To H. Torrens, Esq. J. S. BURT.

es Se

Note.---This inscription, which is in the oldest of the Lat,h characters, has

been sent to me for publication by Capt. Burt, in copy facsimile. The dis-

covery of such an exceedingly interesting historical relic, has added another

to the list of most valuable contributions for which the thanks of our Soci-

ety are due to that intelligent and indefatigable Officer. It is, as will be

seen, another of Asoka’s edicts.

Capt. Kittoe having most kindly offered to superintend the publication

of the inscription, I will not rob him of the fruit of his research, by

anticipating, in any observations of my own, the results which a careful

examination of the writing led him, I think most justly, to deduce from

it, both as regards the reading of the characters and interpretation of the

words. A reading kindly supplied by Capt. Burt was of much value in

determining the exact meaning of several of the characters, but as the one

now submitted may be considered, with the united aid of Pundits Kamala-

kanta, and Sarodha Prushad, an emendation, it alone has been published.

1840. | Inscription found near Bhabra. 617

The whole credit of the interpretation, and of the editing of this inter-

esting inscription rests with Capt. Kittoe; and I will only state, I have ad-

dressed Capt. Burt, in hopes of obtaining from him traces of further Boodhist

relics, as it would be likely that such should exist in the immediate neigh-

bourhood of the site in which an inscription so remarkable was discovered.

Note.—By Captain M. Kittoe.

The above mentioned inscription is evidently one of Asoka’s edicts,

differing somewhat in style and language from those of the pillars and

rocks, the character is however the same as No. I.

The subject is the Budhist commandment, forbidding the sacrifice

of four footed animals, and appears to have been addressed to offenders

either of the Budhist faith, or perhaps to those who had not yet

become converts, but still followed the laws of the Munis, i. e.,

the Vedas, which books are here condemned as “ mean and false

in their doctrine, and not to be obeyed ;” in this point the inscription

is curiously interesting ; it is the only one yet discovered in which the

Vedas are condemned by name.

With the aid of the learned Pundit Kamala Kanta, I have been

enabled to offer what I trust will be found a tolerably correct version.

I first transcribed the whole in Deva Nagri, supplying by guess

the letters represented as doubtful or obliterated, when after reading it

several times to the Pundit, he had. no difficulty in rendering the

whole in pure Sanscrit, from which language that of the inscription

differs but very slightly.

From the style of the first sentence, 1 should be inclined to

think that the chapter, (though in itself complete) may have been

connected with others; for upon comparing it with the Lat,h and

rock tablets, it will be found that all the leading chapters in those

commence with the titles of Asoka in full ; thus, “ Devanum Piya

Piya-Dasa Raja Evam aha,” “the beloved of the gods, the much

beloved Raja—thus spake,” and it is only in the intermediate ones

that ‘‘ Piyadasi Raja” alone occurs ; it would be therefore worthy of in-

quiry, whether any other fragments are to be found, also whether from

appearances the spot indicates the former existence of any Stuppa

or Deogope, or otherwise, that it may be presumed that the inscribed

618 Inscription found near Bhabra. [No. 102.

block may have been brought from some such place in the vicinity,

probably some hill, where caves and other Budhist relics still exist.

The Pundit pointed out several orthographical errors, which have

been corrected ; in the lithograph accompanying, I have distinguished

such (as well as doubtful letters supplied) by their being dotted in

outline only.—M. K.

Sanscrit Version by Kumala Kanta.

fraeat cst are da afraterara are: srarfud

= —™~™ N eae

aay aratfad fafedaa aria: | AaaHET ATA Gea ued a

cfa ica Vega way afer aaa aga aifad wa UH

aifaa at caear arf: i wat fear ws eras Fat eat

fa adianifa arad afestarey ara: catia afar car

fa nreata farauaa ae farefer satmaaat afaarat

alaaga Vaafa: TaT Ta Bal Fe saat: afaufas ay

aat aga aifad | varia atin wea ate aria atfa cet

fa afarsar faqat fama aatea Beat at waetaa

az uqag Vulaary sarfaary warfa arf ca Sarawat

fa afaaa aa

The Original Palé in Roman Characters.

Piyadasa ldéja Magadhé sunghum abhi vadé manum dha: apa

badhitunch pustiiva haltunch viditévé bhanté, avutkéha ma Budhsi

Dhumsi sungh siti gulvénchuna pusdéch aikachi bhanté; Bhugvaté

Bidhén bhasité suvésésii bhasitéva aichikhabhanté pumiyaya disiya

héevum, sudhummé chilustiti, kéhostiti, alhami hkam tavuté {mani

bhanté ; impali yayami vinyas makusé aliya vasani anaguté bhayani,

munigatha monagasocté upati supusina aiva, lugulo vadé mutsava

chum, adhiogichya bhugvata badhén bhasité, aitani bhanté ; Dhumm

pali yayani, fchhami: kitibahika bhikhpayécha bhikhanniyécha

abhikhnum sinyticha tp dhaléya yoova hévum, heva ipaskacha upa-

siokacha aitani bhanté: imum likhapéyami; abhi mitimé va intiti.

ee eee a Ts

orl Mn reeor sr wi

MA BYRATH six bie fram BHABRA betmaate Doble and Seyprow by Ont? 29 Burt Bog=

Innersp tion Crandon o ack aff granit

Cd bdo VE BAD'UUNn 5} LHC HO BDA Gd LA

S8A5 eA HOATE YODA Ded UldA AUS LAP dtd we

ASK QDL ACA ABAd AAS Od EMA LYELL GAL Vd ddB

PIARE FEMAK AVES LE ASAS UO LMA PHL LIL ELLAd+Aa

HLSOT HEAA ALL BLAO VALAA LUA ALCL BES ts

SP BOSH HDAG ASK ODL oh A SAL oA DY LILLE soe

FROLF Ad Pe hLld debe 4ijd wlbdJL 46

LS VS LLAEE LOMAS DAL PA HU VOY Hak BEI

Captt FS Burt FAS alt Capt Mitton, Litht

minted dy IT Ballin be

r %

Anh

y a G A

yee Sry pRB

1840.) Inscription found near Bhabra. {7019

Translation from the Sanscrit Version.

Piadasa (the beloved) Raja, unto the multitude assembled in

Magadha! saluting him, speaks (thus)?—

That the sacrifice of animals® is forbidden, is well known unto

ye; spare them: for those who are of the Budhist faith such (sacri-

fice) is not meet, thus (spake he). The offering of dpussad*

is best of all. Some there are who kill—that which the Supreme

Budha spake at the conclusion (of his commandments) was well

spoken ; those who act thus, follow in the right path, they will re-

main healthy in their faith for a length of time to come.

There are some who make blood offerings, (but) of these there are

few, this is right and proper, (the Budhist creed) these (of the faith)

I protect, (likewise) those who keep company with the righteous and

uncovetous.

The Scriptures of the Munis (the Vedas) are observed by their dis-

ciples ; their future state is to be dreaded.

The texts of the Vedas in which the sacrifice (of animals) is en-

joined, are mean and false (obey them not) ; follow that which the lord

Budha hath commanded ; do so (practice) for the glorification of the

faith (dhurma). This I desire, that all of ye priests and priestesses’;

religious men and religious women®, yea every one of ye, ever hearing

this, bear it in your hearts! This my pleasure, I have caused it to

be written, yea I have devised it.

1. It is evident that the assembly here mentioned is the great convocation which

is recorded to have taken place at Pataliputra (Palibothra) modern Patna, the then

capital of Magadha and of the Indian Empire, inthe 17th year of the reign of Piadasa

Dhurmatsoka, B. c. 309, for the suppression of schisms of the priesthood (see Turnour’s

| Examination of the Pali Budhistical Annals, vol. vi. part 11, Journal Asiatic Society,

p. 900).

2. The word > db evam, ‘‘thus,’’ does not occur as in the Lat’h and rock in-

scriptions, but it is nevertheless understood ; itis supplied by the word afta at the end

_of the sentence following.

3. The word Leb (Sanscrit Wy) literally means any animals which chew the

cud, and have hair on their tails, such as goats, sheep, deer, &c.

4, A mixture of ghee, milk, teil seed, and rice.

tra fray 5 Weary sufeary

620

On the Fossil Remains of Camelide of the Sewaliks. By Cart. Cautiey,

Artillery.

‘But the most interesting discovery was that of a Camel, of which the

skull and jaw were found. It is to be observed that no decisive proof of

any of the Camelide, either camel, dromedary, or lama, had ever been

hitherto found among fossil bones, although Cuvier had proved certain

teeth brought from Siberia to be undoubtedly of this family, if they were

really fossil, which he doubted. This discovery in India was therefore

extremely interesting, as, supplying a wanting genus. But for this very

reason, it became the more necessary to authenticate the position of this

supposed camel’s remains the more clearly, especially as there were abun-

dance of existing camels in the country, which there could not be in Siberia.

The Indian account is somewhat deficient in this respect, leaving us in

doubt whether the bones, admitted to bear a very close resemblance to the

living species, were found in a stratum, or loose and detached.” Dissertations

on subjects of science connected with Natural Theology, by Henry Lord Brougham,

FR. S. §¢. vol. it. pp. 218, 214, 1839. —

it is only within the last few months, that the most interesting volumes

from which the above is an extract have reached this remote part of

India; long as the extract is, however, its introduction may be permitted,

as affording us the opportunity of removing all doubts of the existence

of the camel among the Fossil Fauna of the Sewaliks, by a few supplemen-

tary remarks, which a reperusal of the original paper published in the

Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, with reference to the para-

graph above quoted, renders necessary.

To those who have interested themselves in the discovery of the fossil

remains, which has been made in the Sewaliks, it need hardly be necessary

to allude to the two very distinct states in which the mineralization has

taken place: that in which the fossil is impregnated more or less with

iron in the form of a hydrate, and that where the calcareous elements of

the bone are nearly or entirely unaltered, and the medullary hollows filled

with matrix ; the former universally existing in those remains extracted from

the sandstone rock, the latter from the subordinate beds or substrata, either

consisting of clay, or anadmixture of clay, sand, and shingle. The difference

in external appearance is remarkable ; the sandstone fossil being to a common

observer an organic substance converted into stone, whereas that which is

found in the clay strata, not only conveys an idea of a lesser antiquity,

but looks like a substance merely in a progressive state of petrifaction.

As the beds of clay, &c., are inferior in position to the extensive sandstone

strata, the palm of antiquity rests with the fossils of the clay. These

1840. | Fossil remains of Camelide of the Sewaliks. 621

very imperfect and half-fossilized looking remains, being evidently of older

date than those of the sandstone.

With very few exceptions, the only remains that have been discovered,

scattered on the faces of the mountains, or in the ravines and water-courses

which drain them, are those. from the sandstone strata; those from the

lower beds appear to be of a quality too little indurated to withstand the

effects of weather and exposure. The greater proportion of the latter,

amongst which are some of our most interesting genera, viz., Simia,

Anoptotheria, Camelide, &c. were exhumed, removed out of the parent strata

in which they were originally embedded. The remains of Ruminants and

Rhinoceroses brought to light in this way, were singularly striking; nume-

rous crania of both families, in many cases not having shed their milk

teeth, being found closely and compactly imbedded together, the stratum

of rock being a perfect Golgotha, not of the skeletons of old and worn out

animals, but of those who were cut off when young, or in the prime of

their existence.

In the osteology of the camel there are certain distinctive marks, which

at once separate it from the true Ruminantia, laying aside the peculiarities

of the cervical vertebrae, in the absence of perforations for the vertebral

arteries in their transverse processes, which, with the atlas excepted, is

universal in the family, and separates it not only from the Ruminants, but

from all other existing Mammalia. There are two very simple points of

difference, which can never be mistaken by the most careless observer,

the 1st, being the want of anchylosis in the lower extremities of the

metatarsal and metacarpal bones,---that of the camel exhibits itself in a

cleft or separation of the two bones, to a distance of two or three inches

from the articulating surface, whilst the same bones of the Ruminants are

perfectly undivided : and, secondly, in the marked distinction existing in the

carpal bones of the camel, in the separation of the scaphoid and cuboid,

these two bones being joined together in the true Ruminantia.

Of these metatarsal and metacarpal bones, we have forwarded specimens

both to the British Museum and to the Geological Society of London,

extracted from the lower beds of the Sewalik strata, as well as from the

sandstone rock; numerous other specimens of the same family have also

been sent to England the more perfect remains of crania being still in

our possession, although ultimately intended for the British Museum.

The most valuable remains of Camelidz, which have as yet been dis-

covered in those hills, and which were figured in the Transactions of the

Bengal Asiatic Society, were dug out in my presence. The stratum in which

they were found consisted of a sandy clay, inclined at an angle to the

horizon of about 20 degrees, the position about half a mile north-east of the

622 Fossil remains of Camelide of the Sewaliks. [No. 102.

village of Moginund, which lies at the foot of the range, and the elevation

about 4 or 500 feet above that village. These fossils were removed by a

working party over whom I was standing, and taken to my camp imme-

diately afterwards; there can be no demurrer on their being fossil remains,

for even had they not been exhumed before me, their state of fossilization

is a proof of their not having belonged to the existing family; and the

position in which I found them was such, that laying aside their being -

a part of an inclined stratum of rock, no camel of the present day, at least,

could have reached such an awkward locality, the excavation having taken

place at the head of a deep ravine, terminating in a slip, in a wild preci-

pitous region, far away from the habitation of man, and far removed from

even the grazing ground of village cattle.

In the paper above referred to, certain specific differences are noted

between the fossil and existing camel, which a fortiori establish the dis-

covery of the animal in the former state; as these appear to have been

overlooked by Lord Brougham, I will, in referring your readers to the

memoir in question, note, that the most remarkable points of dissimilitude

were in that portion of the cranium connected with the lower jaw, the

breadth between the articulating or glenoid surfaces for the condyles of

the latter, being much greater than that in the animal now existing---a

peculiarity not confined to one solitary specimen, but common to others,

amongst which was a very perfect cranium of a second species, for which

we proposed the name of C. antiquus, procured from the sandstone strata.

With the marked difference above alluded to, it was natural to expect

some modification in form to the condyles and rami of the lower jaw;

in this we were not disappointed; the obliquity of the ascending branches

similar to that of the ox, their form, and the excess of transverse diameter

of the condyle, were points of great difference between the fossil and

living animal; and in total correspondence with the peculiarities of the

cranium ; it will be observed, that the difference of structure in the skull

is by no means of trifling importance, and as far as the subject of this

paper is concerned, is evidence that the bones found by us could never have

been the remains of the animals now existing in India.*

That the camel lived at the same time with the Sivatherium, Anoptothce-

rium Simia, Hippopotamus, Rhinoceros, and with the very prototype of the

Crocodiles and Gurials now abounding in the great rivers and estuaries of

Modern India, there can be no doubt of, as far as the researches on the

Sewalik hills have exhibited proofs.

* At the lower extremity of the metatarsals and metacarpals the cleft appears to be somewhat

less in the fossil than in the existing camel; in the latter the separation of the points of articulation

is somewhat greater, a remark drawn from an inspection of a great number of fossil remains of

this part of the animal.

1840.| Fossil remains of Camelide of the Sewaliks. 623

As a fossil discovery, the camel is of great interest ; its position with regard

to the Pachydermata and Ruminants, is a link of a now broken chain. The

Sivatherium was one, and Mr. Owen’s Macrauchenia was another, to explain

the mystery, and add two links to a broken series. That future discovery

will tend still further to prove the wisdom of design as an inference, is borne

out, by every succeeding step in Paleentological Research.

Whether the camel has existed in an originally wild state in any period

within the historical era, is a question that has been argued at consider-

able length. The animalin a state of domestication is spoken of during the

early period of the Scriptural writings, and by subsequent authors at all

periods of history; it is mentioned by Strabo and Diodorus Siculus, as having

been found in a wild state in Arabia about the commencement of the

Christian era.

Pallas who argues on the evidence of the Tartars, that the wild camel is

found in Central Asia, is met by Cuvier in the well known fact, of the

Culmuks being in the habit of giving liberty to all sorts of animals on

religious principles: the natives of Hindostan, who act in the same way,

and are guided by similar motives, have in their affection for the cow and

Ox, given rise to a race of wild cattle perfectly distinct from those of the

forest. In the districts of Akbarpoor and Dostpoor, in the province of

Oude, large herds of black oxen are, or were, to be found in the wild and

uncultivated tracts; a fact to which I can bear testimony from my own

personal observation, having in 1821 come in contact with a very large

herd of these beasts, of which we were only fortunate enough to kill one,

their excessive shyness and wildness preventing us from a near approach

at any second opportunity. The wild horses of Southern America, are

another proof of the tendency of animals to congregate in herds, and

assume the character of originally wild animals, although properly the

offspring of domesticated cattle set at liberty ; the proof, however, after all,

is merely in the possibility of domesticated animals being able to return

again to a state of nature, and assume the functions of their primitive

designation.

The object of this paper is merely to establish the fact of the camel

_ having been found in a fossil state in the Sewalik hills, the identification

_ being more complete perhaps than that of any other of the numerous

genera and species which these hills have made us acquainted with.

_ Judging from the number of the remains of this family in our collections,

the camel could not have existed in great abundance, and their proportion

to the true Ruminants, must have been comparatively small.

Northern Doab,

Sept. 8th, 1840.

624 Fossil remains of Camelide of the Sewaliks. {No. 102.

Nore.---Professor Wilson’s work, compiled from the papers of Messrs.

Morecroft and Trebeck is not procurable in Calcutta, or I should cite, on

better authority than mere recollection, Mr. Trebeck’s mention of the wild

camel as now existing. I regret exceedingly I did not take a note of the

passage which occurs in Mr. Trebeck’s journal of a tour in Sadakh, and

which mentions the confines of the great Tartaric plain as the alleged

tract in which the camel is still found in a state of nature. The question

is one on which even Gibbon’s immense reading (Miscell. Works. vol. 1.)

throws no light beyond the caution of the authority of Diodorus Siculus, as

noted by Capt. Cautley (Lib. i. Capt. 44.) The only copy of Professor

Wilson’s work that I have seen or heard of in India, was in the possession

of Sir Alex. Burnes, who while at Simla sent it to me.

Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

( Wednesday Evening, 2nd September, 1840.)

Dr. John Grant, Senior Member, in the chair.

Major Raw inson, Political Agent at Candahar, proposed at the last Meeting, was

elected a Member of the Society.

The Secretary shewed to the Meeting an Astrolobe which had been prepared at

Benares for Mons. Théroulde. 3

The following gentlemen were then proposed as Members,

M. P. Epcreworts, Esq. Capt. W. Lovepay, ditto.

Capt. T. Hurton, 37th Regt. N. I. Dr. J. D. D. Hasercin.

Captain Kitroz presented to the Society the egg of an Alligator, and the egg of

the Caprimulgus (rarely found), with some specimens of precious serpentine found

near Sumbhulpore.

Several papers were submitted to the Society, which either have appeared, or are in

course of preparation for the Journal; two Reports by the late Dr. HeLrer, on the

Mergui Archipelago, were among these.

Specimens of the Ground Fish of the eastern part of Bengal were presented by

— White, Esq. of Kishnaghur, they were dug up from a depth of twelve feet below

the surface of the earth in Nuddeea. For notice of this fish, vide Asiatic Society’s

Journal vol. viii. p. dol.

A model of a Monster communicated by Colonel CauLFiEeLp, Resident at Luck-

now, was made over to the Medical College.

A letter was read from Professor WiLson, stating that arrangements have been

made for preparation of the bust of our late Secretary Mr. James Prinsep; thanks of

the Society were voted to Professor WiLson, for having thus anticipated the wishes of

the Society.

ee OO ae ee

1840.) . Asiatic Society. 625

A letter from Professor Lassen, of Bonn, was read, acknowledging the receipt

of several numbers of the Journal, and offering to dispose of any Sanscrit works

the Society might think proper to send to Bonn for sale ;—transferred to the Committee

of Papers. ;

Specimens of Fossil Alcyonites from Girhur, a village about 40 miles from Nagpore,

were submitted by Dr. Spitspury of Jubbulpore, with extract from a Madras

paper noting the experiment performed by ParkINson on similar fossils, viz. immer-

sion in diluted muriatic acid, which having removed about a quarter of an inch

of the substance of the fossil, enabled the observer to perceive with a lens of moderate

power, several cruciform spines, formed, as it were, by two fusiform bodies crossing

each other at right angles; he supposes from their having withstood the action of the

muriatic acid, that these bodies, which were originally the spines of the animal, are

now formed of hydrophanous chalcedony, and imbedded in a matrix of carbonate

of lime, which has pervaded or supplied the place of the soft spongious parts.

‘* I placed one of these alcyonites,’’ says Dr. Spitspury, ‘ in diluted muriatic

acid, which produced exactly the effect described in the paper above quoted, and with

the magnifying glass, the silicious radiz from a centre became very apparent.’’

A communication was read from A. Grant, Esq. Magistrate of Delhi, announcing

his having dispatched to the Society a case of forged seals discovered among the ruins

near the town, by a party of prisoners while at work there. ‘They purported to be the

seals of most of the persons of note who held authority during the decline of the Mogul

Empire, and must have been used in the fabrication of false sunnuds, deeds, and

warrants. This curious collection has since been received and lodged in the Museum.

A lithograph, prepared by the celebrated Ritter, shewing the altitude of the snow

line throughout Asia, was presented to the Society by Dr. Jamrzson, of Umballah,

with a promise of communications on the result of recent observations by him upon

the formation of the Himalyas.

The Officiating Secretary informed the Society that the letter press of Ritter’s Sections

was in progress of translation, and that the whole should appear in the Journal.

A communication from the Rev. Professor Street, of Bishop’s College, with extracts

from a manuscript in the Library of the College by Fra Gruseper Da Rovato, was

read to the Society. The manuscript, dating from 1755, contained with various miscel-

laneous notices, on Hindoo Mythology and Literature, a notice of some of the antiqui-

ties which had struck the Rev. gentleman; among others, the following notice of the

well known columns in Tirhoot, by which it would appear that both the columns had

then, when Fra Griuseprx examined them, the figure of a lion on their capital.

‘In regnis ergo Bettie duas ego vidi columnas, in duas provincias differentes, que

“quidem eequales sunt, ex integro et solo lapide, habentes altitudinis viginti septem

“‘cubitos supra terram, et septem in circumferentia, cum supraposito proportionato

*‘Leone. Inutraque columna ex eodem charactere quasi eadem videntur esse verba.

**Quas litteras ego retraxi, et misi ad diversa loca, sed nemo potuit neque intelligere

‘‘neque legere; non sunt litters Indian, neque ultramontanz, sunt ex aliquo Greco

‘quia multee litteree sunt de Greco Alphabeto, alique vero non. In fine vero descrip-

*‘tionis legitur in Arabico Idiomate ‘““* * * * primus minister magui Alexandri

‘ferexit:’? nomen vero non bené legitur.”’

The writer of the manuscript was a member of the Roman Catholic Mission in

Nipal and Thibet from 1769 to 1787, about which time the monastery was pillaged

626 Asiatic Society. _ fNor oe.

and the Mission ejected by the Goorkahs, then extending their conquests in every

direction. The greater part of the Library, attached to the Mission was, the Officiating

Secretary observes, brought off to Katmandhoo, and preserved there with great

care. Mr. Hopason, he believed, and Mr. Ross BEt1t, while Assistant Resident there, |

had succeeded in obtaining many of the books so preserved.

Captain Burt’s Letter, with facsimile of a new Asoka edict, was submitted to the

Society. This interesting relic is published in the present number (102) of the Journal.

A Skeleton of a Cobra Capella, beautifully prepared by M. BoucuEz, was on

the table for the inspection of the Meeting.

For all the above contributions and presentations, the thanks of the Society were

accorded, and the meeting broke up considerably after 10 o’clock, P. m.

The Geographical notice of Seistan had been for some time in print,

when I learned the death of its author, who was killed by a shot from

the Fort of Tootumdurrah in the Kohat, north of Cabul, during the attack

on that place under Sir R. Sale. Capt. Conotty was, as a member of our

Society, energetic, and indefatigable in research, not only as regards the

study of Indian antiquities, but with respect to all subjects coming under

his observation, whence he conceived himself capable of deriving and

supplying useful information. The Society will, I am sure, regret the

loss of one of their body, whose merits, as an officer, are worthily noted in

the annexed Extract from a letter to Major General Sir Willoughby

Cotton, G.C.B. dated 26th October, 1840, which has been most kindly

supplied at my request from the Political Secretariat Office.

“The Governor General in Council has learned with much regret the

“death of Captain Epwarp Conotty of the 6th Light Cavalry, Commandant

‘of the Escort of the Envoy and Minister, whose zeal and spirit placed him

‘as a volunteer under the immediate fire of the place. The service has,

““by this casualty, been deprived of an active and enterprising officer, whose

“energy and intelligence, as exhibited on every opportunity afforded for

“their exertion, gave promise of distinction to himself, and advantage to

“the Government he served.”

Putting private feelings aside, I could not, as editing this Journal, refrain

from recording the loss which it has sustained in one of its most zealous and

efficient contributors, who, though prematurely cut off, died at any rate a

soldier’s death, and in his duty.